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P>Y WILLIAM S. JONES
Chronicle ansi Sentinel.
APGUJSTA. SA'
TUESDAY MORNING, ..... BBFTi »3.
SAMUEL BARNETT, Associate Editor,
Dr. Lieber’s Address.
We call attention to the extracts from the
address of this learned scholar and profonnd
thinker. They furnish us with theviewß of a
man whose memory is t store house of know*
ledge, not less universal then his own “Ency
clopaedia Americana,” and who is not more
thoronghly versed in the facts than in the phi*
losophy of history.
Singular Circumstance.
We cannot bat consider it a very singular
and remarkable circumstance, that while en
gaged in discussions with the Chronicle by
name, on a variety of other subjects, the Con
stitutionalist & Republic has never bad its
attention called to our attacks on its course
upon the territorial questions; nor indeed to our
attacks on its general course in relation to the
Compromise.
Os what explanation does this fact admit?
We wonder if that paper would take it upon
itself to deny either of the two following pro
positions :
Ist. THAT THE SETTLEMENT OP THE
NEW MEXICO AND UTAH QUESTIONS,
(TWO OP THE GRIEVANCES NOW COM
PLAINED OP) WAS IN STRICT CONFORM*
ITY WITH THE DEMANDS OP THE DEMO.
CRATIC PAHTV OP GEORGIA, AND MORE
ESPECIALLY OP THE CONSTITUTIONAL
IST ITSELF.
2d. THAT THE CONSTITUTIONALIST
HAS SUPPORTED NOT THOSE MEASURES
ONLY, BUT EACH AND EVERY SOLITARY
MEASURE OP THE COMPROMISE.
We shall be on (he gut vive for the denial;
but fear that we shall look as long and vainly
as we have for its reply to the question so often
asked: “ Does the Southern Rights party pro
pose any redress for the past grievances of the
South; or any point of resistanoo to future
aggressions? and if so, what?”
Abolition Outrage.
A horrible aflray occurred in Chester Coun
ty, Pennsylvania,on the 10th inst., between a
mob of abolitionists and negroes on the one
side, and the United States Marshal, together
with the owner of two fugitive slaves, and his
friends, on the other. Mr. Gorsuch, the own
er of the slaves, was killed, and several of his
party dangerously wounded. Three of the
miscreauts who mada the attack upon the
Marshal and his company were shot, and two
have since died. Fifty-one arrests have been
made of parties implicated, and a reward of
SIOOO offered for tho apprehension and con
viction of the murderers. We trust that the
guilty will atone with their lives—so far as
atonement can be made —for this gross and
diabolical outrage.
It is a case in which feeling and judgement
unites in demanuing that the terrors of the law
should be displayed, and its majesty vindicat
ed. Tho blood of the murdered mao calls not
more loudly for vengeance, than do the faith
of the Government, and the provisions of
the law.
Cobb sad the Committees.
The former editor of the Constitutionalist,
and the editor of the Republic, now co-editors
of the Constitutionalist St Republic, are in a
snarl on the point of Mr. Cobb’s appointment
of the Committees. It is better to fight
each other than for the Constitutionalist to
fight itself. The arrangement now established
between the two is admirable. Tired of
making war upon his own opinions, the Con
stitutionalist has engaged the services of the
Republic to discharge that disagreeable duty
The article in which Mr. Cobb wa3 considered
to have brought neither injury nor danger
upon the South, by the appointment of < ne
free soiler upon each of the Committees, was
written by the Constitutionalist. The article
in which Mr. Cobb so arranged the commit
tees as to force those who would enlighten the
public mind “to send the poison with theneces
sary means of public enlightenment,” by ap
pointing a majority of freo sailers on the Com
mittee, was written by the Jlepublic.
A very pretty quarrel. Had not the co edi
tors belter spend a little time in consultation,
and looking over eaoh other a editorials before
publication? Or have we hit upon the cor
rect solution of their couc&etion, in consider
ing it an arrangement by which each can war
against the former hiresioc of the other—and
say the writer of this was not the writer of
that7
Office Board or Health, \
Augusta, Sept. 23,1851. $
Since my report on the 16th inst., no new
cases either of Small Pox or Varioloid have
occurred. The two cases of varioloid men*
tioued in my last report are now well.
Wu. E. Dxaring,
Chairman Board Health.
Latxr from Havana. —The mail schooner
Chatham, Captain Gladden, arrived at Savan
nah on Saturday from Havana, via Key West.
She left the former place on the 12tb, and the
latter on the 13th inst., bnt has experienced
heavy weather on her passage, whioh has caus.
ed her detention. The editors of the Savan
nah Republican have been informed by Capt.
Gladden, that there was no news of importance
in Havana at his departure, the city being
quiet and business getting brisk again.
The Chatham’s mails arrived here y esterday
by the Calhoun, and we have received our
usual favor from Key West correspondent,
which we subjoin, as also files of (ha Gaceta
de la Habana to the 11th inst, inclusive. The
latter contain, however, but few items of aoy
interest to oar readers. One thousand dollars
has been paid to each of the sixteen individuals
who captured Lopez ; and $60,473.71 had
been contributed for the relief of the families
of the deceased and wounded soldiers in the
battles with Lopez. A benefit, also, was given
at the Tacon Theatre for the sufferers whioh
produced #8,068.46. Promotions and crosses
of honor have been profusely distributed to
to those engaged in the different battles. A
grand le Deum was given on the 7tb, in honor
of the deceased, and a review took place in
the afternoon, at which the Captain General
in person decorated the honored individuals
with crosses, in the name of her majesty, in
recompense for their valor and loyalty. Don
Francisco Gonzales Gorantez, and Don Jose
Meza have beep outlawed for secreting arms,
and are called upon to deliver themselves up
to justice.
Secession.
Extracts from the address of Professor
Francis Liebbr, read to the Union Conven
tion in Greenville, South Carolina, July 4th,
1851«
• • * • •
“ Yet there are those in this country who daringly
pretend to make light of the great boon received
from our fathers—of this, by far the greatest act of
our history—of that act, by which we stand forth
among the nations of the earth—the Union. There
have Seen patriots as devoted as ours—there have
been republics besides ours —there have been spread
ing nations like oars—there have been bold adven
turers pressing on into distant regions before ours—
there nave been confederacies in antiquity and
modern times, besides ours—but there has never
been a union of free States like oars, jeemented by a
united representation of the single States, and of the
people at large, woven together into a true Govern
ment like ours ; leaving separate what ought to be
separated, and yet uniting the whole by a broadcast
and equal representation, changing with the chang
ing population, so that we cannot fall into a dire
Peloponesian war, in which Athens and Sparta
struggled for the leadership ; that internecine war
into which all other confederacies have fallen, and
in which they have buried themselves under their
own ruins, unless they had slowly glided into Bub
mission to one Holland, or one Austria, or one
Berne. Many federations indeed have had to bsar
the larger part of both the evils.
There are those who pretend to make light of the
Union; there are those wiio wilfully shut their eyes
to the many positive blessings she has bestowed
upon us, and who seem to forget that the good, which
the Union with her Supreme Court, or any other
vast und lasting institution bestows upon men, con
sists as much in preventing evils, as in showering
benefits into our laps. There aro those who will
not see or hear wbat is happening before oar own
eyes in other countries—in Germany, for instance—
that living, yet bleeding, ailing, writhing, humbled
commentator on Disunion. Ah! fellow-citizens,
you can but fear, and justly fear, that of disunion
which I know. With you the evils of disunion are
happily but matters of apprehension; with me uu
bappily, matters of living knowledge. I am like
a man who knows the plague, because be has been
in the East where he witnessed its ravages; you
only know it from description, and easily miy it be
understood why I shudder when I hear persons
speak of the plague with trifling flippancy, or court
ing the appalling distemper to come and make its
pleasant home among us, as a sweet blessing, which
Providence has never yet vouchsafed to us.
There are those who seem to imagine, that the
Union might be broken op and anew confederacy
be foimed, with the ease and precision with which
the glazier breaks his brittle substance along the
line which his tiny diamond haa drawn—forgetting
ihat no great institution, nnd, least.of all, a country,
has ever broken up or can break up in peace, and
without a struggle commensurate to its own magni
tude ; and that, when vehement passion dashes
down a noble mirror, no one oan hope to gather a
dozen well-framed looking-glasses from the ground.
Th"«reare those «van who *«—• *•-- *' /
wnicu me Union will split, are ready marked like
the groved lines in some soft substance, intended
from the beginning, to be broken into parts for ulti
mate use. There are those who speak of the
remedy of secession—a remedy, as amputation
would be a remedy, indeed, to cure a troublesome
corn, or as cutting one’s throat would remedy a mi
graine.
There are those even, it seems to me, who have
first rashly conceived of secession as a remedy, and
now adhere to it as the end and object to be obtained,
whpn they are shown that it would not cure the
evils complained of, but, on the contrary, would
induce others, infinitely greater, and infinitely more
numerous. They fall into the common error of
getting so deeply interested in the means, that the
object, for the obtaining of which the means was
first selected, is forgotten. But though the error be
of daily occurrence, it is a fearful one in this case,
because the consequences would be appalling.
They almost remind us of those good people in Tus
cany, who had contracted so great a fondness for
St. Romauldus, that when the saint bad concluded
to remove (rom among them, resolved, in a grave
town meeting, to slay their patron saint, so that
they might have at least his bones, and worship
them as Bacred relics.
******
But does not the Constitution say that every pow
er not granted in that instrument, shall be reserved
for each State ? Assuredly it does. But this very
provision is founded upon the supposition of the exis
tence of two powers, the General and State Govern
ments. The Constitution is intended to regulate
the affairs between them ; secession, however, anni
hilates one party—the General Government —so far
as the seceding State is concerned. Tbe supposition
that the Constitution itself contains a tacit acknowl
edgment of the right of secession, would amount to
an assumption that a principle of self-destruction
had been iafusoci by its own makers into the very
instrument which constructs the Government. It
would amount to much the same provision which
was contained in the first democratic constitution of
Prance, namely, that if the government acts against
the law, every citizen has the duty to take up arms
against it. This was indeed, declaring that govern
ment a Jacobinical democracy, tempered by revolu
tion, as a writer has called Turkey a despotism,
tempered by regicide.
And can we imagine that men so sagacions, so far
seeing on the one hand, and so thoroughly sch oted
by experience on the other, as the framers of oiir Con
stitution were, have just omitted, by some oversight,
to speak on so important a paint 1 ? One of the great
est jurists of Germany, said to be at Frankfort, when
the constituent parliament was there assembled, of
which he was a member; —“The more I study your
Constitution, the more I am amazed at the wise fore
cast of its makers, and manly forbearance which
prevented them from the entering into any unnecessa
ry details, so easily embarrassing at a later period.”
They would not deserve this praise, or in fact, our
respect, had they been guilty of a neglect sued os
has been supposed. Can we, in our sober senses, im
agine that they believed in the right of secession,
when they did not even stipulate a fixed time neces
sary to give notice of a contemplated secession, whan
they knew quite as well as we do that not even a
common treaty of offence and defence—no, not even
one of trade and amity ; is ever entered into by in
dependent powers, without stipulating the period
which must elapse between informing the other par
ies of an intended withdrawal, and the time when it
actually can take p ace; and when they knew per
fectly well that unless such a provision is contained
in treaties, all international iaw interprets them as
perpetual? When they knew that net even two
merchants join in partnership, without providing for
the period necessary to give notice of an intended
dissolution of the house. It seems to me preposterous
to suppose it. The absence of all mention of seces
sion must be explained on the same ground on which
the omission of parricide in the first Roman penal
laws was explained —no one thought of such a deed.
Those whoso carefully drew up our Constitution,
cannot be blamed for not having thought of this extrav
agance, because it had never been dreampt of in any
confederacy, ancient, medieval or modern. Never
has there existed an arohiteet ro presumptuous as to
consider himself able to build an arch equal to its
purpose and use, yet each stone of whioh should be
so loose that it might ba removed at any time, leaving
a sort of abstract arch fit to support abstractions only
—as useful a reality as a knife would be without a
blade, and of which the handle is missing. 1 *
Louisville, Sept. 16. —A. terrible fire is now
raging hereon the Sooth aide of Main street,
near the corner of Seoond street.
AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 24, 1851,
I The commission house of B. O. Davis, and
the Galt House are* in flames. The firemen
are using strenous efforts to cheek the progress
of the conflagration.
The Postmaster General haa ordered the
mail between New York and Philadelphia to
be conveyed by the Amboy route during the
interruption on the regular line, occasioned
by the burning of the Hackensack bridge.
This change of route, requiring the departure
of the mail from New York an hour earlier
than usual, will probably break the connexion
of the afternoon Boston mail; but the incon
venience will be of short duration, as the
communication across the Hackensack will
soon be restored.— Nat. Intelligencer.
For the Chronicle ts- Sentinel.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
I have, fellow-ciizens, in the few remarks
which lam about to make to you, no design to
attempt to mislead any. I desire the opportuni
ty of giving, with all due respect to all who
may ehoose to differ with me, a plain statement
of the influences which are operating upon my
mind, in the course which I have resolved on
pursuing in the contest, which is at present going
on in the State of Georgia. With me there is
no personal ambition to be gratified in the event
of success to the principles I advocate—no
longings for place or power, urge mo on to say
that calculated to present a false or one sided
view. I may be mistaken in the conclusions to
which I have arrived —my anxiety for the future
may hare been the means of misleading me with
regard to the present, but, if I err it will be some
slight satisfaction to know, that I err with many
of the greatest, the wisest and tho beat in our
State.
I stand upon the platform of the American
Union, supported and upheld by the American
Constitution. It is there, I take my position,
and there I hope to remain, as long as a South
ern man can remain with gratification and honor.
That Constitution is not a rope of sand to be
blown away by every passing breeze —but it is a
band of burnished steel, binding together a
brave, a generous, and a free people. Fanaticism
may have its followers in various quarters of this
confederacy—it may even hold undisputed sway
over the whole of a particular section; but that
its attractions are so strong, that its features are
so enticing, as to draw within its influence a
majority of the intelligent and far seeing people
of Georgia, is an assertion which I will never ad
mit to be true. It is an undeniable fact, that there
arc in the ranks of the party, which is led by the
avowed advocates of disunion, many honest,
high-minded, well meaning men. These are
the tnen who would scorn to be found co-oper
ating towards the triumph of measures designed
to disturb the public peace and tranquility, were
they convinced that such must be the result of
their successful exertions. They are excited by
the artfulness of disappointed ambition—they
are urged on by men, who, well knowing the
uselessness of their endeavors to rule over a
people awakened to their unpatriotic designs,
would cast principle and humanity to the winds,
aud impel the whole country to ruin. Reason
must disabuse the minds of such men. of anv
n iiii.il mey may enterTain —reflection
cannot fail of bringing them to the point, where
the mists of passion will no longer avail in hi
ding the light.
The questions before the people of Georgia at
the present time, are the identical questions
which were before them previous to the election
for delegates to the State Convention, held in
Milledgeville on the 11th of December last.
Congress has not been in session, and therefore
there has been nothing done by that body, at
which we have any reason to complain. Since
the assembling of that Convention, nothinghas
occurred lo change the aspect of affairs in the
slightest degree. Our situation, then, is precise
ly the same. Both flags were then flung to the
breeze —one was the banner of Union, the other
of Secession. The forces of both parties were
arrayed for peaceful conflict at the bailot-box.
There was then no attempt made by the disun
ioniststo disguise the position they had as
sumed, they boldly came forth and asked you to
elect their candidates, and thus declare your wil
lingness to secede from the Union. Their press
es made the same assertion —their orators made
the same speeches. The election came off, and
what was the result 7 The majority for the
Union was unexampled in the catalogue of ma
jorities in Georgia. It was a worse than Waterloo
defeat. It was a firm, a noble expression of
your determination not to dissolve this confeder
acy lor what had been done.
The delegates to that Convention met for de
liberation. Many of them were men of the
highest character for learning, intelligence, integ
rity and information —men to whose judgment
and patriotism we could safely trust. They were
Georgians—their stake, their hope, their all was
here. By electing them, you bid declared your
confidence in the purity of their intentions, and
your willingness to confirm and abide by the de
cision to which they should arrive. The com
promise measures of the last Congress were ful
ly considered by them ; they viewed with calm
ness and deliberation the state of the country and
the probable effect the result of their communion
would have upon the future. They presented you
their conclusions in a document which for ability
and reason has no superior in the State. Their po
sition was firm, manly, and consistent—their ar
guments were unanswerable—their deductions
were true. They established the Geoboia Plat*
fobm— a platform upon which we can all meet
honorablyand securely. It is a gallant defence
of our rights and principles—is an unwavering
declaration of the route we have marked out for
guidance. They expressed their willingness to
abide by the compromise so long as it was res
pected and adhered to by the people of the North
and West. Then having performed the duty to
which you had appointed them, they retired to
their several homes, leaving to you the obligation
of re-asserting their doctrines and ratifying their
acts.
You have beheld their labors, fellow citizens,
and at the election which is now close at hand,
will you not take a pleasure in pronouncing them
good ? You elected those men for a particular
purpose—you sent them to Milledgeville to act
in your behalf, having previously pointed out to
them the course which they were to pursue.
They have obeyed your instructions to the re
motest tittle. They have shed new honors upon
you—they have exalted your character for jus
tice and intelligence in the eyes of men to a
greater extent than it has ever been exalted be
fore. Will you not then cheerfully award your
meed of approbation to them ? Can you .refuse
to ratify those acts which you almost unanimous
ly directed and enjoined 1 It is not possible that
without the slightest cause for so tremendous a
change, you can, after the lapse- of but a few
fleeting months, reverse all the opinions which
in November, 1850, you so deliberately entert
ained.
The preservation of the union of these States
is all important to the continuance of our privi
leges ana liberties. A dissolution would be tan
tamount to a declaration that a people are unable
to govern themselves. Never did the old axiom
meeta more appropriate application, “In Union
there ie Strength.” Never at any period in the
history of ouroountry had we so great cause to
stand firm as we have at the present. The cri
sis will speedily have passed. The assaults now
matting upon our Institutions will presently
cease. The waves of passion and prejudice will
become calm, and our laud will press on in her
career of prosperity, and glow with renewed vig
or. These trials and dangers are npcessary to
oux existence— they are absolutely necessary to
our security. They have the same effect upon
our minds, that a thunder storm has upon the
air of a hot sultry day, purifying and making It
invigorating and refreshing. We come forth
from these dangers with a strange feeling of
happiness at the nobler position we occupy
among men—with a sterner resolution to strive
unwearyingly in the great cause of liberty
and right. It is our privilege to differ among
ourselves on matters of secondary importance,
but let unholy hands once be laid upon the ark
of our salvation, and but one spirit animates
our bosoms—but one arm is stretched forth to
preserve and direct.
But let us come to the consideration of other
matters which may not lightly be passed over.
Let us ask ourselves the question, "iB our pre
sent situation of no interest to others than the
people of our own land ?” If we find that a
foreign anxiety is existent, let usinquire whether
that anxiety is for our preservation or destruction.
One or the other it must be. Our arrival at a
satisfactory answer to these questions must
have an immense influence upon our future line
of conduct.
I affirm that a foreign interest does exist, and
that that interest Is averse to our continuance as
a free and independent people. It is manifested in
a variety of ways, in so glaring a manner, that
he who cannot perceive it, must be doubiy blind.
That aversion to our republican government is
shown by the most powerful foreign government
on earth—England. Circumstances may have
conspired hitherto to prevent as open a display
of her hostility as she was desitous of making,
but the fire, though in a measure concealed, is
there and only waits a fitting opportunity to
burst into a blaze. Can any reasonable man,
acquainted with her and our history for long past
years, deny this ? While we are in a slate of full
health and vigor, the smallest headway against
us is impossible, her commercial advantages
would prevent an attempt by her. But shattered
into fragments—severed and worn down by the
force of internal contention, and we present as
fair a field for her operations as she could possi
bly desire. A glorious prey for the spoilers I
a rich reward for the hand of unprincipled ambi
tion to grasp i Be it the end of our exertions
to prevent so awful a calamity—be it our aim to
maintain our pre-eminence in the catalogue of
nations, and the pride of American Freemen
will still guard us as it has guarded us before,
from a descent into the depths yawning before
our e>ws.
But if I had no evidence that it is and has
been from the foundation of this government, the
earnest intention of the British government .to
dissolve or urge on by every means in her power
the dissolution of the American Union, and to
finally reduce our country into a servile depen
dence upon her, I should still as firmly believe
this to be the fact. The American colonics were
the brightest jewels in the British crown—the
most exalted expectations of their eventual use
fulness were entertained by the people of En
gland previous to the Revolution—the most vi
olent arid bitter war of words was carried on in
Parliament in relation to thorn. Immense sums
to be derived from us were to flow into the
treasury of the crown; we were in a great meas
ure to relieve the English people from the enor
mous load of taxation under which they were
, laboring. Our destiny was foretold, and it was
only by the unparalelled exertions of our coun
trymen, whose sense of justice would not allow
them to remain submissive to an oppressive rule,
that the prediction was not fulfilled. The result
of the Revolutionary War was a terrible blow to
that overbearing power whose prominent object
was the bringing the entire world under Its do
minion and influence. It engendered the most
hitter feel 4 ** =•“ mao wuimj. iuurimcu
non at ineir defeat has rankled in the bosoms of
tho English leaders from that day to this, and
It is only now giving way, in part, to a still more
violent feeling of jealousy, as they witness the
tremendous strides we are making in all the em
ployments which honor human nature—strides
which are unparalleled in the history of any na
tion since the creation of the world. In view
of these circumstances, is it reasonable to sup
pose that England looks upon us with the slight
est sentiment of regard I— that she has our pos
terity in the smallest degree at her heart 1 Will
any man possessed of the most shallow acquain
tance with the facts, believe for one moment
that it would not afford her the intensest grati
fication to witness the failure of Republican
Government wherever it may be attempted 7
that it would not gloat with the malignity of a
fiend over our downfall? I do,not give her credit
for so great a disinterestedness—as an Ameri
can and a friend of those institutions which
have worked so well and so long, I dare not.
The main question which haß been presented
to my mind, and to which I have endeavored to
give all the attention I could, is “ Will the dis
solution of this Union benefit the South?”
This is a question of the greatest importance,
and should only be answered after patient inves
tigation of all the facts bearing upon it. We are
asked to rush hastily into the adoption of meas
ures antagonistic to the great conservative prin
ciple which is the foundation of our system of
government—we are enjoined to buckle on our
armor and hasten to the fight without inquiring
into the cause of quarrel—we are shown the
enemy and told to meet them without being
informed of the real aggression we have to com
plain of at the hands of that enemy. This
course may do for a people bound to the car of a
despotism—for a people who have so long been
sunk in ignorance that they have lost all know
ledge of an existence more honorable to the spirit
of men, but it will never do lor those who are
capable of j udging forthemselves—it cannot ac
tuate Americans who are resolved on maintain
ing the position they have so gloriously acquired
if it can be done with honor. The distinguish
ing characteristic of our people is not excitability,
as is the case with the French—the surface may
be slightly ruffled, but the depths remain undis
turbed. There always are calm, thinking,in
vestigating minds enough to control the impul
sive portions of our communities, and the most
violent blusterer and brawler in the country
has but tho privilege which belongs to the
meekest, of depositing one vote in the Ballot
bos, that rectifier of our evils and guardian of
our rights and liberties.
The principal object we of the South have in
view—indeed, as we have seen, all other con
siderations have been lost sight of in the discus
sion now going on before you—is the preserva
tion of the institution of slavery. This is a
topic which has absorbed everything else—it is of
so paramount an interest and importance that
in comparison with it all other political matters
are worthy of little notice. We have this insti
tution now among us—it is flourishing—we have
found it to our great interest to continue and
extend it so far as lay in our power—it is our
deßire that it may still farther succeed. Our
energies are bant to its preservation, and it re
quires the taxation of those energies to the ut
most for that purpose, as we stand in a peculiar
position. We are in this regard isolated from
the rest of the civilised world. England would
rejoice at the opportunity to wrest from our pos
session this great source of our prosperity —
nothing would afford her greater delight than to
be the means of depriving us of an institution
which has contributed so powerfully to our
advancement. It then becomes our sacred duty
to consider earnestly but calmly the various
measures which it is proposed we should adopt,
to the end that we may arrive at a correct con
clusion after a complete understanding. We
are too prone to take for granted whatever we
hear asserted, and upon so exciting a subject as
is this, we are too much disposed to jump at the
most violent conclusion from the most shallow
premises. It is not an easy thing to
the public mind of prejudices which have once
been entertained—they must be clearly shewn to
be prejudices before that event can take place—
and even when so Shown, the combination of
pride and ignorance which so largely enters into
the composition of many, will prevent an ac
knowledgment of the error. .
It is surprising to me that men can believe
that a dissolution of this Union will strengthen
the Institution of Slavery in the Southern States.
We are now thirty-one sovereignties bound to
gether by the tie of confederation. Tear asun
der this bond and what is our situation 7
Many who are now our iriends in t hat event
would become our open enemies. They are now
disposed to favor and to aid us in the mainten
ance of our great principle, because we are all
members of the same great family—because we
are equally the recipients of the benefits which
their and our lathers bestowed upon us. De
stroy this magical bond, and henceforth we are
strangers to each other—they have no longer
anything with us in common. SurroundedTaa
we should be in a great measure, by free States,
peopled by men inflamed against us for oar
withdrawal from a great and prosperous govern
ment, and where is our security for the preser
vation of our property ? Would there ever be
a Fugitive Slave law then 7 Our slaves would
desert from the border States by thousand and
tens of thousands to the enemy, who would
receive them with open arms and quickly assist
them beyond our reach. The people of the
Southern border States are aware'of this, and
hence the extremely small favor they are disposed
to show what is called the Secession party. We
might declare war against the North and West
—we might even conquer them—but what good
would result 7 We should have to He down with
our armour on—to be eternally fighting for the
protection of one spesies of our property, while
all the other business in which we might be en
gaged would speedily go to ruin. It is impossible
that such a state of affairs could long continue.
We should stand alone- We could look to no
European powers for assistance, for we should be
battling in a cause to which all of them are op
posed. With an enemy at our own hearth
stones —with a foe staring us in the face on
whichever Bide we turned—l ask in all candor,
how could we under such circumstances retain
that wealih, that power and that prosperity
which we now possess in so eminent a degree 1
In my humble view they conld not be thus re
tained, and my reasons for such an opinion are
pre-eminently convincing to my own mind,
and I trust will not be without a proper influ
ence upon the minds of those whom 1 have the
i honor to address.
Rut suppose the Union as it now exists dis
solved, and a Southern Confederacy established
without opposition. Let us give the disorgani
zes the full result of their present desires, and
see how we shall stand. We are a people of di
versified interests—capital in one section has and
must have a competitor in another. Wealth
and labor are expended in a particular quar
ter for the advancement of a certain interest
—in another quarter as much wealth and labor
are employed by another class to favor a similar
interest. With each class, large numbers of in
fluential men are connected —many of them as
r unscrupulous as some of those now seeking to
i promote discord. The new compact is formed,
■ and the banner of the Southern Confederacy is
thrown out to the world. Now what guaranty
have we—what can we have, that the new coa*
i lition will be respected and observed for any
i certain period of time? Then, as now, the in
i terest of one State will clash with that of an
another, and the weaker State, imagining herself
• injured, and unable to cope in council with the
i stronger, will deeire to withdraw. A law may
i be enacted by a large majority of the representa
tives which may give serious offence to a portion
of the new- nation. Remonstrance being use
less, immediate resort would be had to arms.
The ball of dissatisfaction once started, and who
can predict whore it would stop 1 The spirit of
compromise—of conservatism —which so hap
pily now animates I hope and believe an im
mense majority of our countrymen, would be
'"•‘i »“** - or bitter jealousy und fault
finding take its place. One State would then
say to the remainder, “ you have injured us—
i you have refused to respect our rights—you
i have violated the compact we formed when our
new Union was created from the ruins of the old
i you have conspired to rob us of our privileges
—and now, defying you to your teeth, we de
clare our unalterable determination to secede
from your corrupt Union I ” What a state of
things would this be I and what a spectacle
would we present to the amazed world! The
United States, once the hope of the oppressed of
every foreign civilized land and the highest glory
of humanity, divided into half a hundred petty,
insignificant, powerless nations I A collection
of little governments—each opposed to the oth
er the butt and the scorn of all who now fear
and respect us I Truly should we be nations of
Ishmaelites, for our hand would be against evey
man, and every man’s hand would be against
us!
Our hope is in ourselves. Our safety is in our
intelligence. We know the evils from which we
hr ve escaped through the wonderful exertions
of our progenitors, and knowing those evils in
all their appalling magnitude, havo no afiection
for them. We are an educated—an enlightened
people. Our eyes are open to perceive the rocks
and shoals which surround us—our minds are
equal to the task of discovering the means of
escape from these manifold dangers. All that it
requires is that each friend of the American
Union in Georgia should bend his energies to the
task of throwing light upon the subject under
consideration. To you the moderate, conserva
tive, wise and just people of the country are
anxiously looking at the present time- They
are wating with intense interest to hear the ver
dict which you are about to render. The fate of
the Union may be in your hands. To every
one of you belongs a duty. Mine is nearly done.
The considerations which have been the means
of bringing me to my present conclusion I have
thought it my duty to present to you. They
may not be without their effect.
And now, people of Georgia, I ask you in all
sincerity, are you willing to consign your noble
State to the hands of men who would thrust her
to her ruin ? for, if my views are founded on
truth, inevitable ruin must be her fats should you
blindly resign her guardianship to these infatua
ted men. You have a territory which has been
bountifully blessed in the unerring wisdom of
Providence with everything that can contribute
to your wealth, your power and your comfort;
you have every variety of climate and every de
scription of soil. With every facility for Manu
facturing ; with every convenience for Travel
ling ; with every Educational advantage; with
every necessary for Agricultural purposes | with
every means of acquiring and disseminating in
formation on all matters which can contribute
to your amusement or add to your capabilities
for usefulness to your Iriends, yonr neighbors
and the generation which is to succeed you—l ask
you, can you consistently with your duty to this
noble State, transfer her destiny to men who
would cast her into the vortex of ruin ?—who
would throw a stumbling block in the way of her
prosperity and turn her triumphal march into an
inglorious retreat? Shall it be said of us, that we
aided in the destruction of a Union which many
of our ancestors purchased with their lives?
that we have voluntarily resigned our birthright,
and madly cast ourselves upon the waves of
chance? That we have relinquished our cer
tain advantages to follow in a chase for we know
not what, and of which no man knoweth anoth
er end• but disaster ? Shall our children in after
ages, bent beneath the yoke of a tyranical despo
tism, rise up and invoke curses upon our mem
ories for depriving them of the blessings which
we enjoyed and which we were bound by every
principle of justice and humanity to transmit
unimpared to them ? Shall it be said that un
satisfied with our unequalled position, we hur- ,
ried to our fall with the full knowledge of the <
fate awaiting us ? No, never, while you retain .
that character for discernment and well meaning <
which you have so long borne—never, white you s
possess tho true knowledge of your rights and 1
the ability to maintain them. A Gbobaian. 1
I
Dayton, Sent. 18.— The Cincinnati and “
Daytoa Railroad was opened to-day, and the
occasion has been one of great rejoicing. The ■
cars arrived here soon after IS o’clock, from r
Cincinnati, with a party of invited guests on
board, numbering upwards of 3000, and the
event has been aelebrated with unuaual fee
-1
VOLUME XV.—KO. 115-
tivity. Every thing passed off withont acci
dent. The road has been most substantially
constructed, and is in an exoellent condition.
- - j
Correspond mce of the Chronicle (f- Sentinel.
Thing* tn Philadelphia,
Philadelphia, Aug. 17,1861.
The news by the Europa has had no effeet
on the markets. Steamers are now suck
every day matters, that they can scaree create
a talk. A conspiracy had been discovered
in Paris whose objeot was a social revolution.
Arrest have been made and the exoitement
about the matter had passed away.
The Christiana tragedy isstill the subject of
conversation. The whole matter is under
going a vigorous and searching examination
before the United States Commissioner. As
was natural, both parties have seized upon it
to secure the current of public opinion.
Gov. Johnston has written a letter in answer
to inquiries made of him by certain citizens
of Philadelphia, by wnich it seems his friends
hope his cause will be much benefitted. So
far the whole matter has been mere twaddle.
The Schuylkill river from whioh the city is
supplied with water, has never been so low as
it is now. The superintendent of the oity
water works at Fairmount has forbidden wa
tering the streets or any other prodigal use of
the precious fluid, anti! farther notice. Rain
is very much needed.
Maretzek and his incomparable troupe,
give their first representation here on Monday
night next. The company has received nume
rous additions during the summer and the
musical public anticipate a rare treat. Maret
zek has many friends here and every where,
and his name is a sure guarantee of a fulfill
ment of hiß contract with the public.
Edwin Forrest made his appearance at the
Broadway Theatre last Monday evening, after
a silence of two years. He was cordially re
ceived by the public, and at the close of the
performances, made the audience a speech,
rehearsing his domestic troubles, and abusing
all who had taken the part of his wife. Os
course the b’hoys greeted all such remarks
with enthusiastic applause. He will, J sup
pose, make the tour of the country, but
Srobably he will not find every place like
lew York
The depression in the Money market has,
as usual, affected real estate first. Specula*
tors begin to realize this and most of the towns
and cities already laid out on paper, will be
mere pictures for some time to come. But
those concerned shou'd not complain, for
much money has, within the last fw years
been accumulated for such operations.
ItissaH.tbat Adams & Co's. Express, the
last week, delivered $1,000,000 worth of gold
dust at the mint. Spectator.
Philadelphia, Sept. 18,1851.
The city now looks quite like itself. The
fall trade is over and the sellers now have no
thing to do but count their gains. The busi
ness streets are comparatively quiet, save
when, now and then, a "near trader” is seen
laying in his winter stock. Sales this season
have not boon as largo as was expected.
Many thought they foresaw the panio, and this
has begotten a prudent caution. Several houses
however, have they think laid a foundation
for a southern trade which heretofore has been
done in Boston.
Every thing tends now towards the election,
and the masses will not think of much else till
it is over. The democrats are confident of
eleoting Bigler, but are somewhat indoubt
about the Judicial Ticket. The county nomi
nations have been made throughout the state
and nothing remains to be done bat “to work.”
Every voter in Philadelphia will this year vote
for about thirty distinct officers. The Judge
ships for the courts, which belong to the oity
alone, and municipal officers greatly increase
the number cfcandidates for public favor.
Money is as scarce as ever. Good paper is
to be had at one to one and a half per cent, a
month and plenty of it at that.
Yesterday the house of Cheesebbrongh,
Stearns & Co. ofN. Y., failed; It is said for
$700,000. To day another failure for a greater
amount, is rumored.
Ship builders and others sre talking of ateam
ships for the Mediterranean. Turkey has
made heavy contracts for the construction of
vessels to connect the principal ports. A line
of ferry boats to connect Scutari and Top
Kaneh is on the tapis and will prove successful.
Europe and Asia will then be brought into
hourly com nunicat.on 11 Spectator.
Philadelphia, Sept. 19tb, 1851.
The intelligence of the arrival of $2,000,000
from California, has somewhat lightened the
hopes of those who were cast down in regard
to money matters. But it will require more
than this td put us oo foot again. This morn
ing a house regarded as strong aud safe as any
in the oity, has been compelled to oall its credi
tors together. When such things are happen-.
ing every day, we may well call these trying
times.
There is pretty good reason to believe that
Bishop Kendrick of this oitv, has been ap
pointed Archbishop of Baltimore in place of
the much lamented Eccleston. His many
friends here will be sorry to loose him. Few
men in the community are more universally
beloved and respected. The promotion, how
ever, is due his eharaoter as a man and a
scholar.
The unfortunate man Stookey was exeouted
to day, in New York. His comrade was yes
terday respiad by the Governor, who refused
to interfere in the case of Stookey.
It seems that the statement of the sale of the
yacht America for 7,000 younds, was prema
ture. She brought but 5,000, just what it post
to build her. Spectator.
___ MARRIED.
On the 18th inst., by Benjamin F. Latimer, Eaq.,
at Rock Mills Factory, Mr. Irvin Lovbt, of War
ren county, and Miss JAnb Bhook®, °f Hancock
county, formerly of Warren.
CONSIGNEES.
Per Georgia Steam P oo * Steamer Ten
nessee, with tow Boats Nos. 0 and 1, with Md se.
IT*. A. Moore, K Kitchen, Ivey A
Williams, Williams A Brother, Buford, Beall A
Co, W H Tutt, Lamback A Cooper, Barrett A
Carter, Baker A Hart, W J Owens, Lather Roll,
j B McDonald, Force A Co., Seymour, Ansley A
Co., P A Moiee, Hopkins, Kolb A Co., H Moon,
Aldrtoh A Royal, Wm Housley Jr., G W Ferry A
Co, Adams, Hopkins A Co., A Frederick, Robert
son A Crooker, Gould, BulkleyJA Co., Buetln A
Walker, Russell.& Witehead, M Jacobs A Co.
Wra Haines, J P Fleming, Haviland, Risley A Co.
Hickman, Wescott A Co., F A Brahe, Ja». Hope,
agent, W Wilkinson, Phinisy A Clayton, J ■
Uuieu A Jno. Bones.
TO DRHTKSTB.—We have on hand soma
large eases of Dental Instruments, good finish,
,nd adapted to almost every *
r 4 * '