Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

iVUstdlamouz. Sons of the Types. Click—click, Go the types in the ‘ stick.” • They glide in together with ominous sound. As swiftly the hand that collects them goes round And arranges them firm in the “stick.” Click—click! Click—click, r See them now in the'“stick What wondelul things they are now as they sit! One moment ’tis satire, and then it is wit— Unmeaning when single—combined when they hit A terrible blow with their click—click, in putting them up in the “stick.” Click—click! Click—click, See them now in the “stick To the thief or assassin they sorrow betide, And the wealthy oppressor in vain tries to glide Away from their clicking—the world cannot hide Him away from the sound of that click—click, In putting up types in the “stick.” Click—click! Click—click ! As they go in the “stick,” See guilt, at the sound, with a visage of fright, Recoiling from self by day or by night, Aa it views with suspicion eacit method of flight; But it never can flee from the click—click, Os putting tne types in the “slick.” Click—click ! Click—click, Go the types in tbe stick .” Monarchs and Kings their approaches dread; They know that with liberty, types have been wed; And visions they see, of their thrones hlood-red, As they tremblingly bow at the click—click, 01 putting types up in the “stick.” Click.—Click! Click—click. See them now in the “stick.” By the midnight lamp, or the broad sun-light, Still ever they work with power and might 1 W 1 ile their voice, lfont despots demanding their right, Is louder, somewhat, than the click—click, Os putting the types in the “stick.” Click—click ! Click—click. See them now in the “stick”— Their loud voices echoing through the world; At the sound, the bright banner of freedom’s unfurled: Wherever ‘tis heard, there tyrants are hurled From their power by the sound of that click —click, Os putting the types in the “stick.” Click—Click 1 Click-Click, Go the types in the “slick.” States, Rulers and Monarch?, l’achas and Kings, The poet, the painter, the Minstrel that sings, Have a most “holy horror” of these little tilings, Os the noise, that they make, with their click—click, When setting them into the “stick.” Click—click! Click—click. Go the types in the “stick,” To the good and the just—all the nations around— To “the rest of man kind,” and where virtues abound, With high throbbing hearts, there is welpome’d the sound. And the noise that is made by the click—click. Os putting types into the “stick.” Click—click! A Romantic Life. Obituary notices have nearly monopolized our pen of late. There are feiveras in our his tory which have been inarkad by so many deaths of prominent individuals, as the last three mouths. In our obituary columns, to-day, will be found another addition to the list of remarkable de ceased, in the death of Madame Zulime Gar dette, the mother of Dr. Gardette, of this city, and of Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines. She died in this city, at the residence of her son, Dr. Gardette, at the advanced age of seventy eight years. This lady was the heroine of that intensely interesting romance in real life, which was developed in the celebrated lawsuit of Mrs. Gaines. Her maiden name was Zulime Carriere. She as born in the old French colony of Biloxi. Her parents were emigrants from the land of poetry and romance—the favorite home of the Troubadours-Provence. The blood of the Gipsy race, which, in the early days of Louisi ana, settled along our sea-coast, and whose lovely daughters were the special objects of the admiration and love of the gallant French cav aliers who established the first colonies, mingled with that of the poetic Provencal. From such a stock, it is not remarkable that Zulime Car riere should have derived extraordinary person al beauty. The charms of herself and her three sisters, were universal themes of admiration in the colony of Louisiana. The warm and geni al climate, and luxurious atmosphere of the sea shore, ripened these charms into full maturity at a very early age. Zulime had hardly emerged into her teens, before her hand was sought by numerous suitors. The successful aspirant gained his point, as Claude Meinotte in Bul wer’s play did, —by’ holding an imaginary coro net, or other insignia of nobility, before the eyes of a beautiful, hut unsuspecting girl of thirteen. She was caught by the glittering bait. The Frenh nobleman soon dwindled into a confec tioner, and, what was worse, a married man, who had never been divorced. He was arres ted and tried by an ecclesiastical court in this city, for bigamy,—was convicted and sentenced to be punished, but afterwards escaped, and was no more heard of. Thus ended Zuiime’s rela tion with Jerome De Grange. Pending this proceeding,and after thediscove ry ot De Grange’s previous marriage, there grew up an intimacy between Zulime and Daniel Clark, then a leading man, iu this colony, a dashing, whole souled Irishman, reported to be very wealthy,—of popular character and agree able manners. Clark was just the gallant, chiv alrous man to espouse the cause of an unpro tected and wronged woman. It is said—but as from this point starts the protracted litigation which has recently enga ged so much ot the time and attention of our courts, we must be understood as giving the version related by the deceased lady herself and her friends—that Clark having met Zulime in Philadelphia, and satisfied himself as to the ex istence of De Grange’s bigamy, and the conse quent nullity of his marriage with Miss Carriere, promptly offered her his hand and heart, butsug gested the prudence ot keeping their marriage secret, until they could complete the proof of De Grange’s crime. They were then married. Os this marriage but or witness was living when the suit was brought by Mrs. Gaines, and that was the sister of Zulime. But there were corroborating circumstances upon which the proot of the reality of such a connection was rested. After her marriage to Clark, in 180-2, Zulime returned to New Orleans, to take further legal proceedings to invalidate, or rather au thenticate, the illegality ot the marriage with De Grange. A suit was brought for this purpose in the civil courts of the Territory, and judgment was obtained against De Grange. In the mean time, Clark had advanced in years and honors. The gallant youth ot 1802, had become the am bitious politician and millionaire. As the popu lar man of a powerful party, he was sent a dele gate of the Territory to Congress. Here he soon torgot the poor Creole girl, and he began to meditate a more brilliant marriage connec tion. The object of this aspiration was the lovely Miss Canton of Maryland, a grand-daugh ter ol Charles Carroll, ol Carrollton, who after wards become Marchioness of Wellesley. She was a great belle, and Clark’s fine manners and wealth, no doubt, rendered him quite a desi rable match, for so brilliant and accomplished a beauty. They were engaged ; but some stories of his enemies caused a sudden termination of their relations. On bearing of his courtship of Miss Canton, the unfortunate Zulime again went to Philadelphia to procure proofs of her marriage with Clark. But alas ! Clark, it was alleged, un der the influence of a reckless ambition, had made way with those proofs, and poor Zulime again found herself the victim of man’s treachery. In a feeling ot desertion and helplessness, alone among strangers, whose languge and habits were foreign to her, she accepted the hand of Dr. Gar dette, who generously and magnanimously, re lying on her truth and sincerity, united his fate and fortune with hers. From that period her life flowed smoothly on in the dischargefof her du ties as a wife aud mother. Shortly after her marriage with Gardette, Clark had suffered his severe rebuff from the lovely Miss Caton. In a spirit of true penitence, he hurried to Philadelphia, saw Zulime, and de clared his determination to proclaim their mar riage. But it was too late. She informed him that she was Mrs. Gardette. Clark was deeply distressed at this, and exhibited a sincere peni tence. He sought to atone for his desertion of the mother, by kindness to the daughter, who was born in 1800, of this secret marriage. This was Myra Clark. She was placed in charge of an intimate friend of Clark, Colonel Davis, who raised and educated her as his own daughter. It was not until she had reached maturity, that Myra discovered the secret of her history. Since then, as Mrs. Whitney and as Mrs. Gaines, she has prosecuted her claim to the property of Daniel Clark, as his lawful heir, with a zeal, earnestness and energy, which have rarely been equaled in the annals of litigation. The diffi culty has been to establish the marriage between Zulime and Daniel Clark. Certainly, a mys tery has long hung over this case, which only the dead could rise from their graves, and satis., factorily determine. The once lavelv Zulime, passing through so many reverse! and misfortunes, returned, in her old age, to New Orleans—her old home—and passed a peaceful and happy life, in the family of her son, respected and beloved for her many virtues. She died at the age of seventy-eight, the youngest of her family—two of her sisters having attained their ninetieth year, a longevity common to the old inhabitants of Louisiana, and particularly of those horn on our sea-coast. N. U. Delta.] Full Confession of Bishop Bonne. Camden, N. J. Sept 15. The following is the statement submitted in writing by Bishop Doane, to the Court of Bish ops : “The undersigned in prosecuting his plans of Christian education in connection with St. Ma ry’s Hall and Burlington College, found that the expenses of the enterprise greatly exceeded his calculations, and while assistance on which he had confidently relied,perhaps, too sanguinel v, fell altogether short of what he deemed his reason able expectations. In this condition of things being entirely left alone and without advisers, every step which he advanced involved him more and more deeply in pecuniary embarrassments. He admits that lie made representations, which at the time, he believed to be correct, but many of which turned out to be erroneous. He was also led by his too confident reliance on anticipated aid to make promises which he fully expected to perform, hut which experience has taught him were far too strongly expressed. He was also induced, for the sake of obtaining mon ey to meet his necessities, to resort to methods, by the payment of exorbitant interest, which he did not suppose were in contravention of law, and which common usage seemed to him to justify. He also in entire confidence in his ability to replace them, made use of certain trust funds in a way which he deeply regrets, and although they have long since been perfectly secured, he does not now justify. The embarrassments here referred to were followed bv a long and well nigh fatal sickness, withdrawing him from business which he had carried on alone, was nearly instrumental in the entire failure of his pecuniary affairs. The perplexity arising from this failure with the protracted infirmity which followed his sick ness, made him liable to many errors and mis takes which might easily bear appearances of intentional misrepresentations. In connection with the assignment of his prop erty, lie set his name and oath to an inventory of his goods, and also to a list of his debts, which he believed to he correct, an act which he grieves to find has given rise to an impres sion in the minds of some that he exhibited an insensibility to the awful sanctions of the oath ot a Christian man. But while he laments the impression, he declares that this act was only done under legal advice, and the firm conviction of its correctness. Some time after his recovery from the illness above alluded to, but while he was still iu the midst of perplexities, smarting under his heavy disappointments, surrounded by imputations to which, in some quarters, he was subjected, the ! letter of the three Bishops came to him. He has no disposition to ascribe to them any other than just and proper motives in thus addressing him, but at the time when he received the com munication he viewed it otherwise, and, under the strong excitement of the moment, he penned a pamphlet, part of whicli he does not now jus tify, and expressions in which in regard to those brethren, he deeply regrets. In reference to his indebtedness, he now re news the declaration of his intention, which he has constantly made and has acted on to his ut most ability, thus far to devote his means, ef forts and influence in dependence on God’s blessings to the payment of principal and inter est of every just demand against him, an ex expectation of which there is reasonable hope of having fulfilled, since a Committee of the Trustees and the Friends of Burlington Col lege have undertaken an enterprise, which is nearly completed, to discharge the whole of the mortgage debt and thus secure the proper ty at Riverside and St. Mary’s Hall, with that of Burlington College, to the Church forever for purposes of Christian education. This cjone, the Trustees have further agreed to appropriate during life, the surplus income of both institu tions to the liquidation of his debts in carrying on said institutions. That in the course of all these transactions, human infirmity may have led him into many errors he deeply feels. He does not wish to justify or excuse them. If scandal to the church, and injury to the cause of Christ have arisen from them, they are the occasion to him of mortification and regret. For these things, in all humility and sorrow, before God and man, he has always felt himself liable to, and willing to receive the friendly reproofs of his brethren in Christ Jesus, and especially the Bishops of the Church. [Signed] G. W. Doane, Bishop of New Jersey. A Reverend Seducer. Tile trial of the Rev. Win. Waller, of the Reformed Baptist Church, for seduction, in the Carroll Circuit Court, Ky., resulted in his conviction, and the jury awarded §5,000 damages. The Reverend seducer af ter accomplishing his purpose, under a promise of mar riage, fled to South Carolina, where he married a very respectable lady with considerable property ; and will, we suppose, be able to pay himself out of the difficulty. It appears in the testimony in the case that Waller, after promising marriage, quoted or misquoted various texts of scriptures, to quiet the scruples of the girl, and to lead her to the belief that the contract was as bind ing as if lawfully married. It was not until her situa tion threatened exposure that he fled. Gov. Morehead appeared for the prosecution, and the Court House was so thronged that many of til e crowd could not even reach the outer doors of the house. — His closing speech was powerful, and its effect upon the Reverend sinner is said to have been overwhelming. Vicksburg Whig , 14t/i inst. Death of Sir Charles Napier.—The Frank lin brings us the intelligence of the death of the veteran Sir Charles Napier—of whose (danger ous illness we have had previous accounts. He was one of the most distingushed generals of the British army, and had been an officer in dif ferent ranks and in various parts of the world, for sixty years. CO- VVhy is a watch-dog larger at night than he is in the morning ? Because he is led out at night, and taken in, in the morning. <Limzs anti SmtimL COLUMBUS, GKOHUIA. TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 27, 1853. FOR GOVERNOR: HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN. FOR CONGRESS: Ist. DISTRICT JAMES L. SEWARD. lid. DISTRICT A. 11. COLQUITT. Hid. DISTRICT DAVID J. BAILEY. IVth. DISTRICT W. B. W. DENT. Vth. DISTRICT E. W. CHASTAIN. VHth DISTRICT ..THOS. P. SAEFOLD. Vlllth DISTRICT J. J. JONHS. MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS. FOR SENATE, JOSEPH STURGIS. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, A LEX A N DER M. DOUG A LD, MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. PUBLIC MEETING. The citizens of Columbus are respectfully requested to meet at Temperance Hall on Tuesday 27th inst., at 4 o’clock P. M., for the purpose of affording relief to the poor in Mobile, who are buffering from Yellow Fe ver. The mortality in that city is greater than it has ever been in New Orleans in proportion to the popula tion. The Public Lands —Bennett’s Bill—Position of James Johnson. According to promise we resume the consideration of the Congressional career of lion. James Johnson. The public lands of the United States are an im mense possession. They are a public mine which far ex ceeds in richness “the wealth ofOrmus or of Ind.” The great body of the public lands now owned by the United States were obtained by cession from Yirgina, by pur chase from France and by war with, and purchase from, Mexioo. The cession by Virginia was made with di rect reference to the payment of the debt contracted during the Revolutionary war ; there is, however, but a comparatively small portion of this magnificent domain now in possession of the United Stales. The great bulk of the public lands were obtained by pur chase and war ; the purchase money was taken from the public treasury ; the treasury was filled by taxes on imports, of which the South paid much more than her proportionate share. It would seem, therefore, that equity and good, faith required that the proceeds of the sales of the public lands shall he return ed into the treasury, so that the burthens of taxation, whicli hear so unequally upon the South, might be re duced, and the public debt discharged, which was con tracted in their acquisition. The cont-titution gives no power to Congress other than to sell or dispose of the public lands. The money, therefore, accruing from the sale of them, is like any ; other money in the treasury, and can only he appro priated to the carrying out such powers as the consti tution confers upon Congress. No man or party has ever claimed for Congress the power to build Rail roads, or to support schools in the States by the appro priation of money out of the treasury ; there is no sueh power in the constitution ; such a use of the public money would be a gross abuse of power, so clearly un- i constitutional, as to shock the common understanding, i And if Congress has no power to appropriate money, then ! clearly it has no power to appropriate the public lands for this object; as we have clearly shown that it lias | no other power over them than to sell them. There has been an exception made to this limitation ! in new States; but it rests upon the assumption that ! a grant of a small portion for public improvements would increase the value and facilitate the sale of the ballance, j and thus the public treasury, in the end, would he the j fuller by the operation. We are now prepared to enter into the merits of j Bennett’s Bill. What is Bennett’s Bill? We an-; ssver ; It was a Bill introduced into the House of Repre sentatives on the A. i). 1851, by Mr. Bennett, of New York, to give to Missouri, three millions of acres of public lands, to Alabama and lowa, three hundred thousand, to Michigan, twenty-five hundred thou- | sand, to Wisconsin, do., to Louisiana do., to Mississippi, i two hundred thousand, to Florida, do., to Arkansas, three millions, to California, three millions, to Illinois, one million of acres, in all twenty-seven million of acres, of the public domain, and worth, at live dol lars an acre, one hundred and thirty-five millions of dollars, to be used in building Railroads in these ; States; and also to give to Indiana one million of acres, and all the public land remaining in its limits, I and to Ohio two millions of acres, and all tho public land remaining in its limits, and to each and every oth er State in the Union, except Texas, one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land for every Senator and Rep- < resentative they had in the 32d Congress ; and one ! hundred and fifty thousand acres to every organised Territory in the United States, and a like amount to j the District of Columbia—an amount of money almost j incalculable—to be appropriated to the support of schools | in their respective limits. There are other clauses in the Bill, but they relate i to the manner of locating the lands, and selling the j same <fce., and are not germain to the matter in land, j For this Bill—this monster Bill—your Representative, j fellow citizens, the Hon. dames Johnson, voted as you will see be referring to vol. 24, page 1626, Congres sional Globe 5 yes he voted to give away for Railroad and school purposes about sixty millions of public do main, worth, at 5 dollars an acre, the immense sum ofj three hundred millions of dollars ; thereby increasing the taxes to that amount in the end, and committing the Federal Government, by indirection, to a gigantic scheme of Internal Improvement unparalleled in magnitude in the annals of Legislation. If Mr. Johnson were asked if he would consent to take three hundred millions of money out of tho Trea sury, and give it to the States, for the purpose of buil ding Railroads and establishing schools, he would con sider himself insulted. lie is opposed to Internal Im provements by the General Government! But where is the difference between taking money out of the Treasu ry tor this purpose and appropriating the public domain, which, when sold, will put that much money ill the treasury, and lessen in that proportion the burthen of j taxation ? We have already shown that the Bill is un constitutional. And let no man undervalue this ob jection. Tbe constitution is the charter of our liberties, and the bond of union. Trample it under foot, and the last barrier which shields the South from the despotic tyrany of a fanatical majority, at the North, will be bro ken down, and the South be left to all the horrors of a false philanthropy, or to the defense of their own right arms. This is a fatal objection to the Bill and leaves ! Mr. Johnson without excuse for supporting it. But not only is the Bill unconstitutional—it is impo litic and ruinous to the highest and best interests of the United States. The distinguishing characteristic of our system of Government is, that the States are independent and j sovereign ; and afford convenient and organized bodies through which resistance to Federal tyrany may be effectually made, whenever lust of power shall betray the Federal Government into an abuse of its authority. This is indeed the great conservative feature ift our Government—the feature which saves us, alike, from the alternate oppressions of anarchy, and of des potism, to which all other Republican Governments are exposed. It is therefore of the last importance to pre serve the sovereignty and independence of the States. The perpetuity of Union, aud the happiness, and pros perity of the people alike demand this. Against the independence of the States this monstrous Bill aims an effectual and deadly blow. It offers a bribe to submission to tbe unconstitutional action of the Federal Government. Ai it is with a man, so it is with a State; make him a beneficiency aud you rob him of his independence. By placing the States in the attitude of beneficiaries to the Federal power, Ben nett’s land bill places them in the inferior position of dependents ; elevates the Federal Government over the States •, and thus destroys the best safeguards to popu lar liberties. These are great and fundamental objections to the Bill. But there are many others equally solid. — Our theory of Government is that, “that is the best Government which governs least.’’ \V r e look to the Federal Government for protection from foreign aggression, and from domestic violence, and to the States j and the people for everything else. They must subdue the primitive forest, buiid roads, erect schools and J colleges, and all theoiher appliances of a high civilization. In this respect we are a peculiar people. The despot isms of the old world have much more splendid systems than ours. Their armies, their navies, their Govern ment schools, roads, and other public works, are much ‘ more magnificent than ours, but their misfortune is, that all that is done, is effected by tfre Government. Our system is different. Theirs exalts the Government, ours exalts the people. By doing every thing, their Governments leave ‘the people nothing to do. They are, therefore, unenterprising, uneducated, vicious and slaves. By doing but little our Government forces the ‘people to do every thing. They are, therefore, enter prising, educated, and free, and under their care this western wild has bloomed and blossomed like the rose. Bennett’s Bill proposes to change this system —to take all public enterprises out of the hands of the States and people, and give them over to the care of the Federal power. The result of this policy is apparent — America will be turned back from her high career, and be made to follow in the wake of European despotism. The excuse for all these evils is, that the public lands are a source of corruption, and endless strifes in Congress. They are so, simply because unfaithful men are attempt ing to divert them from their legitimate purposes. Sell them, and put the money in the treasury, and all these corruptions and strifes will cease. But if the public lands are now a source of corruption, it is confined to Con gress. Tiie State Legislature at least are left pure.— Butonci place in their hands the disposition of millions of public money, as Bennett’s Bill propose to do, and how long will it be before this Hood of corruption, which is now confined to Congress, will innuudate the whole land, and spread its contaminating influences to the furthest corner of the Republic 1 The proiul State of Georgia spurns this corrupt bribe. She is competent to the fulfillment of her own high duties, independent of the corrupting aid of the Federal Government. By her own capital and energy, she has intersected her extremest borders with a net work of Railroads, which challenges the admiration of her confederate States. Colleges and schools dot her surface, and she only waits the proper moment to place the means of education at every man’s door. She is a great, sovereign and inae pendent State, and will acknowledge herself the men dicant of no power on earth, by entering into the dis graceful scramble for its offal. This greatness, this sovereignty, this independence, the Hon. James John son has done all iu his power to destroy, by giving his vote for Bennett’s Land Bill* Thank God, there were Republicans enough in Congress to defeat the monster, and strangle it in its cradle. No doubt the honorable gentleman will attempt to excuse himself by pointing to the names of other men who voted with him for the Bill. They are not candidates before us for office. We have nothing to do with them. Let them answer before their own constituents ; let him an swer before his, for this outragious attempt to make the State of Georgia subsidiary to the Federal Government No doubt lie will insultingly ask if we are opposed to Rail Roads and Schools? No, we are not; but we choose to build our own Roads and establish our own Schools, and are in favor of other States doing the same. No doubt, lie will assert that the new States will grab the public, domain, and thus deprive us of our share in it. It is his business to prevent this by seeing to if, that it is sold, and the proceeds put into the common treasury. The theme is inexhaustible, but we have said enough to prove that the lion. James Johnson, in ! voting for Bennett’s land Fill, has shown himself un j worthy of a seat, on the floor of Congress, from the : proud State of Georgia, which choses to be the equal ! and not the beneficiary of the Government of the U. I States. We have but room to add, that if this monstrous bill j ever becomes a law, and sixty millions of land are forced I upon the market, that large corporate companies and j bloated capitalists will become the purchasers, and thus j the public domain, instead of being a reserve, for tho ! benefit of the poor of the land, at one * dollar and a i quarter per acre, will be converted into the means of | building up the fortunes of rapacious speculators, who, : having a monopoly of wild land, will fix their own price | upon it. Jlaj. A. 11. Colquitt in Columbus. On Tuesday, the 20th inst., the gallant candidate of | the Democracy in the 2d District, addressed a large | and appreciating audience at Temperance Hall. This ! was his first appearance before a Columbus auditory, | though his youth and early manhood were passed in our city. His eugaging private qualities had seeurred him a host of friends here, but very few of us had ever ’ heard him on the hustings. We, therefore, looked for ! ward to his debut with some solicitude, but without misgivings, as favorable reports had reached us of his j eflorts in the lower counties. Ilis appearance in the j Hall was greeted with along and loud applause, which ! was redoubled when lie was introduced to his audience i by the venerable President of the meeting, Dr. Hoxey, | for long a Whig, but now the staunchest pillar of De mocracy in Georgia. Without preliminary flourishes, our young champion j addressed himself directly to the subject matter in hand, j and for an hour and a half entertained his large au j dience with an address alike creditable to his head and i heart. We cannot give a better idea of the effect pro ! duced by his effort, than to state the criticism of an j old politician who was perhaps the most solicitious of all i who heard the address, ;*s to the effect it would pro | duce in the present state of the canvass. “How were j you pleased with the addres?” inquired a friend, ‘‘De lighted,’’ he replied, “his Father never made so good a speech at his age.” This was, we believe, the general conviction. An old gentleman, at least was so inspiied j by his eloquence, that quite forgetting himself and the occasion, he exclaimed in the fullness of his heart, “(Ro ry to God,” —a sentiment by no means confined to him self, though no other listener gave expression to it. After reviewing the principals of Democracy, Maj. Colquitt vindicated the Administration from the feeble and inconsistent charges of the Conservative party very ably and successful) - , stripped the Conservative leaders of their flimsy professions of devotion to the South ; held up to deserved reprobation the hypocraey of their course in denouncing President Pierce, while they sustained Fillmore, the Freesoiler, voted for WebsKir the Free soiler, and found no word of blame for Corwin whose vindictive Abolitionism shocked the sensibilities of C. M. Clay the Abolitionist ; denounced the centralising ten i dencies of Bennett’s land bill as anew edition of tho ; old Federal scheme of distributing the proceeds of the ; public lands among the States : exposed the aristocratic | tendency of the candidate of the Conservative party for j Governor as exhibited in his advocacy of the Mgerkfc* • law, and of a property qualification for Governor, and j concluded by a rebuke, as a severe as it was merited, of | those men who had charged him with a desire to shrink | from an encounter with his opponent, when they knew j that he was detained from his appointments by the illness of his family. These of course are but the the heads of his address, upon which he enlarged at length, and occasionally, with great force and eloquence illustrated and enforced. We presume after this effort we shall hear no more of j Maj. Colquitt’s youth, and want of experience or capac ity. We were ourselves pleased with his speech—indeed he surpassed our most ardent expectations. The only point of regret was that the audience was too large to hear distinctly the lower tones of the speaker at all times. We now feel more than ever impelled to urge our friends to come up nobly to the support of our gallant standard bearer. lie is worthy of our support. Unblem ished in character, sound in political principles, devoted to his country in peace and sympaihysing with the masses aud giving promise of high talents and a noble career, he is eminently deserving of the suffra ges of freemen. Wc believe he can be elected. He is too, the candidate of the lower counties, which have never yet had the honor of giving a Congressman to the District. They have stood up to us in every time of trial, and we must stand up ’to them. The no ble county of Baker will roll up a majority of near five hundred for her favorite citizen, which will be an swered by one of two hundred from Dooly, and nobly seconded by Early and Randolph. Will not Muscogee endorse him too. His early friends and school mates are here. They know his virtues. Let them honor themselves and bless their country by giving to her ; councils a man without fear and without reproach.— j We proudly challenge the closest scrutiny. Young he is, j it is truev but free from the indiscretions of youth, inex ! perienoed,it may be, in political contests, but with natu | ra! endowments of a high order which will place him i in the front rank of our public men ; honest, sincere, i brave, chivalrous, he ought to be elected, and we sin cerely hope, and confidently believe he will be. Let the people see to it that his name is on their tickets. The Thousand. Dollar Proposition. We are amazed to learn that Mr. Jenkins, in his ! speeches in Cherokee, still contends that the law pro hibiting the freeuien of Augusta, (who were not worth one thousand dollars ,) from voting for Aldermen, was a good and wholesome law. We are still more .sur prised that there are men who support him because he was in favour of such a law, and advocate its adoption in all our cities. Mr. Jenkins, it is true, limits the law to the city of Augusta, and condemns its application to the State at large. Upon what principle he justifys its application to Augusta, and condemns its application to the State, we are not advised. lfpoor men are unfit to enjoy equal rights in Augusta, they are certainly equally un lit to exercise them in the State The principal is bad and anti-republican. Every man has a right to vote unless he forfeits it by crime. The poor man bears his proportion of taxation : he bears more than his pro portion of peril in war ; all the muskets in the Revolution were in the hands of poor men ; they love their coun try as much as the rich man does • indeed they are more immediately interested in the prosperity of the country than the rich man is ; for distress first enters his door; a bad crop or poor prices lob him of tho means of living, while they only deprive the rich man of some of his luxuries. Nay, more, as a general rule, the poor man is more honest in tho exercise of the- bal lot than the rich man—he has no private ends to sub serve by an election ; he votes honestly if he does some times vote ignorantly. Let, therefore, the poor man and the rich man stand upon the same level in the eye of the law. We utterly reprobate and condemn the idea that a man’s worth is to be measured by the length of his purse. Intellect, moral worth, public spirit and patriotism are the highest civic virtues, and not the capacity to accumulate money, though we would by no menus underestimate this quality. It is good in its place ; but is no guarantee that he who possesses it is a virtuous man or a good citizen. We believe there is no danger of the spread of Al gerine principles in Georgia. The freemen of this gallant State would not tolerate two ballot boxes, the one for the poor man and the other for the rich—such j tyrany would be put down by the bayonet. But let | the people beware. The price of liberty is eternal vigi- I lence. Div, V room and Brown. j These three names have figured very conspicuously ;in the Conservative press in Georgia. Whenever proof has been demanded that Fierce has appointed free | soilers to office, the reply has always been “Dix, Vroom | and Brown.” Dix and Brown have had a hearing in j our columns. Brown always voted against the free | soilers ; Dix always opposed the abolitionists, and though lie voted for the Wilmot Proviso he also voted for the annexation of Texas, and the consequent spread iof slavery in the United States- We now have ;an explicit denial from a .whig paper in New York, that Vroom is a free soiler. The New York Times a very able and influential whig paper, gives to Mr. Toombs a rebuke for his inconsiderate denunciation of Dix, Yroom and the President, it says : “ Mr. Toombs does less than justice to three very respect able gentlemen in this paragraph. *‘l. To Hon. .John A. Dix, who, in his letter to Dr. Garvin, has most explicitly declared himself a foe to aboli tionism ; a friend to the Compromise ; and upon the, whole, a more strict constructionist than Mr. Toombs himself. “2. To Don. Peter D. Vroom, who has in no instance, through a consistent political life, exhibited the slightest partiality for Garrison and his creature*. Baltimore never contrived a platform so awkward and shapeless that Mr. Vroom hesitated to mount it. He clave to General Cass in 1818 ; advocated tho Compromise, both before and after its passage ; and lent the whole force of his character and name to repress the spirit of opposition, as manifest in the first instance, in New Jersy as any where else. No man less properly merits the name Mr. Toombs lends him. “3. To the President, who is thus acquitted of appoint ing any other abolitionists than such as may bo included under •the i xampU-s not given and should accordingly be discharged, c leared.” Now, let it be distinctly understood that neither Dix, | Vroom, or Brown art* any favorites of outs 5 we do not I endorse them ; vve would have preferred that office had : not been given to them ; we insist, however, that they | are less free soilers than Webster, Fillmore, Corwin, j Hubbard, and Meriditii : and that the Conservative i party is guilty of tho greatest inconsistency in denoun | cing Pierce, for giving them minor offices, when they j voted for a worse Freesoiler for President of the United i States. Gov# Cobb on the Stump— lndignation of the Conservative Press. The Conservative press is very indignant that Jlowcll ’ Cobb h;tt taken the stump in advocacy of the claims of H. V. Johnson. Who made Howell Cobb Governor ■of Georgia ? Unquestionably he got 18,000 Derno -1 cratic votes, but the rest of his tremendous majority was given him by the Whigs under the lead of the | Conservative press, which is now crying out so lustily , against the creature of their own making. The Con servative party made hyn Governor, and if he is guilty of ungubernatorial conduct, let them take the blame to themselves. But all this hue and cry is gammon. Suppose Howell Cobb had taken the stump for Jenkins, does any sane man suppose these indignant presses would have blamed him for so doing ? Their cry of in dignation would hate been changed to peans of praise. There is no doubt about it. When Jimmy Jones was Governor of Tennessee, and stumped the State making speechesfor himself, how loud their praise of his eloqnenoe, bow profuse their eulogy of his course and character ! Nay, Foote, the Conservative Governor of Mississippi, is even now stumping the State and mingling freely in a contest iu which his own claims t* the Senate are the burthen of his eloquence, and these deceitful presses find nothing to blame in his course. Foote is on their side. But why has not Cobb, Governor of Georgia, as much right to discuss Georgia politics before the people of Georgia, as has Robert Toombs the Senator of the U. M. from Georgia? The one is an officer of another Government, and one which may in time be hostile to Georgia as lu* himself labors to prove in all his add ress- a. The other is crowing on his own dung-hill. Isn'i iiowell Cobb a citizen of Georgia identified by birth and interest, and by official position with Georgia, and shall he be denied the privilege conceded to the mean est citizen of conferring with his fellow citizens upon matters involving his own and the dearest rights of his State ? The Chronicle tj* Sentinel says : •‘Wc, as feel that the escutcheon of our noble State has been soiled, and that we have been humbled in the dust by a travelling politician whose lust for office is such that he will stoop to any thing and any means to get it.” This is very severe language to be used against the chief magistrate of the State, and can only be justified by great moral delinquency on his part. What has Governor Cobb done to merit this severe denunciation ? It is confessed on all bands that he has made a good Governor. Tie has managed the finances of the State admirably ; the State road was never in better condition • all his appointments iiave given universal satisfaction. What has he done wrong? Made speeches for John son 1 Terrible malfeasance in office ! Surely he will be impeached by the next Legislature if it happens, contra ry to all probability, to be Conservative. “Humbled in the dust” indeed ! The paragraph we have quoted is greater cause for humility than any thing Cobb has done since he was Governor. . The truth is, Cobb’s speeches hurt, and, therefore, he is abused for making them. He is following a prece dent set him by Whig Governors, and Whig presses have no right to complain until they can show that they condemned that in them which they condemn in him ; consistency thou art indeed a jewel ! Deaths in Mobile.. —Two Methodist preachers sta tioned in Mobile, Messrs. Hughes and Powell have both fallen victims to tho yellow fever. Mr. Powell died on the 4th, and Mr* Hughes on the 13th inst. They are both represented as being devoted and faithful ministers and as having been very assiduous in their attention up on the sick and dying. The Hon. Mr. Merriweather, of Kentucky, reached his post at Santa Fe, on the Bth of August, and was immediately installed as Governor. All the Chances. We understand that the Conservative party arc hav ing tickets printed and circulated through the State some of which are headed “Union Ticket,” others “Conservative Ticket,” others “Republican Citizens Ticket, ’’ and we would not be surprised if others again were headed “Democratic Ticket.” It seems, there fore, that though the Mongrel party in this county have nominated a ticket to represent but one “phase” of their party, that the wiser heads iu other parts of the State are pandering to the tastes of several “phases”— indeed of everyy “phase” of their piebald organization except the “whig phase.” This unfortunate class seem to be entirely overlooked, nay, shunned and disowned, as well in this, as in every other part of the State. Let Democrats beware of these tickets and vote none but the regular Democratic, ticket, wiih Herschel V. Johnson’s name at the mast head, and the names of our Congressional anc county nominees. The Candidates and the Liquor Law. Tho Corner Stone of the 22d inst. says: Well, the candidates in this county have all come out openly against it, except Thornton. On Saturday last, at Gobbler’s Ilill/'Sturgis, Wales, McDougald, and Wool dridge, all came out openly against it. Crawford has done the same elsewhere. When it came to Thornton’s lime he was found missing— its the feeling there is pretty strbng against it, we infer that he is in favor of it, and therefore got out of the way of answering, though we understand he gives frequent aud strong practical evidences to the contrary. It may be that he hopes in this way to satisfy tlie opponents of the measure, and to satisfy the advocates, by refusing to answer. Without endorsing what the Corner Stone says about Mr. Thornton’s “getting out of the way” to satisfy the Temperance men, and “treating” to gull the topers, we quote the above as information to the public. The question is still undecided whether Thornton is theoreti cally a toper or a teetotaller—of course we all know he is neither practically. We think he owes it to himself, to take position on one side or tho other. Girard Bail road. We are pleased to see that the friends es this enter prise are sparing no exertions to secure its early com pletion, and that success attends their efforts. We learn that Mr. Blackmon, of Chunnenuggee, attended several Railroad meetings in Pike, at which the capital stock was increased about £75.000, and that many of the most influential citizens of the county, (among whom we recollect Mr. Solomon Siler,) have consented to act as local agents, and will probably increase the above amount to $150,000, which will secure the extension of the road from Union Springs to a point at, or near the line of Montgomery county, and about 45 miles from Greenville. We thus see that the gap of 68 miles, to be provided for, is being rapidly filled up. British Periodical Litrature. The London Quarterly, the Edinburg, the North British, aud the Westminister Reviews and Black woods Magazine come regularly to our office. They contain an, epitome of British thought and progress, and are universally regarded as the standards of British criticism. We often disapprove of much that we find in them, but we always hail their arrival with pleasure as they are sure to afford an intellectual feast. No man who desires to pass for cultivated, can do without these very superior publications. They are republished by Leonard Scott, & Cos., 70 Fulton St. New York, at the following rates. For any one of the four Review's, £3 00 per annum. For any two do 5 00 “ For any three do 7 00 For all four of the Reviews, 8 00 “ For Blackwood’s Magazine, 3 00 “ For Blackw’ood and three Reviews, 900 “ Forßlaekwood aud the four Reviews, 10 00 “ Four copies do do 30 00 “ # Blackwood is a monthly,* the others are quarterly publications. The new volumes for the Reviews com mence with the last issues of each, and Blackwood with the .July number. The postage 011 Blackwood is 24 cents, and on the Reviews, about 12 cents a year each, making on all, about 75 cents a year. The University of Georgia . We publish to day the reply of “Southron” to our correspondent “11.’’ We take no part in the discus sion between the very accomplished parties to it. We feel the liveliest interest in the success of Franklin College ; and if there is any deficiency in the library, apparatus, or any of the other means and instruments of imparting instruction, the only way to rectify it is to point it out. Alumni frequently do their Alma Mater serious injury by allowing a morbid reverence to palliate or conceal her defects. There is no institution of learning in tho South except, perhaps, the University of Virginia, which is at all complete in the appliances of education. Under this conviction, we last year urged the necessityof placing Franklin College upon a Universi ty foundation, so as to make it the resort of the Alumni of other Colleges in the State, instead of a competitor j with them for the education of boys in College routine. IWe are sorry to add,that our appeal in this behalf was not even so much as alluded to by man, woman or child in Georgia ; still intent upon this idea, we admitted the communication of “II” into our columns. His probe has touched tne quick, and now that attention is awaken ed to the subject, we hope efficient steps will be taken to supply any deficiencies which may exist in the insti tution. While we appreciate the feelings of a “South* 1 ron,” we warn him against the error of a devotion which may lead him to excuse delect when he ought toald in reform. We beg leave also to assure him that “II” is a Hue Southron, solely intent on elevating Franklin College, and not on injuring it. Proud of the South, he would make her equal to her destiny. Anew County—Misrepresentation Corrected. We are informed that Messrs. Wales, Thornton and Wooldridge, the candidates of the Conservative party of Muscogee for the Legislature, are pledged to the ad vocacy of a bill, if elected, to erect anew county out of portions of Muscogee, Stewart aud Marion counties ; and that an effort is being made to injure Messrs. Stur gis, McDougald and Crawford, the nominees of the Democracy, by representing them as the opponents of the measure. We are happy to have it in our power to correct this misrepresentation. Messrs. Sturgis, Mc- Dougald and Crawford will give their cordial support to the application of their fellow citizens for the forma tion of anew county. We refer our readers to the fol lowing card. A CARD. To correct misrepresentation the undersigned Candidates for Senator and Representatives of Muscogee county, take this method of saying to the voters, that in the event of our election, we will give our cordial support to the application to be’made at the approaching session of the Legislature by a portion of the citizens of Muscogee, Marion and Stew art counties lor the formation of anew county upon the basis of the application. We have thought it necessary to do this inasmuch as some of the friends of the opposing candidates, Messrs. Wales, Thornton and Wooldridge, who profess to be- friendiy and are pledged to advocate this measure, have represented us to be otherwise. JOSEPH STURGIS, alex. McDougald, Sept 19, 1853. M. J. CRAWFORD. Savannah Kiver Valley Railroad# At a meeting of the citizens of Augusta a resolution was passed recommending the City Council to subscribe two hundred thousand dollars to the Savannah River Valley Railroad. Accident on the Muscogee Road. As the freight train was going down on Tuesday 20th one truck of a freight car broke down and ran oft - the track, and three cars were “Woken to pieces. No lives were lost, but the road was torn up for some distance and the up train detained for several hours. Foreign Ministers. —The Russian, Austrian and Prussian Ministers, at Washington, have sent in a re monstrance to the President against the Kosta affair at Smyrna. O’ Commodore Tatnall, whose death was erroneous ly reported by telegraph some days since, continues to improve in health. Death of an JCditor. —We regret to learn, (says the Wilkes Republican of the 22d inst.,) that h. W . JS check died suddenly at his residence in Abbeville, S. C., on Tuesday morning last. Col. S. was an officer in the Pal metto Regiment during the Mexican war,and won great distinction by his gallantry in the battles fought by Gen. Scott, in all of which he participated, and was the first American to plant the Stars and Stripes on the walls ot the city of Mexico. He has, for several years past, been Ordinary of Abbeville District, and recently editor of the Banner, printed in the village of Abbeville. Col. S. was a courteous and chivalrous gentleman, and possessed of many ennobling virtues. He luid many friends who will cherish his memory, and drop a tear over his untimely grave. Rebuke the Administration. One of the candidates of the Conservative p ai - tv this county, having urged the ©lection of Chas.,}. kins, upou the ground that it would rebuke <7 ministration for making Freesoil appointments, w> jiu , Halt with the consent of the author, the follow-;.,., ter as a reply. It was addressed to the Mass ing of the Democracy at Kingston ; and is a very and interestingcommunieation. Read and digest it voting, and then perhaps you will think Mr. , ought to be rebuked for his love of Freesoilers in - Mr. Pierce. Columbus, Sept. sth Gentlemen: l yesterday received your circular , 26th ult., and thank you kindly for the invitation to v “ meeting at Kingston. Allow me to be frank in t.vur 4 . my dissent to your proposition, that the other partv ir ,. ‘ seiting their former principles and adopting our own have neither changed their principles nor adopted . 7 such was the fact, the whig party being extinct by their / resolve and public declaration, there could exist no 7, sity for a new’ organization; but, notwithstanding their * lessions, it is “ tne same old coon ” iu anew dr< - , the name ©{ “conservative,” that is continuing tin war 7 the true democracy of the State. The principles 0; u ‘ party are the same as ever ; how’ can it be otherwi-. it is principally composed of the same men, who ! rv* •. have been fighting under the broad federal banner <v. f j . Glav, and Daniel Webster ; a party which never re-e&’j. ed the sovereignty of the States, or the rights of the of sufficient weight to resist a bare majority m a party which bows to the will of a majority, as th. h ; tical constitution ; a Southern party, which, from th. :i of its formation in 1840, has sung poeans on ail ( , 7 to the success of Federal encroachments upon the the South ; a party which in times of need, and in th--: of trial, joined the North in denying to the South its < tutional right to an equal participation in the newly quired territories ; a party which not only submitted t, • order of northern fanaticism to lower our standard of. q .7 ity, but with ruthless hands aided in pulling it down, ~, nouncing us who tried to keep our gallant colors flying traitors to our country ; a party wdnch were engaged : multuously rolling over even the States of the South, electioneering ball with the invidious and significant in.-cr. tions of“. Massachusetts —ever faithful” —“South Car na— hemp for traitors.” Thin party placed the law Mexico, (a conquered country) above their constiiut; 1 and revelled in their low, vulgar, and disgusting adula: ol the partizan politicians, whose genius, extraordinary ant, and supendr information had enabled them to . the great discovery that the law of Mexico override- 7- American Constitution !!! No matter how great may ha-7 been the errois of the democracy, this “same old'rf sometimes whig, and sometimes “conservative,” has uniformly opposed to all practical vindication of the rib and equality of the South ; they have submitted to par:.” and unjust legislation, and actually aided their northerns;', lies in all acts of oppression upon the South, until Iron- Habit and association they became so submissive a t > rj. clare that the South, (their own people) had no right toem ter California with their slaves, and that a majority 1 gress had the constitutional power to proscribe siav--rv ironi the territories. And it is this party, which has m X anced the government, and reduced the South to n Ewr7. menial, which now ask the guardianship of the rights freemen. Shame upon Georgians, that such a party, wh - chief strength has ever consisted in humbug and violei , and the impudent presumption of its leaders, should have a foot hold in this State. Upon w hat principle ; they oppose the democracy and the State rights party Mainly, according to their charge,, that President Pur has made some appointments from the ranks of free so 7 ers. If the charge w r as true to any impartial extent, you an I might make the.objection, but how can they, or any them, object to the appointment of a free soiler ? It woe! be much more consistent for them to object to Jefferson Da vis, Judge Campbell, and others of that class, than for thos with whom they were palpably and undeniably in cl ? cooperation. I ask, in all candor, with w-hat face can a m w ho supported Webster object to a freesoiler, when, ifek ted, all his appointments must have been freesoilers, it r were true to his known principles, and repeated declan tions. Are the faces of Filmore men made of iron brass, who object to Pierce on account of a freesoil a; pointment ? For one I cannot see how such men can nr: ter the courage to make an objection so inconsistent \v;i all their late associations. This new conservative party proposes to be sectional, it would maintain such a position; it would be less obje; tionable, but is it not impossible lor it to take any othi course than to fall in with its old allies the whigs, at th North; it is constituted of whigs, and all their inclinatiur and principles carry them in that direction, as straight ns th needle points to the pole. If they had changed their prin ciples,they would join the democracy, for, after all thepr sessions of politicians, there is but one great point of ditfet ence, and that is between the adherents to a written con?ti tution, limiting the Government; and those who advocate submission to a majority in Congress. However, gentle men, the administration of the General Governmenthas n connection with our State elections ; it is consolidating th States to combine the elections, and make them win dependant upon the action of the General Government, an> 1 protest against all such impolitic and unholy mixture: Although president Pierce has gone much farther in sup porting the Constitution, and defending the rights ofth South, than any of his Georgia detractors, still w'e sliouh attend to our own State Government, .without mixing it up with his administration. The two candidates for Govern are both men of intelligence and talent, their claims up,-: public favor should be based upon their merits, and thei views of State policy. The 0110 is objected to on aeoffii of his democracy and his religion, while the other 1- >/> posed from his prominent adhesion to the whig or - usew ative party, ana for his restrictive opinions in regard It> th elective franchise. The great number of religious **, :• prove that the subject is difficult of comprehension, aud therefore, the Constitntion has wisely provided that al should he protected in the free exercise aud enjoyment 0 their opinions. The Algerian law may as a local law which legislators scarcely ever feel authorized to notice • oppose, be satisfactory to the people of Augusta, but th distinction maintained, cannot be tolerated or defended un der our republican system of government; it is not only an te republican, but it is aristocratic in the extreme, and 1 carry the principle into practice, in State legislation, mus soon produce Lords and Nobles. Respectfully yours, II To W. W. Clayton, ) Nathan Land, [Committee, &c. Wh. T. Wofford. j [for thf. times and sentinel.] The University oi Georgia—Reply to 11. Messrs. Editors: After an absence of a short tim* from Athens, we found on our return, that the students Franklin College were greatly enraged about a letter ove the signature of “II.” in tho Times and Sentinel, of th< 16th ult., giving, as was alleged, a would-be critical accoun of the recent Commencement exercises, and making inac curate statements, relative to the present condition of Geo; gia’s University, &e. Before reading the communication referred to, wc wer fearful that the “game was up,” with our beloved Aim; Mater; and concluded that the. College, its Trustees. : Faculty and its future prospects, were demolished, disgra ced, and forever blasted. “He slashed the speakers ngh and left—chawed Ward all to pieces—gave Dr. Chuk thunder—and raked the whole establishment fore and aft grated upon our ears from every quarter. With a beatni; heart, trembling hand, and tear-bedimmed eye, we seize: the paper ana began perusing the destruction-deali:.i document! Line alter line was read, and yet we could dis cover no ruins ; and we felt greatly relieved after fin:-r ing the whole, to see nothing in il at all calculated to [ duce the disastrous consequences our fears had depicted nor cpuld w r e imagine why it was so offensive to the si dents, unless on account of some gross misstatements in r< gard to the condition of the College. These misstatement; or more properly speaking, perhaps, erroneous conjecture; we propose briefly to notice and correct,and beg the use” your columns for the purpose. As for the classification of the Junior speakers, we hav nothing to say. The exhibitions are all public, and ever body has a right to criticise the performances. In thisca* we would remark, that the “order of merit” was morel “H’s” “private opinion publicly expressed,” and as far we can see will neither make nor destroy the fortune of a. speaker. Nothing else could possibly be objected to,i ;: til we come to the notice of Wednesday’s proceeding Like those of their Junior brethren, the efibrjs of the 8 : iors received little praise -which indeed here grew “be? - lully less.” However, this is nothing, and we suppose ‘ youthful A B’s will never feel any the worse lor having “IPs” opinion) displayed no marked ability on the occ3? of their graduation. But the portion of the commune” lion which we desire to consider more particularly, is that referring to the prospects of our University. Our onir ob ject in doing so, is to correct errors into which your corres pondent has fallen, but which, at the same time, pla - State and her Institution in a very false position. “H” says: “ But what is its (the college’s) present condi tion l A tolerably efficient “Faculty” no doubt, but wha material has this Faculty to operate with ■ The Librar comprises only 10,000 volumes. The departments ot Chen istry and Natural Philosophy, afford at present but lilt advantages. The Apparatus is deplorable deficient, answer to this, we would first remark, that it is erroneous from beginning to end—every word of it. VV e have am. efficient Faculty, with a President, who for conscientiou.- ness and firmness in the discharge of duty, compreheusiv ness and candor in teaching, and true Christian piety, is un surpassed, if equalled, in the Union. Loved, respected a esteemed by every member ot college, he is regarded the light rather of a kind father, than a mere instructor an: governor ; and his interest in the prosperity ot the lnstit-- tion, and success and happiness ot each student, amounts almost to a passion—a part and parcel ot his very nature in acta of benevolence, he is a true Samaritan. D:;b ■ days since, his own feeble health caused his to enjoin him positively not to leave his room. But same time, a student is lying very ill in the college While his family are, for a moment, absent from his hv side, the pale and venerable President, tottering from dis ease and age, quietly slips out—visits the feverish ?uik-:ur walks nearly all over town in quest of a doctor —eairuSj the sick man in his own carnage to private lodgings—; returns to his house exhausted, scarcely able to speak a whisper! Nor does tins instance of disinterested n ‘ : * ness stand alone. Such acts deserve the highest t ; and will receive their full reward only in another worio- So might we take up each trait of his character and quality of his mind, and prove that Dr. Church cannot surpassed as a presiding officer. True, the number ol l r0 ” lessors might be increased, to the advantage both ol U” college and themselves. Still in this respect, we eonip-o very favorably with the mighty knowledge-dealing fc vsta - I ishments up North. Os the 35 col leges reported as exist* - in the “New-England and Middle States,” 22 ot them ha’ fewer instructors than Franklin ; and ot the 119 collegyt the United States, 90 of them have fewer instructors uu- Frnnklin ! And for superior mental endowment, long -■ untiring research, and thorough preparation in their departments, our officers are as efficient , as those 0- p other college in the country—and wo stand ready to 1 it. Wherein then, are they only “a tolerably ek- Faculty ?” Ae to the material tor them to open.te “■/• the Library comprises nearly 12,000. which by addn - volumes belonging to the two Literary societies, 16,000. Thus is probably less than should be, but. pren mg that Libraries are expensive things, and are 1,1 r; account of the quality , rather than the quantity books they contain —let us look around the countr. • Yale Collkoe, an lastitution one handled an yea” old. with more than 6 000 Alomo. wd eeari) students in annual attendance, has a Library of 5 . lumes. Hot how many Literary societies are there cun