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FRANCIS COGIN, Proprietors
GEO. T. JACKSON,)
*S“ Address all Letters to the Constitu
tionalist office, AUGUSTA, GA.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
7 the Senate and House of liepresentatices:
In submitting my seventh annual mes
sage to Congress in this centennial year of
our national existence as a free and inde
l*endent people, it affords me great pleas
ure to recur to the advancement that
has been made from the time of the colonies
one hundred years ago. We were then a
people numbering only three millions. Now
we number more than forty millions. Then
industries were confined almost exclusively
to the tillage of the soil. Now, manufac
tories absorb much of the labor of the
country. Our liberties remain unimpaired.
The bondsmen have been freed from slavery.
We have become possessed of the respect
if not the friendship of all civilized nations.
Our progress has been great in all the arts,
in science, agriculture, commerce, naviga
tion, mining, mechanics, law, medicine, etc.;
and in general education the progress is
likewise encouraging. Our thirteen States
have become thirty-eight, including Colo
rado, which has taken the initiatory steps
to become a State, and eight Territories,
including tho Indian Territory and exclud
ing Colorado, making a territory extending
from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
On the south we have extended to the
Gulf of Mexico, and iu the west from the
Mississippi to the Pacific. One hundred
years ago the cotton gin, the steamship, the
railroad, the telegraph, the reaping, sewing
and modern printing machines, and numer
ous other inventions of scarcely less value
to our business and happiness, were en
tirely unknown. In 1776 manufactories
scarcely existed, even in name, in all this
vast territory. In 1870 more than two
millions of persons were employed in manu
factories, producing more than $2,100,000,-
000 of products iu amount annually, nearly
equal to our national debt.
From nearly the whole of the jxipulation
of 177 H being engaged in the One Occupa
tion of agriculture, in 1870, so numerous
and diversified had liecome the occupation
of our people that less than six millions out
of more t ban forty millions were so engaged.
The extraordinary effect produced in our
country by a resort to diversified occupa
tions lias built a market for the products of
fertile lands distant from the seaboard
and the markets of the world. The
American system of locating various
and extensive manufactories next to the
plow and pasture, and adding connecting
railroads and steamboats, has produced in
our distant interior country a result notice
able by the intelligent portions of all com
mercial nations. The ingenuity and skill of
American mechanics have been demon
strated at home and abroad in a manner
most Hattering to their pride.
But for the extraordinary genius and
ability of our mechanics, the achievements
of our agriculturalists, manufacturers and
transpoiters throughojt the country would
have been impossible of attainment. The
progress of the miner has also lieen great.
Of coal, our production was small; now
many millions of tons are mined annually.
So with iron, which formed scarcely an ap
preciable part of our products half a century
ago, we now produce more than the world
consumed at the beginning of our national
existence. Lead, zinc and copper from be
ing articles of import, we may expect to be
large exporters ot iu the near future.
The development of gokl and silver
mines in the United States and Territories
has not only been remarkable, but has had
a large influence upon the business of all
commercial nations. Our merchants in the
last hundred years have had a success anil
have established a reputation for enterprise,
sagacity, progress and integrity unsur
passed by peoples of older nationalities.
This “ good mime" is not confined to their
homes, but goes out upon every sea and
into every port where commerce enters.
With equal pride we can point to our
progress in all of the learned professions.
As we are now about to enter upon our
second Centennial, commencing our man
hood as a nation, it is well to look back
upon ihe past and study what will be best
to preserve and advance our future great
nos-. From the fall of Adam, for his
transgression, to the present day no nation
has ever been free from threatened danger -
to its prosperity and happiness.
We should look to The dangers threaten
ing us. and remedy them so far as lies in
our power. YVq are a Republic whereof
one man is as good as another before the
law. Under such a form of government it
is of the greatest importance that all should
be possessed of education and intelligence
enough io cast a vote with a right under
standing of its meaning. A large associa
tion of ignorant men cannot, for any r con
siderable period, oppose a successful re
>istance to tyranny and oppression from
the educated few, but will inevitably sink to
acquiescence to the will of intelligence, !
whether directed by the demagogue or by
priestciaft. Hence the education of the!
masses becomes of the first necessity for the 1
preservation of our institutions.
They are worth preserving, because they I
have sec ured the greatest good to the great 1
si portion of the population of any form
of government yet devised. All other forms j
of government approach it just in propor- |
to the general diffusion of education
send independence of thought and action.
As the primary step, therefore, to our ad
vancement in all that has marked our pro- j
gross in the past century I suggest for your
i irm-st consideration, and most earnestly
recommend it, that a constitutional amend
ment be submitted to the legislatures of the
several States for ratification, making it the
duty of each of the several States to estab
lish and forever maintain free public schools,
adequate to the education of all the chil
dren in the rudimentary branches, within
their respective limits, irrespective of sex,
color, birth-place or religions, forbidding
the teaching in said schools of religious,
atheistic or pagan tenets, and prohibiting
ranting of any school funds or school
taxes, or any part thereof, either by legis
lative, municipal or otlier authority, for the
benefit or in aid, directly or indirectly, of
any religious sect or denomination, or in
aid or for the benefit of any other object of
any nature or kind whatever.
In connection with tiiis important ques
tion. I would also call your attention to the
importance of the correction of an evil
that, if permitted to continue, will probably
lead to great trouble in our land before the
close of the 19th century. It is the accu
mulation of vast amounts of untaxeu
church property. In 1850 I believe the
church property of the United States which
paid no tax, municipal or State, amounted
to about $83,000,000. In 1860 the amount had
doubled. In 1875 it is about $1,000,000,000.
By 1900, without check, it is safe to say
this property will reach a sum exceeding
000,000,000. So vast a sum receiving ail
protection and benefits of the Govern
ment, without bearing its proportion of bur
dens and expenses of the same, will not be
looked upon acquiescently by those who
have b>4>ay the taxes.
In a growing country where real estate
enhances so rapidly with time as in the
United States, tliere’is scarcely a limit to the
wealth that may be acquired by corpora
tions, religious or otherwise, if allowed to
retain real estate without taxation. The
contemplation of so vast a property as here
alluded to without taxation, may lead to
sequestration without constitutional author
ity and through blood. I would suggest
taxation of ail property equally, whether
ehumh or corporation, exempting only the
last resting place of the dead, and possibly,
with proper restrictions, church edifices.
Our relations with most of foreign
powers continue on a satisfactory and
friendly footing. Increased intercourse,
the extension of commerce and the cultiva
tion of mutual interests have steadily im
proved our relations with a large majority
of the powers of the world, rendering
practicable the peaceful solution of ques
tions which from time to time necessarily
arise, leaving few which demand extended
or particular notice.
The correspondence of the Department of
State with our diplomatic representatives
abroad is transmitted herewith. lam hap
py to announce the passage of an act by
the General Cortes of Portugal, proclaimed
since the adjournment of Congress, for ab-
fl)£ (CcmsiituticmnUst
Established 1799.
oiition of servitude in the Portuguese colo
nies. It is to be hoped that such legislation
may be another step toward the great con
summation to be reached when no man
shall lie permitted directly or indirectly,
under any guise, excuse or form of law, to
hold his fellow man in bondage. lam of
opinion also, that it is the duty of the
United States, as contributing toward that
end, and required by the spirit of the age in
which we live, to provide by suitable legis
lation that no citizen of the United States
shall hold slaves as property in any other
country, or be interested therein. Chili has
made reparation in the case of the whale
ship Good Return, seized without sufficient
cause upwards of forty years ago, though
she had hitherto denied her
The denial was never acquiesced in by this
government, and the justice of the claim
lias been so earnestly contended for that it
has been gratifying that she should have at
last acknowledged it.
The arbitrator in the case of the United
States steamer “Montijo,” for the seizure
and detention of which the Government of
the United States of Colombia was held ac
countable, has decided in favor of the claim.
This decision has settled a question which
had been pending for several years, and
which, while it continued open, might,
more or less, disturb the good understand
ing which it is desirable should be main
tained between the two Republics.
A reciprocity treaty with the King of the
Hawaiian Islands was concluded some
months since. As it contains a stipulation
that it shall not take effect until Congress
shall enact the proper legislation for that
purpose, copies of the instrument are here
with submitted, in order that if such should
be the pleasure of Congress the necessary
legislation upon the subject may be adopted.
In March last an arrangement was made
thro’ Mr. Cushing, our Minister in Madrid,
with the Spanish Government, for the pay
ment by the latter to the United States of
the sum of SBO,OOO in coin for the purpose
of the relief of the families or persons of the
ship’s company and certain passengers of
the “Yirginius.” This sum was to have
been paid in three installments at two
months each. It is due to the Spanish
Government that I should state that the
payments were fully and spontaneously an
ticipated by that Government, and that the
whole amount was paid within but a few
days more than two months from the date
of the agreement, a copy of which is here
with transmitted. In pursuance of the
terms of the adjustment 1 have directed the
distribution of the amount among the par
ties entitled thereto, including the ship’s
company, and such of the passengers as
were American citizens. Payments are
made accordingly on the application of the
parties entitled thereto.
The past year has furnished no evidence
of an approaching termination of the ruin
ous conflict which has been raging for seven
years in tho neighboring island of Cuba.
The same disregard of the law's of civilized
warfare and of the just demands of human
ity which have heretofore called for the
expressions of condemnation from the
nations of Christendom have continued
to blacken the sad scene. Desola
tion, ruin and pillage are pervading
the rich fields of one of the most fertile
and productive regions of the earth, and
tiie incendiary’s torch firing plantations and
valuable factories and buildings, is the
agent marking the alternate advance or
retreat of contending parties. The pro
tracted continuance of this strife seriously
affects the interests of all commercial
nations, but those of the United States
more than others by reason of the close
proximity, its larger trade and intercourse
with Cuba, and the frequent and intimate
personal and social relations which have
grown up between its citizens and those of
the Island. Moreover, the property of our
citizens in Cuba is large and is rendered
insecure and depreciated in value and in
capacity of production by the continuance
of strife and the unnatural mode of its
conduct. The same is true, differing only
in degree with respect to the interests and
people of other nations, and the absence of
any reasonable assurance of a near termi
nation of the conflict, must, of necessity,
soon compel the Slates thus suffering to
consider what the interests of theii "ivn
people and their duty toward themselves
may demand. I have hoped that Spain
would be enabled to establish peace in her
colony to afford security to the property
and to the interests of our citizens, and
allow legitimate scope to trade and com
merce and the natural productions of the
island
Because of this hope and from an ex
treme reluctance to interfere in the most re
mote manner in Ihe affairs of another and
a friendly nation, especially of one whose
sympathy and friendship in ihe struggling
infancy of our own existence, must ever be
remembered with gratitude, I have pa
tiently and anxiously waited the progress of
events. Our own civil conflict is too recent
for us not to consider the difficulties which
surround a government distracted by a
dynastic rebellion at home, at the same
time that it has to cope with a separate in
surrection in a distant colony, but what
ever causes may be produced the situation
which so grievously affects our interests,
it exists with all its attendant evils, oper
ating directly' upon its people. Thus far
all the efforts of Spain have proved abortive,
and time has marked no improvement in
the situation. The armed bands of either
side now occupy nearly the same ground as
in the past, with the difference from time
to time of more lives sacrificed, more
property destroyed, and wide extents of fer
tile and productive fields, and more and more
of valuable property constantly' and wan
tonly sacrificed to the incendiary’s torch.
In contests of this nature, where a consid
erable body' of people, who liave attempted
to free themselves of control of superior
government, have reach a point in occu
pation of territory in power and in
general organization as to constitute in fact
a body politic. Having a Government in
substance as well as in name, possessed of
elements of stability and equipped w ith the
machinery' for the administration of inter
nal policy and Ihe execution of its laws, pre
pared and able to administer justice at home
aswellasin its dealing with other pow
ers, it is within the province of those other
powers to recognize its existence as anew
and independent nation. In such cases
other nations simply' deal with an actually
existing condition of things and recognize
as one of the powers of the eaith that body
politic which, assessing the necessary ele
ments, has in fact become anew power. In
a word, the creation of anew State is a fact.
To establish the condition of tilings essen
tial to the recognition of this fact there
must be a people occupying a known terri
tory united under some known and defined
form of government,acknowledged by those
subject thereto, iu which the functions of
government are administered by usual
methods competent to mete out justice to
citizens and strangers, to afford remedies
for public and for private wrongs, and able
to assume the correlative international obli
gations, and capable of performing the
corresponding international duties resulting
from its acquisition of the rights of sover
eignty. A power should exist complete in
its organization, ready to take and able to
maintain its place among the nations of the
earth.
While conscious that tiie insurrection in
Cuba has shown a strength and endurance
which make it at least doubtful whether it
be in the pow er of Spam to subdue, it seems
unquestionable that no such civil organiza
tion exists which may be recognized as an
independent Government, capable of per
forming its international obligations, and
entitled to be treated as one of the Powers
of the earth. A recognition, under such
circumstances, w'ouki be inconsistent with
the facts, and would coulpel the Power
granting it soon to support the force the
Government to which it had really given its
only claim of existence.
In my judgment the United States should
adhere to the policy and the principles which
have heretofore been its sure and safe guides
in like contests between revolted colonies
and their motiier couutry, aud acting only
upon the clearest evidence, should avoid any
possibility of suspicion or of imputation.
A recognition of the independence of
Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable
and indefensible, tint question which next
AUGUHTA. GEA... WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1875.
presents itself is that of the recognition of
belligerent rights in parties to the contest.
In a former message to Congress 1 had occa
sion to consider this question, and reached
the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba,
dreadful and devastative as were its inci
dents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of
war.
Regarding it now after this lapse of time,
I am unable to see that any notable success
or any marked or real advance on the part
of the insurgents has essentially changed
the character of the contest. It has ac
quired greater age but not greater or more
formidable proportions. It is possible that
acts of foreign powers, and even acts of
Spain herself of this very nature, might be
pointed to in defense of such recognition
But now, as in its past history, the United
States should carefully avoid the false
lights which might lead it into the mazes of
doubtful law' and of questionable propriety
and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule
which has been its guide, doing only that
which is right and honest and of good
report.
The question of according or withholding
rights of belligerency must be judged in
every case, in view of the particular attend
ing facts. Unless justified by necessity, it
is always, and justly, regarded as an un
friendly act, and a gratuitous demonstra
tion of moral support to the rebellion. It
is necessary, and it is required when inter
ests and rights of another government or of
its people are so far affected by a pending
civil conflict as to require a definition of its
relations to the parties thereto. But this
conflict must be one which will be
recognized in the sense of internal law
as war. Belligerence, too, is a fact.
The mere existence of contending
armed bodies and their occasional conflicts
do not constitute war in the sense referred
to. Applying to the existing condition of
affairs in Cuba, the tests recognized by pub
licists and writers on international law, and
which have been observed by nations of dig
nity, honesty and power, when free from
sensitive or selfiish and unworthy motives
I fail to find in insurrection the existence
of such a substantial political organization,
real, palpable and manifest to the world,
having the forms and capable of the ordi
nary functions of government toward its
own people, and to other States with courts
for the administration of justice with a
local habitation possessing such organiza
tion of force, such material, such occupa
tion of territory as to take the contest out
of the category of a mere rebellious insur
rection or occasional skirmishes, and place
it on the terrible footing of war, to which
a recognition of belligerency would aim
to elevate it. The contest moreover is
solely on land. The insurrection has not
possessed itself of a single seaport whence it
may send forth its flag, nor has it any
means of communication with foreign
powers except through the military line 9 of
its adversaries. No apprehension of any of
those sudden and difficult complications
which a war on the ocean is apt to precip
tate upon the vessels, both commercial and
national, and upon the consular officers of
other powers calls for the definition of their
relations to the parties to the contest, Con
sidered as a question of expediency, I re
gard the accordance of belligerent rights
still to be as unwise and premature as
I regard it to be at present in
defensible as a measure of right.
Such recognition entails upon the country,
according to the rights which flow from it,
difficult and complicated duties, and re
quires the exaction from the contending
parties of the strict observance of their
rights and obligations. It confers the
right of search upon the high seas by ves
sels of both parties; it would subject the
carrying of arms and munitions of war,
which now may be transported freely and
without interruption in the vessels of the
United States, to detention and to possible
seizure. It would give rise to countless
vexatious questions, would release the pa
rent Government from responsibility for
acts done by the insurgents, and would in
vest Spain with the right to exercise the
supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795
over our commerce on the high seas, a very
large part of which, in its traffic between
the Atlantic and the Gulf States, and be
tween all of them and the States on the
Pacific, passes through the waters which
wash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of
this supervision could scarcely fail to lead,
if not to abuses, certainly to collisions per
ilous to the pacific relations of the two
States.
There can be little doubt to what result
supervision would before loug draw this
natiou It would be unworthy of the
United States to inaugurate the possibilities
of such a result by measures of questionable
right or expediency, or by' any indirection.
Apart from any question of theoretical
right I am satisfied that while the accord
ance of belligerent rights to the insurgents
in Cuba might give them a hope and an in
ducement to protract tiie struggle, it would
be but a delusive hope, and would not re
move the evils which this Government and
its people are experiencing, but would draw'
the United States into complications which
it has waited long and suffered much to
avoid. The recognition of independence,
or of belligerency, being thuSj iu my judg
ment, equally inadmissible, it remains to
consider what course shall be adopted,
should the conflict not soon be brought to
an end by acts of the parties themselves,
and should the evils which result therefrom,
affecting all nations, and particularly the
United States, continue. In such event 1
am of opinion that other nations will be
compelled to assume the responsibility
which devolves upon them, and to seriously
consider the only remaining measures, pos
sible mediation and intervention.
Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of
water separating the island from the penin
sula, the want of harmony and of personal
sympathy between the inhabitants of the
colony and those sent thither to rule them,
and want of adaptation of the ancient
colonial system of Europe to the present
times and the ideas which the events of the
past century have developed, the contend
ing parties appear to have within themselves
no depository of common confidence to
suggest w isdom w hen passion and excite
ment have their sway, to assume the part of
peacemaker. Iu this view in the earlier
days of the contest the good offices of the
United States as a mediator were tendered
in good faith, without any selfish purpose,
in the interest of humanity, and in sincere
friendship for both parties ; but were at the
time declined by Spain, with the declara
tion, nevertheless, that at a future time they
w'ould be indispensable. No intimation
has been received that in the opinion of
Spain that time has been reached.
And yet the strife continues with all its
dread horror and all its injuries to the
interests of tiie United Slates and of other
nations. Each party' seems quite capable
of working great injury and damage to the
other, as well as to all the relations and in
terests dependent on the existence of peace
in tiie Island ; but they seem incapable of
reaching any adjustment, and both have
thus far failed of achieving any success
whereby one party shall possess and control
the Island, to the exclusion of the other.
Under these circumstance's the agency of
others, either by mediation or by interven
tion, seems to be the only alternative, which
must, sooner or later, he invoked for the
termination of the strife. At the same
time, while thus impressed, I do not at this
time recommend the adoption of any meas
ure of intervention. I shall be ready at all
times, and as the equal friend of both par
ties, to respond to a suggestion that the
good offices of the United States will be
acceptable to aid in bringing about peace
honorable to both.
It is due to Spain, so far as this Govern
ment is concerned, that the agenqy of a
third pow'er (to which I have adverted)
shall be adopted only as a last expedient.
Had it beeu the desire of the United States
to interfere in tiie affairs of Cuba, repeated
opportunities for so doing have been pre
sented within the last few years, but we
have remained passive and have performed
our w’hole duty and all international obli
gations to Spain with friendship, firmness
and fidelity', and with a spirit of patience
and forbearance which negatives every pos
sible suggestion of desire to interfere or to
add to the difficulties with which he has
been surrounded,
The Government of Spain has recently
submitted to our Minister at Madrid certain
proposals, which it is hoped may be found
to Ire the basis, if not the actual submission
of terms to meet the requirements of the
particular grief's of which this government
lias felt itself entitled to complain.
These proposals have not yet reached me
on their full text. On their arrival they
will Ire taken into careful examination, and
may, I hope, lead to a satisfactory adjust
ment of the questions to which they refer,
and remove the possibility of future occur
fences such as have given rise to our just
complaints. It is understood, also, that re
newed efforts are being made to introduce
reforms in the internal administration of
the island. Persuaded, however, that a
proper regard for the interests of the United
States, and of its citizens, entitle it to re
lief from the strain to w hich it lias been
subjected by the difficulties of the questions
and the wrongs and losses which arise from
the contest in Cuba, and that the interests
of humanity itself demand the cessation of
the strife before the whole Island shall be
laid waste and larger sacrifices of life be
made. I shall feel it my duty, should my
hopes of a satisfactory adjustment and of
the early restoration of peace and the re
moval of future causes of complaint be un
liappily disappointed to make a further
communication to Congress at some period
not far remote, and during the present ses
sion, recommending what may then seem to
me to be necessary.
The free zone, so-called, several years'
*ince established by the Mexican Govern
ment in certain of the States of that Re- I
public adjacent to our frontier remains in
full operation. It has always been mate
rially injurious to honest traffic, for it ope
rates as an incentive to traders in Mexico to
supply, without customs charges, the wants
of inhabitants on this side of "the line, and
prevents the same wants from being sup
plied by merchants of the United States;
thereby, to a considerable extent, defraud
ing our revenue and checking honest com
mercial enterprise.
Depredations by armed bands from Mex- j
ico on the people of Texas, near the fron- I
tier, continue. Though tho main object ot j
these incursions is robbery they frequently
result in the murder of uj. armed and peace
ably disposed persons, aim in some instances
even the United States postofflees and mail
aommunications have been attacked. Re
newed remonstrances upon this subject
have been addressed to the Mexican govern
ment, but without much apparent effect.
The military force of this Government, dis
posable for service in that quarter, is quite j
inadequate! to effectually guard the line, j
even at those points where the incursions I
are usually made. An experiment of an j
armed vessel on the Rio Grande for that ,
purpose is on trial, and it is hoped that it i
not thwarted by the shallowness of the j
river, and other natural obstacles, it may :
materially contribute to the protection of
the herdmen of Texas. The proceedings
of the Joint Commission under the Con
vention between the United States and
Mexico of the 4lli of July, 1868, on the
subject ot claims, will soon be brought to a
close. The result of those proceedings will
then be communicated to Congress. lam j
happy to announce that the Government ol
Yenezuela has, upon further consideration,
practically abandoned its objection to pay
to the United States that share of its reve
nue which some years since it allotted
towards the extinguishment of the claims of
foreigners generally. In thus reconsider
ing its determination that government has
shown a just sense of self-respect which
cannot fail to reflect credit upon it in the
eyes of all disinterested persons elsewhere.
It is to be regretted, however, that its
payments on account of claims of citizens !
of the United Strtes are still so meagre in]
amount, and that the stipulation of the'
treaty in regard to the sums to be paid and
the periods when those payments were to
take place, should have been so signally 1
disregarded.
Since my last annual message, the ex- !
change has been made of the ratification of i
a treaty of commerce and navigation with I
Belgium and of conventions with the Mexi- \
can Republic; for the further extension of \
the joint commission respecting claims with
tiie Hawaiian Islands; ior commercial red
procity and with the Ottoman Empire for j
extradition, all of which have been duly
proclaimed.
The Court of Commissioners of Alabama ;
Claims has prosecuted its important duties
very assiduously and very satisfactorily. It
convened and was organized on the 23d day
of July, 1875, and by the terms of the act
under which it was created was to exist for
one year from that date. The act provided,
however, that should it be found impracti
cable to complete the work of the court be- 1
fore the expiration of the year, the Presi
dent might by proclamation extend the I
time of its duration to a period not more
than six months beyond the expiration of j
the one year. Having received satisfactory
evidence that it woukl be impracticable to
complete the work within the time orig
inally fixed, I issued a proclamation, a copy
of which is presented herewith, extending
the time of duration of tiie court for a
period of six months from and after the 22d
day of July last. A report made through
the clerk of the court, communicated here
with, shows the condition of the calender
on the first of November last, and the large
amount of work which has been accom
plished. Thirteen hundred and eighty-two
claims have been presented, of which six
hundred and eighty-two had been disposed
•f at the date of the report. lam informed
that 170 cases were decided during the
month of November. Arguments are being
made and decisions given in the remaining j
cases with all the despatch consistent with
the proper consideration of the questions
submitted. Many of these claims are in
behalf of mariners or depend on the evi
dence of mariners whose absence has delay
ed the taking or the return of the necessary
evidence.
It is represented to me that it will be im
practicable for the Court to finally dispose
of all the cases before it within the present
limit of its duration. Justice to the parties
claimant, who have been at large expense in
preparing their claims and obtaining the
evidence in their support, suggests a short
extension to enable the Court to dispose of
all of the claims which have been presented.
I recommend the legislation which may be
deemed proper to enable the Court to com
plete the w ork before it.
I recommend that some suitable provision
be made, by t lie creation o): a special court,
or by conferring the necessary jurisdiction
upon some appropriate ribunal. for llie
consideration and determination of the
claims of aliens against the Government of
the United Sfates ; which have arisen within
some reasonable limitation of time, or which
may hereafter arise, excluding all claims
barred by treaty provisions or otherwise.
It has been found impossible to give proper
consideration to these claims by the execu
tive departments of the .Government. Such
a tribunal would afford aa. opportunity to
aliens, other than British subjects, to pre
sent their claims on account of acts com
mitted against these persons or property
during the rebellion, as also to those sub
jects of Great Britain whose claims, having
arisen subsequent to the 9th day of April,
1865, could not be presented to the late
Commission, organized pursuant to the
provisions of the treaty of Washington.
The electric telegraph has become an es
sential and indispensable agent in the trans
mission of business and social messages. Its
operation on land and within the limit of
particular State 9 is necessarily under the
control of the jurisdiction within which it
operates. The lines on the high seas, how
ever, are not subject to the particular con
trol of any one Government.
In 1809 a concession wtis granted by the
French Government to a company which
proposed to lay a cable from the shores of
France to the United States. At that tiifie
there was a telegraphic connection between
the United States and life Continent of
Europe (through the possessions of Great
Britain at either end of the line), under the
control of an association which had at large
outlay of capital and at great risk demon
strated the practicability of maintaining
such means of communication. The cost
of correspondence by this agency was
great, possibly not too large at the time for
a proper remuneration for o hazardous and
so costly an enterprise. It was, how'ever, a
heavy charge upon a means of communica
tion which the progress in the social and
commercial intercourse of the w'orld found
to be a necessity, and the obtaining of
this French concession show'ed that
other capital than that already invested was
ready to enter into competition, with the
assurance of adequate return for their out
lay. Impressed with the conviction that
the interest not only of the people of the
United States, hut of thew'orld at large, de
manded, or would demand, the multiplica
tion of such means of communication be
tween separated continents, 1 was desirous
that the proposed connection should be
made by certain provisions of this conces
sion, were deemed by me to be objection
able, particularly one which gave fora long
term of y'ears the exclusive right of tele
graphic communication by submarine cable
between the shores of France and the United
States.
I could not concede that any' Power
should claim the right to land a cable on
the shores of the United States, and, at the
same time, deny to the United States or to
its citizens or grantees an equal right to
land a cable on its shores. The right to
control the conditions for tiie laying of a
cable within the jurisdictional waters of the
United States, to connect our shores with
those of any foreign State, pertains ex
j clusively to the Government ot the United
States, under such limitations and condi
tions as Congress may impose. In the ab
sence of legislation by Congress I was un
willing, on the one hand, to yield to a for
eign State the right to say that its grantees
might land on our shores, while it denied a
similar right to our people to land on its
shores; and, on the other hand, I was re
luctant to deny the great interests
of the world and of civilization
the facilities of %uch communication
as was proposed. I therefore with
held any resistance to the landing
of the cable on condition that the offensive
monopoly feature of the concession be
abandoned, and that the right of any cable
may be established by authority of this
Government to land upon French territory,
and to connect with French land lines and
enjoy all the necessary' facilities or privi
leges incident to the use thereof upon as
favorable terms as any other company, be
conceded as the result thereof. The com
pany in question renounced the exclusive
privilege, and the representative of France
was informed that, understanding this re
linquishment to be construed as granting the
enlire reciprocity and equal facilities which
had been demanded, the opposition to land -
iug of the cable was withdrawn. The cable
under this French concession was landed in
the month of July', 1869, and has been an
efficient and valuable agent of communica
tion between this country and the other
continent. It soon passed under the
control, however, of these who had
the management of the cable of Great
Britain and this Continent, and whatever
benefit to the public might have ensued
from the competition between the two lines
was lost, leaving only the greater facilities
of any additional line, and the additional
security in case of accident to one of them ;
but these increased facilities and this addi
tional security, together with the control of
the combined capital of the two companies,
gave also greater power to prevent the
future construction of other lines and to
limit the control of telegraphic communica
tion between the two continents to those
possessing the lines already' laid. Within a
few months past a cable has been laid,
known as the United States Direct Cable
Company, connecting the United States
directly with Great Britain. As soon as
Ibis cable was reported to be laid and
ii working order, the rates of the then
existing consolidated companies w r ere great
ly reduced. Soon, however, a break was '
announced in this new cable, and immedi
ately the rates of the other line, which had
been reduced, were raised. This cable be
ing now repaired the rates appear not to be
reduced by either line from those formerly
charged by the consolidated companies.
There is reason to believe that large
amounts of capital, both at home and
abroad, are ready to seee profitable invest
ment in the advancement of this useful and
most civilizing means of intercourse and
correspondence. They await, however, the
assurance of the means and conditions on
which they may safely be made tributary to
the general good. As these cable telegraph
lines connect separate States there are ques
tions as to their organization and control
which probably can be best, if not solely,
settled by Conventions between the respec
tive States. In the absence, however, of
International Canventions on the subject,
municipal legislation may secure points
which appear to me important, if not in
dispensable. for the protection of the pub
lic against the extortions which may result
from a monopoly of the right of operating
cable telgerams or from a combination be
tween several lines.
First. No line should be allowed to land
on the shores of the United States, under
the concession of another Power, which
docs not admit the right of any other line
or lines formed in the United States to land
and freely connect with and operate
through its land lines.
Second. No line should be allowed to
land on the shores of the United States
which is not, by treaty stipulation with the
Government from whose shores it proceeds,
or by prohibition in its charter or other-
to the satisfaction of this Govern
ment, prohibited from consolidating or
amalgamating with any other cable tele
graph line, or combining therewith for the
purpose of regulating and maintaining the
cost of telegraphing.
Third. All lines should be bound to give
precedence in the transmission of the official
messages of the governments of the two
countries between which it may be laid.
Fourth. A power should be reserved to
the two governments, either conjointly or to
each as regards the messages despatched
from its shores to fix a limit to the charges
to be demanded for transmission of mes
sages.
1 present this subject to the earnest con
sideration of Congress.
In the meantime, and unless Congress
otherwise direct, I shall not oppose the
landing of any telegraphic cable which
complies with and assents to the points
above enumerated, hut will feel it my duty
to prevent the landing of any which does
not conform to the first and second points,
as stated, and which will not stipulate to
concede to this Government the precedence
in the transmission of its official messages
and will not enter into a satisfactory ar
rangement with regard to its charges.
Among the pressing and important sub
jects to which, in m3' opinion, the attention
of Congress should be directed are those
relating to fraudulent naturalization and
expatriation.
The United States, with great liberality,
offers its citizenship to all who, in good
faith, comply with the requirements of law.
These requirements are as simple and upon
as favorable terms to the emigrant as the
high privilege to which he is admitted can
or should permit.
I do not propose any additional require
ments to those w hich the law now T demands,
hut the very simplicity and w T ant of unne
cessary formality in our law have made
fraudulent naturalization not infrequent, to
the discredit and injury of all honest citi
zens, w hether native or naturalized.
Cases of this character are continually
; being brought to the notice of the Govern
i meat by our representatives abroad, and also
| those of persons residents in other coun
tries, most frequentl}' those who, if they
have remained in their country long enough
to entitle them to become naturalized, liave
generally not much overpassed that period,
and have returned to the country of their
origin where they reside, avoiding all duties
to the United States, by their absence, and
claiming to be exempt from all duties to the
country of their nativity, of their residence
by reason of their alleged naturalization.
It is due to this Government itself and to
the great mass of the naturalized citizens,
who entire!}', both in name and in fact, be
come citizens of the United States, that the
I high privilege of citizenship of the United
Slates should not be held by fraud or in
derogation of the laws, and of the good
name of every honest citizen.
On many occasions it has b >mu brought to
the knowledge of the Government that cer
tificates of naturalization are held and pro
tection or interference claimed by parties,
w’ho admit, that not only they were not
within the United States at the* time of the
pretended naturalization, but that they
have never resided iu the United States; in
others, the certificate and record of the
court show on their face that the person
claiming to he naturalized had not resided
the required time in the United States; in
others, it is admitted, upon examination,
that the requirements of law have not been
complied with; in some cases even such eer
titicates have been a matter of purchase.
These are nut isolated cases, arising at rare
intervals, hut of common occurrence, and
which are reported from all quarters of the
globe. Such occurrences cannot and do
hot fail to reflect upon the Government
and injure all honest citizens. Such a fraud
being discovered, however, there is no prac
ticable means within the control of the
the Government by which the record of
naturalization can be vacated, and should
the certificate be taken up, as it usually is,
by the diplomatic and consular representa
tives of the Government to whom it may
have been presented, there is nothing to pre
vent the person claiming to have been natu
ralized from obtaining anew certificate
from the court, in place of that which has
been taken from him.
The evil has become so great and of such
frequent occurrence that 1 cannot too earn
estly' recommend that some effective meas
ures be adopted to provide a proper remedy'
and means for the vacating of any' record
thus fraudulently made, and of punishing
the guilty parties to the transaction. In
this connection I refer also to the question
of expatriation and the election of nation
ality.
The United States was foremost in up
holding the right of expatriation, and was
principally instrumental in overthrowing
the doctrine of perpetual allegiance. Con
gress has declared the right of expatriation
to boa natural and inherent right of all
people • but while many other nations have
enacted laws providing what formalities
shall be necessary to work a change of alle
giance, the United States has enacted
provisions of law' and has in no respect
marked out how and when expatriation
may be accomplished by r its citizens.
Distances a brought to the attention of the
Government where citizens of the United
States, either naturalized or native born,
have formally become citizens or subjects of
a foreign power, but wluf, nevertheless, in
the absence of any provisions of legislation
on this question, when involved in difficul
ties, or when it seems to be their interest
to claim to be citizens of the United States,
and demand the intervention of a Govern
ment w hich they have long since abandoned,
and to which for years they have rendered
no service, nor held themselves in any way
amenable. In other cases naturalized citi
zens immediately after naturalization have
returned to their native country, have be
come engaged in business, have accepted
offices or pursuits inconsistent with Ameri
can citizenship, and evidence no intent to
return to the United States until called upon
to discharge some duly to the country where
they are residing, when at once they' assert
their citizenship, and call upon the repre
sentatives of the Government to aid them
in their unjust pretensions. It is but jus
tice to all bona fide citizens, that no doubt
should exist on such questions, and that
Congress should determine by enactment of
law', how expatriation may be accomplished
and change of citizenship be established.
I also invite your attention to the neces
sity of regulating by law the status of
American women who may marry foreign
ers, and of defining more full}' that of chil
dren born in a foreign country of Ameri
can parents, who may reside abroad; and
also of some further provision regulating
or giving legal effect to marriages of Ameri
can citizens contracted in foreign countries.
The correspondence submitted herewith
shows a few of the constantly occurring
questions on these points presented to the
consideration of the Government There
are few subjects to engage the attention of
Congress on which more delicate relations,
or more important interests are dependent.
In the month of July lust the building
erected for the Department of State was
taken possession of and occupied by that
Department. I aui happy to announce that
the archives and valuable papers of the
Government in the custody of that Depart
ment are now safely deposited and properly
cared for.
The report of the Secretary of the Treas
ury shows the receipts from customs, for
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1874, to have
been $168,103,888.69, and for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1875, to have been $i57,-
167,722.35-a decrease for the last fiscal
year of $5,936,111.34. Receipts from in
ternal revenue for the year ending 30tli of
June, 1874, were $102,409,784.90, and for
the year ending 30th of June, 1875. sllO,-
007,493.58; increase, $7,597,708.68. The
report also shows a complete history of the
workings of the department for the last
year, and contains recommendations for
reforms and for legislation, which I Wncur
in, but cannot comment on so fully as I
should like to do, if space would permit, but
will confine myself to a few suggestions
which 1 look upon as vital to the best in
terests of the whole people coming within
the purview of the Treasury—l mean specie
resumption.
Too much stress cannot be laid upon this
question, and I hope Congress may be in
duced, at the earliest day practicable, to
insure the consummation of the act of the
Congress, at its last session, to bring about
specie resumption on and after the Ist day
of January, 1879, at furthest. It would be
a great blessing if this could he consum
mated even at an earlier day. Nothing
seems to me more certain than that a full,
healthy and permanent reaction canuot take
place in favor of the industries and finan
cial welfare of the country until we return
to a measure of values recognized through
out the civilized world. While we use a
currency not equivalent to this standard—
the world’s recognized standard, specie, be
comes a commodity like the products of the
soil, the surplus seeking a market wherever
there is a demand for it.
Under our present system we should want
none, nor would we have any, were it not
that customs dues must be paiu in coin, and
because of the pledge to pay interest on the
public debt in coin. The yield of precious
metals would fiow out for the purchase of
foreign productions, and leave the United
States ‘‘hewers of wood and drawers of
water” because of wiser legislation on tiie
subject of finance by the nations with whom
we nave dealings. I am not prepared to
say that I can suggest the best legislation to
secure the end most heartily recommended.
It will be a source of great gratification to
me to be able to approve any measure of
Congress looking effectively toward secur
ing “ resumption.” Unlimited inflation
would probably bring about specie pay r
ments more speedily than any legislation
looking to the redemption of the legal
tenders in coin; hut it would be at the ex
pense of honor. The legal tenders would
have no value beyond settling present lia
bilities, or, properly speaking, repudiating
them.
They would buy nothing after their debts
were all settled. There are a few measures
which seem to me important in this connec
tion, and which I commend to your earnest
consideration :
First. A repeal of so much of the legal
tender act as makes these notes receiv
able for debts contracted after a date to be
fixed in the act itself, say not later than the
Ist of January, 1877. ’ We should then
have quotations at real values, not fictitious
ones. Gold would no longer he at a pre
mium, hut currency at a discount. A
healthy reaction would set iu at once, and
with it a desire to make the currency equal
to what it purports to be.
The merchants, manufacturers and trades
men of every calling could do business on a
fair margin of profit, the money to he re
ceived having become an unvarying value.
Laborers and all classes who work for stip
ulated pay or salary would receive more for
their income because extra profits would no
longer be charged by the capitalists to com.
pensate for the risks of a downward fluct
uation in the value of the currency.
Second. That the Secretary of the Treas
ury he authorized to redeem, say not tp ex
New Series —Vol. 28, No, 106
ceed $2,000,000 monthly of legal tender
notes by issuing iu their stead a long bond
bearing interest at the rate of 3 65-100 per
cent, per annum of denominations ranging
from SSO to SI,OOO each. This would in
time reduce the legal tender notes to a vol
ume that could he kept afloat without de
manding redemption in large sums sud
denly.
Tnird. That additional power be given
to tire Secretary of Treasury to accumulate
gold for final redemption, either by increas
ing revenue, curtailing expenses, or both.
It is preferable to do both; and I recom
mend that reduction of expenditures he
made wherever it can be done without im
pairing Government obligation or crippling
the due execution thereof. One measure
for increasing the revenue, and the only one
1 think of is, the restoration of the duty on
tea and coffee. These duties would add
probably $18,000,000 to the present amount
received from imports, and would in no way
increase the prices paid for the articles by
the consumers. These articles are the pro
ducts of countries collecting revenue from
exports, and as we, the largest consumers,
reduce the duties they proportionally in
crease them. With this addition to the
revenue many duties now collected, and
which give hut an insignificant return for
the cost of collection, might be remitted,
and to the direct advantage of consumers
at home.
I would mention those articles which
enter into the manufacturers of all sorts.
All duty paid upon such articles go directly
to the cost of the articles, when manufac
tured here, and must be paid for by the
consumers. These duties not only come
from the consumers at home, but act as a
protection to foreign manufacturers of the
same completed articles in our own and dis
tant markets. I will suggest or mention
another subject bearing upon the problem
of “ How to enable the Secretary of the
Treasury to accumulate balances.” It is to
devise some better method of verifying
claims against the Government than at
present exists, through the Court of Claims
—especially those claims growing out of the
late war. Nothing is more certain than
that a very large percentage of the amounts
passed and paid are either wholly fraudu
lent, or are far in excess of the real losses
sustained.
A large amount of losses, proven'on good
testimony, according to existing laws, by
affidavits of fictitious or unscrupulous per
sons, to have been sustained on small farms
and plantations, are not only far beyond the
possible yield of those places for any one
year, but, as every one knows who has had
experience in tilling the soil, and who lias
visited the scenes of these spoliations, are,
in many instances, more than the individual
claimants were ever worth, including their
personal and real estate. The report of the
Attorney General, which will be submitted
to Congress at an early day, will contain a
detailed history of awards made and of
claims pending of the class here referred to.
The report of the Secrelary of War ac
companying this message gives a detailed
account of army operations for the year just
passed, expenses for maintenance,etc., with
recommendations for legislation, to which
I respectfully invite your attention. To
some of these’ I invite your special attention.
First. The necessity of making $300,000
of the appropriation for the subsistence
debt available before the beginning of the
next fiscal year. Without this provision
troops at points distant from supply pro
duction must either go without food or ex
isting laws must be violated. It is not at
tended with cost to the treasury.
Second. His recommendation for tha
enactment of a system of annuities for the
families of diseased officers by voluntary
deductions from the monthly pay of offi
cers.
This is not attended witli burden upon
the Treasury and would for the future re
lieve much distress which every old army
officer has witnessed in the past, of officers
dying suddenly, or being killed, leaving
families without even the means of reach
ing their friends, if fortunate enough to
have friends to aid them.
Third. The repeal of the law abolishing
mileage and a return to the old system.
Fourth. The trial with torpedoes, under |
the Corps of Engineers, and appropriation
for the same. Should war ever occur be
tween the United States and any nmratine
power, torpedoes will be among, if not the
most effective and cheapest auxiliary for
the defence of harbors, and also in aggress
ive operations, that we can have. Hence, it
is advisable to learn by experiment their
best construction and application as well as
effect. \
Fifth. A permanent organization for the
Signal Service Corps. This service has
now become a necessity, of peace as well
as war, untler the advancement made by
the present able management.
Sixth. A renewal of the appropriation for
compiling the official records of the war, etc.
The condition of our Navy at this
time is a subject of satisfaction. It does
not contain, it is true, any of the powerful
cruising iron-clads which make so much
of the maritime strength of some other
nations; hut neither our continental situa
tion nor our foreign policy requires that we
should have a large number of ships of this
character, while this situation and the
nature of our ports combine to make those
other nations little dangerous to us under
any circumstances.
t >ur Navy does contain, however, a con
siderable number of iron-clads of the Mon
itor class, which, though not properly
cruisers, are powerful and effective for har
bor defence and for operations near our
own shores. Of these, all the single tur
reted ones, fifteen in number, have been
substantially rebuilt, their rotten wooden
beams replaced with iron, their hulls
strengthened and their engines and ma
chinery thoroughly repaired, so that they
are now in the most efficient condition and
ready for sea as soon as they can be manned
and put in commission. The five double
turreted iron-clads belonging to our Navy,
by far the most powerful of our ships for
fighting purposes, are also in hand under
going complete repairs, and could be ready
for sea in periods varying from four to six
months.
With these completed according to the
present design, and our two iron torpedo
boats now' ready, our iron-clad fleet will he
for the purposes of defense at home equal
to any force that can readily be brought
against it. Of our wooden navy, also,
cruisers of various sizes, to the number of
about forty, including those now in com
mission, are in the Atlantic, and could be
ready for duty as fast as men could be en
listed for tfrose not already in commission.
Of these, one-third are in effect new' ships,
and though some of the remainder need
considerable repairs to their boilers and
machinery, they all are or can readily be
made effective. This constitutes a fleet of
more than fifty war ships, of which fifteen
are iron-clads now in hand on the Atlantic
Coast.
The Navy has been brought to this condi
tion by a judicious and practical application
of what could be spared from the current
appropriations of the last few years, and
from that made to meet the possible emer
gency of two years ago. It has been done
quietly, without proclamation or display;
and though it has necessarily straightened
the department in its ordinary expenditure,
and, as far as the iron-clads are concerned,
has added nothing to the force of the Navy,
yet the result is not the less satisfactory, be
cause it is to he found in a great increase of
real rather than apparent force. The ex
penses incurred in the maintenance of an
effective naval force in all its branches are
necessarily large, hut such force is essential
to our position, relations and character, and
affects seriously the weight of our principles
and policy throughout the whole sphere of
national responsibility.
The estimates for the regular support of
this branch of the service for the next year
amount to little less in the aggregate than
those made for the current year, hut some
additional appropriations are asked for ob
jects not included in ordinary maintainanee
of the Navy, but believed to be oppressing
importance at this time. It would, in my
opinion, be wise at once to afford sufficient
means for the completion of the five double
turretted monitors now' undergoing repairs,
which must otherwise advance slowly and
only as mousy can be spared from current
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expenses. Supplemented by these, our
Navy armed with the destructive weapons
of modern warfare, manned by our seamen,
and in charge of our instructed officers,
will present a force powerful for the home
purposes of a responsible, though peaceful
nation.
The report of the Postmaster General,
herewith transmitted, gives a full history
of the workings of the department for the
year just passed.
It will be observed that the deficiency to
he suppled from tiie general treasury in
creased over the amount required for the
preceding year.
In a country so vast in area as the United
States, large portions sparsely settled, it
must he expected this important service
will be more or less a burden upon the
Treasury for many years to come.
But there is no branch of the public ser
vice which interests the whole people more
than that of cheap and rapid transmission
of mails to every inhabited part of our ter
ritory. Next to the free school the post
office is the great educator of the people,
and it may well receive the support of the
General Government.
The subsidy of $150,000 per annum given
to vessels of the United States for carrying
mails between New York and Rio de
Janeiro having ceased on the 30th day of
September last, we are without direct mail
facilities with the South American States.
This is greatly to be regretted, and I do not
hesitate to recommend the authorization of
a renewal of that contract, and also that
the service may he increased from monthly
to semi-monthly maiis.
The commercial advantage to he gained
by a direct line of American steamers to the
South American States will far outweigh
the expense of the service, By act of Con
gress approved March 3d, 1875, almost all
mail matter, whether properly mail matter
or not, may be sent any distance through
the mails in packages not exceeding four
pounds in weight for the sum of 16 cents
per pound. So far as the transmission of
real mail matter goes this would seem en
tirely proper; but I suggest that the law be
so amended as to exclude from the mails,
merchandise of all descriptions, and limit
this transportation to articles enumerated
and which may he classed as mail matter
proper.
The discovery of gold in the Black Hills
and portion of the Sioux reservation has
had the effect to induce a large immigration
of miners to that point. Thus far the effort,
to protect the treaty rights of Indians to
that, section has been successful, hut the
next year will certainly witness a large in
crease of immigration. The negotiations for
tiie relinquishment of the gold fields having
failed, it will be necessary for Congress to
adopt some measures to relieve the embar
rassment growing out of the cause named.
The Secretary of the Interior suggests
that supplies now appropriated for the sus
tenance of that people, being no longer
obligatory under the treaty of 1868, hut
simply a gratuity, may he issued or with
held, at liis discretion. The condition of
the Indian Territory, to which I have re
ferred in several of my former annual mes
sages, remains practically unchanged.
The Secretary of the Interior lias taken
measures to obtain a full report of the con
dition of that Territory, and will make it
the subject of a special report at an early
day. It may then he necessary to make
some further recommendation in regard to
legislation for the government of that Ter
ritory.
The steady growth and increase of the
business,of the Patent Office indicates, in
some measure, the progress of the industrial
activity of the country. Tiie receipts of the
office are in excess of its expenditures, and
the office generally in a prosperous ami sat
isfaetory condition.
Tiie report of the General Land Office
snows that there were 2,459.601 acres less
disposed of during this than during the last
year. More than one-half of this decrease
was in lands disposed of under the home
stead and timber culture laws. The cause
of this decrease is supposed to he found in
the grasshopper scourge, and the droughts
which prevailed so extensively in some of
the former States and Territories during
that time as to discourage and deter entries by
actual settlers Thecash receipis were less by
$690,322.23 than during the preceding year.
The entire surveyed area of the public do
main i5680,253,094 acres, of which 26,077,531
acres were surveyed during the past year,
leaving 1,154,471,762 acres still unsurveyed.
The report of the Commissioner presents
many interesting suggestions in regard to
the management and disposition of the
public domain and the modification of ex
isting law's, the apparent importance of
which should insure for them the careful
consideration of Congress.
The number of penwoners still continues
to decrease, the highest number having
been reached during the year ending June
30th, 1873. During the last year 11,557
names were added to the rolls, and 12,977
were dropped therefrom, showing a net
decrease of 1,429. But while the number of
pensioners has decreased, the annual
amount due on the pension r.lls has in
creased $14,753,13. This is caused by the
greatly increased average rate of pensions
which, by the liberal legislation of <’on
gress, has increased from S9O 26 in 1872 to
$103.91 in 1875, to each invalid pensioner,
an increase In the average rate of fifteen
per cent, in the three years. During the
year ending June 30, 1875, there was paid on
accoii nt of pensions, including the expenses
of disbursement, $29,683,116, being $910,632
less than was paid the preceding year.
This reduction n amount of expenditures
was produced by the decrease in the
amount of arr arages due or allowed
claims and on pensions, the rate of which
was increased by the legislation of the pre
ceding session of Congress. At the close of
the last fiscal year there were on pension
rolls 234,821 persons, of whom 2)0,363 were
army pensioners, 105,478 being invalids,
and If 4,885 widows and dependent relatives;
3,420 were navy pensioners, of whom 1.G36
invalids, and 1,784 widows and dependent
relatives; 21,038 were pensioners of the war
of 181;!, 15,875 of whom were survivors, and
5,136 were widows. It is estimated that
$29,535,000 will ho required for the payment
of pensions for the next fiscal year, $965,000
less than the estimate for the present year.
The geological explorations have been
prosecuted with energy during the year,
covering an area of übout 40,000 square
miles in the Territories of Colorado, Utah
and New Mexico, developing the agiicultu
ral and mineral resources, and furnishing
interesting scientific and topographical de
tails of that region.
The method for treatment of the Indians,
adopted at the beginning of my first term,
has been steadily pursued, and with sat
isfactory and encouraging results.
It has been productive of evidont im
provement In condition of that race, and
will be continued with only such modifica
tions es further experience may indicate to
be necessary.
The board heroto r oro appointed to take
charge of articles and materials pertaining
to the War, the Navy, the Treasury and in
terior and Post Office departments, and the
departments of Agriculture, the Smithso
nian Institution and the commissioners of
food and fishes, to be contributed under the
legislation of last session to tiie In
ternational Exhibition, to be held at Phila
delphia during the Centennial year, 1876,
has been diligent in the discharge of the
duties which have devolved upon it, and
the preparations so far made with the
means at command, give assurance that
the Government contribution will be made
oneof the marked characteristic of the Exhi
bition. The Board has observed commenda
ble economy in the matter of erecting of a
building for the Government exhibition the
expense of which is estimated, will n>t
exceed SBO,OOO, this amount has been with
drawn under the law from the appropria
tions of five of the principal departments,
which leaves some of these departments
without sufficient means t render their
respective practicable exhibits complete
and satisfactory.
The exhibition being an International
one, and the Government being a voluntary
contributor, it is my opinion that contribu
tions should be of a character in quality and
extent to sustain the dignity and credit
of so distinguished a contributor.
The advantages to the country of a cred
itable display are, in an international point
of view, of the first importance; while an
indifferent or increditable participation by
the Government would be humiliating to
the patriotic feelings of our people them
selves. I commend the estimates of the
Board for tho necessary additional appro
priations to the favorable consideration of
Congress. The powers of Europe almost
without except on, many of the South
American States, and even the more dUf*