Newspaper Page Text
BY LOMAX & ELLIS.]
Volume XV.
TilE TIMES
TEftiJENT LOMAX & ROSWELL ELLIS,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
THE TRI-WEEKLY TIMES <Jt, SENTINEL
s published EVERY IVEDJVESVAY ami FHIDA i MUKjV-
Ufa and SATURDAY EVEJTIjYG.
the WEEKIiY TIMES <fc SENTINEL
published every TUESDA Y MORjJ/JfG*
Office on Randolph Streot, opposite the Post Office.
‘TE'KMS'S
TIU-WEEKIiY,Fivg Dolt.aks per annum, in advance.
WEEKLY, Two Dollars per annum,in advance.
: Vdverllsements conspicuously inserted at One Dollar
persquare, Tor the first inset lion, and r ikty cents tor every sub
sequent insertion.
oeral deduction will be made for yearly advertisements.
Sales oWiahd and Negroes, by Administrators, Executors,or
Guardians, are required by iaw to be held on the first Tuesday
in the mouth, between the hours of ten in the forenoon aud
three jit tho afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which
the property is situate. Notices o’ these sales must be given in
a public gazette forty days previous to the day of sale.
AToticos for the sale of Personal Property must be given at
leas!, tea days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors ofau Estate must be publish
ed forty days.
NoUcethatapplication will be madeto the Court o JOrdinary
for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for
two monthß.
Citations for Letters of Administration must be published
thirty days—tor Dismission from Administration, monthly six.
months—tor Dismission from Guardianship forty days.
Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly
for four months —for establishing lost papers, for the fall space
of three moiihs— for compelling titles from Executors or Admin
istrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full
inacc of three months.
‘Publication* will always be continued according to these,the
legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered.
BUSINESS CARDS.
BINDING.
HAVING connected with onr Printing Office, a full
and complete assortment of Book Binder's tools and
sloe*, and also added to our PrU ting materials, we are now
prepared to execute,in stood style and with despatch .every
kind of work in either branch of the business, on the best
terms. .
J.f.INK WORK, of every description, with or with
out printing, made to order, in the neatest manner.
WARE HOifSE PRINTING, Receipts, Drafts,
Notes, Bills of Lading, &.c., &c., executed neatly and
promptly, and bound in any desired style.
k.ili,ROAi> ANSI STEAMUOAT BLANKS,
of all kinds got up.with accuracy and dispatch.
jjjll tlrenlw, thirds, Circulars, llunil Bills,
Posters, Programmes, &c., A.C., printed in the shor
test notice and in the best style.
ItlHjtaxiun anti Pamphlets pu'up in every style o
binding;
Books 6 all kinds rebound strongly aud neatly.
LOMAX A. KLLIS.
Columbus, April 15,1851.
DR. TANARUS, STEWART,
yj H AVING returned to<N lambus would reepcctfully nn
nouncethat lie has resumed his practice of Medicine
and Surgery.
Columbus, Oa., Dec .7, 1834. w&twtf
W. tL BROWN, M. 1).
Reformed Physician and Surgeon.
f > KrtPLCfVIJLL / tenders his professional services t< tneciii-
Iv xaim of Coin u!.us ami vicinity,'‘with un assurance that hr
will attend to lull calls from the alii cted. Tho-m desiring his
service m ty be sure of receiving onlv Sanative Medication.
£‘IT Mllce on broad Street over ISanutrd St Cos. feblowvl.
DENTISTRY.
t&mm J- FDBLE, S. D. 8.
Office on Randolph near Broad Street.
Columbus,Tebi—lßss. w &tl.
It. A. TTJKNIPBEED,
ATTO !l N E V A T J. A W ,
CUSS ETA, CHATTAHOOCHEE COUNTY, GA.
WILL promptly attend to all business committed to
iiil charge. April 21, 1855—wly
A. F. OWEN,
ATT OR X 1:’, V A T LAVV ,
TALBOTTON, GA.
-\TTII.f, prepare Declarations for per ion 9 entitled tobonn-
VV ty-lnmts anil pension., and will attend to the
prosecutiouol’ all cluiuis Qf that nature. apHO—wtf
S. s. STAFFORD,
ATTORNEY AT LA \
BLAKfcILY,EARLY COUNTY, GA.
np‘i wtf.
SEALS & COX,
Attorneys at Law and Solicitors in Chancery.
\TTI 1,1. attend the Courts of Barbour, Henry and Pike, in
V the r.uiilli Judicial circuit, and thoseot Macon and Rus
sell in the Ninth. Special attention tjtven to business in tbe
Chancery and Probate Courts ot Barbour an 1 Macon conniiis.
D. M. SB \!.s, Clayton, All. MOSdS COX, Tuskegee, Ala.
October, 10-wly
AKTUUK HOOD. GEO. S. ItOP.IXSOX.
HOOD & ROBINSON,
ATTO tt N KY3 A T LA W ,
Cuthbert, Randolph co., Ga
TXTILL practice in Randolph, Clay, Calhoun, Early,
\ V Baker aud Lee, and other Counties in the Circuit
when desired. deed —ly.
BORDERS & DAVIDSON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, (IliOllCn.
[-jr” onuc over Dr. Ware’s Dint; Store, East side Broad st.
junto—lß33. wfmi.
JOHNSON & MASON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Cusssta, Georgia.
I>ARTlCULAßattef\tlonprtid to the collection of claims in
this and adjoining counties, and also to executors, admin
atratois; &c.
jan4 —wly
S. WISE PARKER.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Cpsseta, CitiiTAHOocim-. Cocxrv, Georgia.
junc2G-wtl.
RAMSEY & KING,
Attorneys at Law,
COLUMBUS AND HAMILTON.
James N. Ramsey, \V. 11. M. Kino,
Hamilton, (in. ColumbUK, Ga.
October-Jl—wly
ROBERT rtf. HOWARD,
ATTOIt NE Y A T LA W ,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA..
ITT office In the Si. Mary’s Hank Building, up Stairs. ,J_A
July*!, 1 s.‘,4—tw.tw i>.
ROUEUT E. DIXON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, G dOUGIA
Oflico over E. Barnard’s &. Co.’s Store
April s—wUviy
3AM ES IIA Mll .TON. ‘V M • l '. l> LAN E
HAMILTON & PLANE,
Attorneys at Law^
Columbus, Geo.
Will practice in the Courts ol the adjoining counties
n this Slate and Alabama. decs—w&twtt.
DENIO'I & PHILIPS,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
VV ILL Praaticem thediderent courts of Russel! county,
’ ’ Alabama. ADDRfciSo
It. WATSOX DENTON', JOHN 31. PHILIPS,
Columbus, Gil. Crawford, Ala
Sept 15, 1851. w&twlv.
JAMES B. CUNNINGHAM,
CIVIL ENGINEER AND SURVEYOR.
COLUMBUS, EGORGIA.
ARCHITECTURAL Designs and Working nans for Build
ings furnishe-l. Artificer’s work calculated; Surveys ol
land made, mid Tepngrapical plans furnished with accuracy,
neatness and despatch
0?“ ( >ffice over Col. Holt’s Law Office.
Columbus, Feb. 24. w&twtf.
BOUNTY LANDS.
WE have on hand a large lot of the Forms to be used
lit obtaining BOUNTY J. YN US, suited to all case3,
that we will sell ntsl per quire, CASH.
Columbus, Oa. vv&twll LOMAX & ELLIS.
COTTON LANDS.
THE subscriber has a small farm for sale container five
frgSSfchundred acres,—two hundred and fifty’ open, and 19
screw—lying 3 miles east ot Harduioney, and (3 south oi
Mcintosh, the countv cite. Any person wishing such a farm,
would do wet! io call soon. ‘ V. E.REVIEKJ2.
Kiuchafoonee county. May 25. w 2m
ALABAMA LAND FOR SALE.
I OFFER my Plantation for sale, lying 7 miles
south west of Columbus, Ga., in Russell County,
Ala., containing 480 acres, with about 300 acres
open land all under good fence, and a good framed Dwel
ling with 5 rooms, outhouses, and in good order, a good
framed Gill house and Screw. The plantation is well wa
tered, and a well of water which up to this time has not
failed in the least. I will make the terms easy. Any
person who may want to buy the place will he shown t\
D. A. Mcßea, on the place or C. E. Mims, of Columbus,
or 1 can lie seen at my residence.
DRURY MIMS.
Cusseta, Ga., May 22, ’ss—wtf
GOOD PROPERTY FOR SALE!
<fLz3\ I WILL sell the Hotel corner known as the
g|||T BALD HILL HOUSE ; the House is nearly all
t c 4Tl new, with 11 rooms, and is doing a fair business,
and if desired I will sell 100 acres of good Pine land with
the Hotel. Also, anew STOREHOUSE opposite the
Hotel, now occupied by J. W. Hewett & Cos., and a good
Tan Yard, now doing a fine business, and a good stock on
hand which can be had with the yard. For the Tanning
business there is not a better stand iu the State; all the
Shoes can be sold in the shop.
I will sell the above property all together or separate, ns
may be required, and if not sold by the Ist Tuesday in Oe
tober next, it will be sold at public sale The terms can
be made easy. This property is as desirable as any village
property in the .State; it is anew place and is improving as
last asit should for the times; the country around is good
and the society ; we have as good a school as any in the
State, under the management of Mr. J. B. Hull. My rea
son for selling is on the account of my wife’s health. I
don’t think ot leaving the county as 1 regard it as one of the
best little counties in the State.
T. A. BRANNON.
Cusseta, Ga., May 22, 1855. wtf.
INDIAN SPRINGS.
MCINTOSH HOUSE
g THIS Establishment Is now open for the re* asX
coption of Visitors to this delightful Water-.a~&" : i
ing place. The subscriber, who has now been at this place lor
the las’ ten years, can only assure persons visiting this K.-uab
liahtnent that as heretofore, he will spare no pains or expense to
give entire satisfaction.
Mr. K. Isaacs will have charge of the culinary department.
In tact, all in charge of this establishment, as well as servants,
shall be of the b&t order. There will be splendid Coaches awl
Hacks at Indian Springs platform, three nines above Forsyth,
to transport passengers lrom that to Indian Springs,
may Ifl-w2m H. W. cnM.lF.it.
SCOTT’S
! LITTLE GIANT CORN AND COB MILL !
Pale,iti-il May lOtli, IHS-I.
Til K attention of Planters, Farmers and Stock Feeders in
general, is respectfully called to this Mill, as the most im-
I portant article of tin; kind now in use; not only well adapted
| fr grinding Cobb Meal for Stock, but grits or fine Hominy lor
I the table, and especial.y Bread Meal from Coin not fully ripe
i or dry in the Fall.
j in selling this Mill no mechanic or frame work is wanted,
| only requiring Ij be fastened to a floor or piulform. Easily
j adjusted and used by any body, even a child.
! The LITTLE CIANT has received the first premiums at the
late Agricultural Fairs of Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland,
i and other States; and that in the most complimentary manner;
j us well as the most ready commendations from the thousands
i witnessing its performance.
! These Superior Mills are for sale hy
II U. 1., MOSES, fc CO.
mays—tw2twtf Crluiubus. Ca.
LOTi'FUV: LOTTT.KV: LOTTERY!
Jasper County Academy Lottery.
[By Authority of the Stale of Georgia. 1
r rMIE subscriber having been appointed Manager of the
JL .Jasper County Academy Lottery, intends conducting tbe
name on tire llatana Plan of single numbers, and has located
j his office in the city of Macon, Ga.
| He now offers the following—
I CL A S S B.
i GRAND SCHEME FOR JULY 33, 1855,
when prizas will be distributed as follows, amounting to
$50,000.
CAPITALS -512,( (to
o | / # 3,000
“ 2,000
“ 1,500
o 1,200
u 5 of. .... .! 1,000
** 10 of*.*.’.’.*. ’... .’... 40,1
In all piizes afhounling to S5),000
&.c. &e. &.C.
; ry A gents wanted in every town and city in the Union.
< in application, the terms will be forwarded.
Kwmeinber, every prize drawn at each drawing, under the
superintendence of gentlemen sworn to a faithful performance
of their duty.
j Prizes paid when due without discount.
I All orders, rely ou it, strictly confidential,
j Hills on all solvent Hanks taken at par.
! Whole Tickets Halves Quarter. $2.
i Address J A fc.B F. WINTER, Manager,
j mav 15 —wtf Macon, Ga. !
J. P. JORDAN. S. F. GEE.
JORDAN & GEE,
RECEIVING & FOKWAHD’G MERCHANTS,
General Commission Agents, & Dealers in
Dry-Goods, Groceries and Provisions,
CHATTAHOOCHEE,
Gadsden County, Fla.
A: ,: i i'-v. _ * v.6m.
LIME! LIME!
r E subscriber is now prepared to furnish LlMF^^.f
‘"the otho lime kiln, fefaail
at atty ffoini on tne Cha tahooclme or Apoacfticola rivers.—
PcrsoueVishing Litne can be supplied ou the moH reasona
ble terms by addressing the undersigned atOtlio Post Office,
llonry County, Alabama.
wtf T. L. P.oWi’.N ft CO.
TO PLANTERS.
Grover, Baker & Co’s. Sewing Machines
VUH hard to beat. They will <lo the work of a day in an
hour, and can be run by hand foot, or horse power. They
are so simple as to he managed easily by negroes, and arc, at
the same time, a haudsome article ot furniture.
Nm> establishment is complete without them. They will stitch
a shirt bosom, or sew fifteen thicknesses of o-nabings with
ease. Call and see them. CO WDftV fit CO., Agents,
apt4—wtf Columbus, Ga.
LAND & STEAM MILL FOR SALE.
r ¥MIE subscriber offers for sale his valuable set of Mills all
JL new, with an extensive custom, worth ironi *l9 to 50dollars
dIT day. The engine is of 20 horsepower, and drives a circular
saw that cuts from three to five thousand feet of lumber per
day. The Grist .Will will grind 12 bushels of corn per hour,
and gets a custom of 250 bushels per week. The mills are with
in 2 miles of Cutaula. There is attached to the mill BRO acres
of Pino Laud, heavy timbered, 126 acres cleared. Any poison
wishing to purchase such property will do well t<> call and ex
aminees l am determined to sell. C. J. M. ANDREWS.
Bufaula, Ala., Feb. t. 1856. feb!2—wtf.
MONTGOMERY IRON WORKS,
(late the winter iron works.)
MONTGOMERY, Ala., June 1, 1854.
rpilE subscribers manufacture promptly to order, River
1. and stationary Steam l nglnes, Boilers
ofeveiy description, Saiv, Grist and Sugar Mills,
Cotton Presses and Screws, Pumping Ln
glnes.
Heavy Machinery uenend y, and material* used in
Water and tins Works and Kail Hoads.
and light castings made from both Iron and
Blass.
15uilding Fronts, Columns, Iron Railings,
Jfcc., cast,titled and put up.
Blacksmith Work and Heavy Forgings exe
cuted: having in their works one ol Nasmyth's Patent direct
action Steam Hammer?.
Patterns of all deicriptions made at the shortest notice.
They are al>o the Foie Manufacturers in the South of the un
rivalled Rich Cast Iron Water Wheel.
.4nd of Wlntel’s Patent, improved Cast Iron
Frame, Circular Saw Mills.
All orders addressed to SANDERS IRVING, Sec'ry.
Montgomery lion Works,
Montgomery, Ala-
Will meet with prompt attention, and the work be punctually
executed on reasonable terms, and in a style not surpassed loi
accuracy and excellence oi vrorkmamhip.
JOHN JEFFREY,
J. S. WIN YER,
LEWIS FROOST.
-Montgomery, Ala., Aug. 22 wtf
NEW CARRIAGE REPOSITORY.
OPPOSITE THE
-j®- * -A” PERRY HOUSE -CsxMbgY
oraet hrymi sts.
MESBRS.J..B. JAQtTES & BRO.
Keep sonstantly on hand as large and varied an asso’-lment of
CARRIAGES. COACHES, BUGGIES,
AND LIGHT FAMILY ROCK AW AYS,
as can be loiuidiu the Southern Country, which they offer at
The Very Lowest Prices,
FOR CASH OR APPROVED SECURITY.
All articles sold at our Repository are WARRANTED to be
as go and as the best. They are mauulactured under our direc
tion expresslv for this market.
F ‘ .T.B. JAQUES & BRO.,
m} ,yl4_ w nm Opposite tbe Perry House,Columbus Ca.
“tiie union of tiie states and the sovekeignty of the states.’’
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 10, 1855.
From the Chronicle St Se ntinel.
SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS,
Delivered, in the Female Academy at Sparta on the 22 (l
June. Written out by him and published at the re
quest of several of those who heard it.
Fellow Citizens— Jjidies and Gentlemen: Upon the
invitation of some of the people of your county, I appear
before you to-day, to speak upjn the questions which now
engage public attention. This announcement is notice
quite sufficient, without further exordium of the topics up
on which your hearing is solicited, “know Nothingi&m,”
or Americanirin,” as it is now’styled, u the subject But
before entering into its consideration, a? I intend to do, 1
feel it to he due, no Jess to you than myself, to say some
thing in reply to certain rumors which have been pat in cir
culation in your community about me,and what I have said
on other occasions; the country is now lull of such and
other like rumor-; they have all doubtless been u-ed, ilj not
originated, with a view to prejudice your minds against me.
It has, for the instance, been reported, as 1 have been in
formed, that 1 said ‘‘l would rather go to Hell with a Ca
tholic ou on my back, than to Heaven with a Know Noth
ing ” All 1 have to reply to this is, 1 never said it! —
Again, it has been reported that 1 said that there was ivt
“an honest man belonging to ti e American party.” To
this I have simply to reply, l never said it! On the con
trary, you have all seen it from under my own hand, that
some of the best men in the State, in my opinion, and the
best friends 1 had on earth, were in the order. How could
I then, with this declaration,say or assert that no honest
mail was in the ordei? Nor do 110 *k upon such men as
a “scurvy set,” as is intimated by Melancthon, an anony
mous writer font this place, in the t.hronicle S Sentinel.
I look upon them as good men,but “unwittingly” misled ;
with honest motive*, misled. And all that 1 have said and
shall say today to all such, who may hear me, is with the
view of showing them their errors, and not for personal
ollence. 1 have, and would talk to all such not on yas
friends, but brothers; and 1 would act towards them just as
l would towards a brother suffering and even rolling in
frenzy, under some lell bodily disease, caught from tlie un
seen malaria that floats through the atmosphere in the
seasons of plague and pestilence. It is with this-spirit I
huvespoken and shall continue to speak on this subject, let
my iriends think of me as they may.
But again, I see it slated in an article published in the
Chronicle & Sentinel, over the same signature of Alelanc
thon , that the writer had understood that in my “speech at j
Crawlordvilie, J had said, that all or nearly all the preach-
ers in the Georgia Methodist Conference were Know No- i
things,” and that I must consider them all as belonging to
the same “scurvy” set. Now, who Ale lane ikon is maybe
known to yon opsome of you. He has not made himself
known to the public in these assaults against me. He eho
ses to “shoot,” not ‘ spout.” at me in the dark, as I said iq
Augu.-ta. But 1 believe it i9 sufficiently conceded by the
“knowing ones,” to warrant me in assuming that Dr. Pen
dleton, of your place, is the author 1 shall so consider
him. He may be present, for aught 1 know. If so, I say
to him, and to you, that this report, as the others, is utterly j
without loundation. In my speech at Crawlordvilie, 1 did i
not say one word about Methodist preachers,or the General j
Conference. In Warrenton, where this report has been j
circulated as it has been lu re, (being now given to the
world to make a lodgment where the refutation may, per j
haps, never go; I gave the same denial Ido now. 1 stilted
in Warrenton, as 1 do now, that while 1 had made no men
tion of Methodist Preachers, or any other Protestant de
nomination in my speech at Crawlordvilie, or speech else
where; yet 1 believed that many Preachers of all the de
nominations were members of the order, but for the honor
of Protestanti-m and for the sake of religion and good
moral-, as well astheirown sacred calling, I trusted they
did not give countenance to that general system oi equivo
cation, deception aud lying which markea the progress of
the Order, and which was bringing truth tnto disrepute,and
Christianity itself into disgrace.
Aud does Jl lc lane thon or anybody else deny that such
has been the general ellect of the Institution wherever it has
taken foothold? lhave not said, nor do 1 now say, that all
the members of the order do thus equivocate and deceive.
1 have, and do distinctly affirm that many do not, but that
great numbers do; and that from the rise of the order, this
system ol deception and evasion, or call it what you may,
hasrnaiked its progress. Can any one deny ill You ail i
know ii is tree. And if I hut lell you what your couscien
ces assure you is true, and anybody takes offence at it, it is
not me but the truth (hat oflends all such. Lot us lodk at j
this tiling a Lille, and consider it calmly and dispassionate
ly, in cool judgment—lor Ido not wish to address you in j
the language or tone even of passion. Is there a parent 1
here, a t artier or mother, in this large assembly, who would j
not chastise a child for such prevarication, equivocation
and deception as that practised by thousands of this Order? ;
and which may be considered one of ils leading charac- 1
teiislics, at least up to the present time. If you should in!
such case “spare the rod,” >ou would mod certainly “spoil j
the child.” The brightest gem in the aggregation of vir j
tues which ado n human character, is truth. The parent J
who neglects this principle in the tender years of his off
spring, may not be surprised to see those, who should le
a stay, a solace and an honor in bis old age, bringing his !
grey hairs down in sorrow to the grave. Is there a master ‘
litre who would not punish his slave tor such and ception ?
is there a ‘Know Nothing’ master her*: who would not ?
You know there is not. And if there be one of the Order
here who tiaa thus deceived his neighbor, he knows that
for a like offence against himself, he would punish his slave
—yea. he w ould whale hint Fellow citizens, you may
put down Outholies hy such means—you may put down
loreigners by such means—but by the same means you will j
‘sow Dragon’s teeth broadcast iu the land.
Another matter of difference between Melancthon and i
myself, which 1 may as well here notice,relates to the Jac- ‘
j obin Clubs. I stated that the Society which afterwards j
! was known as the Jacobins, was organized under the spe
j cions name of “the friends ol the i onstituiion.” In tins
j lie undertook to correct me. He says their first name was j
! “the friends of the Revolution.” 1 gave my authority, !
Thiers, the Freuch Historian, lfc produces the Amcri- j
ran Encyclopedia as his, and says that ‘ analogy is very j
much against the statement of M. Thiers.” 1 think very j
differently. Apa it from hi- being a Frenchman aud one ol j
their greatest writers, the circumstances, facts and events
ot that period, go far, in my opinion, to sustain him. This ;
Society was instituted on the C:h November, 1789. This!
was soon alter the Constitution was formed, which Louis /
XVI swore to support. Revolt lion had not then shown its >
head. It was not until ti e 21st September, 1792, after the
i m prison men t of the Kiticr, that the “Proclamation of the j
Republic” was made. That is when the Revolution was 1
openly avowed. The same society which at first, as we I
have it in Thiers, styled themselves “the Iriends of the Con- j
stitution,” may then have assumed the new name of “the !
friends of the Revolution ” This may, indeed, be consider- j
ed ty many as a matter of i.o great importance, but 1 ai- j
lude to it to show tnat, even i-i ibis veiy small mailrr, both j
by weight of authority and “analogy” 1 was l ight Andi
yet, after all, perhaps more importance should be given to j
it than at first might appear proper. It, .-hows with what i
specious objects men may set out sometimes and wluft dis- j
lerent resu ts they accomplish “The Jrienes of the Con- j
stitutiou” was quite as specious a. party name for good aud
true Freuehmcn at that day, as “Americans shall rule
America ’ is for good and true citizens of this country at
ibi- time. But it is said again and again, by Melanthon
and others, that our people can never do as Frenchmen did |
that the standard of virtue is too high with us; and that i
I have done great injustice to my own countrymen in sup- I
posing it possible that they could ever be the perpetrators j
of such outrages as the Jacobins were. If any person has j
been offended by my reference to the Jacobin clubs—or by !
any remark I made about them which is considered harsh
m their application to similarly constituted secret political
societies in this country, let me ask him to hear and consid
er what Washington said ot just such societies—this will
be particularly appropriate at this time, as his great name,
in my opinion, has been most impiouHy invoked to give aid
and comfort to the present organizations. The'Know No
j things’ are not the tirst secret political organization at
tempted to be inst.luted in this count!y. An association
of this sort was founded in Philadelphia during the Ad
ministration of Washington. The reason < r “motive as
signed lor it,” says Marshall, in his life of Washington,
from wilieh hook I read, was, “An anxious solicitude !or
the preservation of freedom, Use veiy existence of which
was menaced by a ‘European Confederacy transcendent in
Power and unparalelled in inquity.’ ” How very like the
reason or motive which is now assigned lor the present as
sociation; then people were asked to organize in secret
against a “European Confederacy transcendent in pow
er and unparalelled in inquity .” Now they are called
upon in secret to organize against “Foreign Influence,”
and the Church of Rome of “transcendent power and un
paralelied iniquity.” I’he organization thus constituted “on
the rmutei,” Marshall savs,“of the Jaoobin club in Pa'is,”
appointed a “corresponding committee to give moreexten
! give operation to their labors, and through whom they
would communicate with other societies, which might he
established on .similar piiocipies throughout the United
States.” Thu- the machinery was set going—on the Jaco
bin model—that is secresy —with associations
and corresponding committees —spreading their net work
and spider meshes all over the land, under the very specious
design as avowtd, of preserving lieecfbm, the very exist
ence of which was menaced or endangered by a “Euro,
pean Confederacy, transcendent in power, and unparal
tiled in iniquity Now what i ask you to do is tolls
ten, and hear what Washington said of jthese secret polil
icai societies started in Philadelphia in his day, and while
he was President. He did not tail to bring their existence
prominently to the notice and attention of Congress. In
his message, he says:
‘ Our an.xie.y/mising from the licentious and open re
sislance to the lavs in the western counties of IVnusyl
vauio has been increased bv the proceedings of certain
sdf-ereated societies relative to the laws and administra
tion of the government : proceedings, in our apprehen
sion, founded in political error, calculated, i( not intend
ed, to disorganize tur government, yiid which, by whis
pering delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental
in misleading our etizens in the scene of insurrection.’’
In a letter t> General L c,of the 2Gth August, 1793,
which I have before me, he uses these words :
‘‘That these societies (alluding to the same) were insli
ted by the artful and designing members, (many ol
their body, I have no doubt, mean well, but know but
little of the real plan,] primatilary to sow the seeds ol
jealously and distrust among the. people of the govern
rnent by destroying all confidence in the administration
of it; and that these doctrines have been budding ever
since, is not new to any one who is acquainted with the
character of their leaders, and has been attentive to their
manievres. I early gave it as my opinion, to the confi
dential characters around me, that if these societies were
not counteracted, (not by persecution, the only ready way
to make them grow stronger,] or did not fall into dises
teem lrom the knowledge of their oiigiu and the views
with which they had been instituted by their father Genet,
for purposes well known to the Government, they would
shake the Government to i.s foundation. Tinie and cir
cumstance have confirmed me in this opinion, and I
deeply regret the probable consequence?, not as they will
affect me personally, [for I have fc not long to act on this
theatre, and sure I am, t! at not a man among them efin
be mule anxious to put me aside than I am to sink into
the profoundest retirement.) hut because I see under
popular guises the in st diabolical attempts to destroy the
best fabric of human government and happiness that lias
ever been presented to the acceptance of mankind.”
This letter and these sentiments I commend to the
sober consideration of every one who hears ine. Have
1 ever said anything stronger or harsher against the dan
g< r to be apprehended lrom these secret political societies
that we now have, than the Father of his Country sa : d
against very similarly organzed bodies in his day ? lie
“deeply regretted the probable consequences” of them
in his day, not as they would “affect him personally J*
[aud sol can say with perfect truth as regards m\self,)
but because he saw under popular and fascinating
guises , the most diabolical attempts to destroy the best
fabric of human government and happiness that has
ever been presented to mankind !
Fellow citizeus.il this language is harsh or strong,it is not
mine. I: is the language of him w ho was ‘ first in war, first
in peace, and first in the heat ts of his countryme n.” Lis
ten lo the words, then, as not coming from me—hear
them as the warning of one who, though dead, yet from
tlie grave speaketh. But it is said that the same objec
tions will apply with equal forcftor.il other secret socie
ties, such i.s Masons, Odd Feilows, Sons of Tempefinnee,
&c. Not so. Tlie obj cl ions I urge, apply solely to se
cret political societies. When men associate for objects
of charity or other purposes, which relate only to them
sul, nobody < Iso has any interest in knowing tln-ir coun
cils; but whan they combine to adopt measures which
my affect the lives, liberty or properly of others, all
others whoso lights may be affected by their councils,
have a right to know what tiny are about, Political so
cieties are those which seek to get control of the Gov
ernment, by which every man's life, liberty, and proper-
ty may be affected. This is a distinction that Washing
ton made himself. For at the close of tlie war of the
Revolution, several of the officers—he amongst the num
ber—forintd a society known ns the Cincinnati Society.
It was an association of friendship and charity ; and by
means of which, those who iiad been so long together in
the scenes of war, might be annually brought together in
some fraternal way to enjoy the blessings of peace. It !
! had nothing to do with politics. So far from it, and
[ so averse was Washington to all such political societies, on
J tlie bare suspicion being entertained that it might become
| an engine in political contests, that upon the first nieet
! ing of the Cincinnati Society, of which he had been cho
j s- n President, he recommended its disbandoninent, which
was virtually done.
Mr. .lefF.rson also recognized this line of distinction
betwen bare private associations aud political societies.—
This he did in a letter of his which I have before me,
written on the Gth March, 1822. To this letter I ask
special attention. It was written in answer to one pro
posing to him to become a member of a society for the
civilization and improvement of the Indian Tribes. Tlie
society bad a charitable object ; it was not secret either ;
but when looking intoj its constitution, he discovered a
“machine ol gigantic stature.” It looked in the details
of its operations towards a connection with polities. It
was this which caused him to refuse it his countenance or
inembeiship. He says :
“That the plan now proposed is entitled to unmixed ap
probation, 1 am not prepare ! t* say, after mature consid
eration, ami with all the partialities which its professed
1 object would rightfully claim from me. 1 shall not under
take to draw the line of deinarkation between private as
i so iations of laudable v ews and unimposing numbers, and
those whose magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the
! march of regular Government. Yet such a line does ex* 1
| i.-t. 1 have seen the days—they were those which pre
| ceded the Revolution , —when even tins last and perilous |
; engine bec une necessary, but they were days winch no j
: man would wish t> see a second time. That was the I
I case when the regular authorities of the Government had
i combined against the rights of the people, and no means
| of correction reinahied to them but to organize a collateral
| power which, with their support, might rescue and secure
i their violated rights But such is not tlie case with our
Government. We need hazard no collateral power which
! by a change of its original views and assumption of
( iht is, we know not bow virtuous or how mischievous,
would be ready organ : z and, and in force sufficient to shake
the established foundations of society, and endanger its
peace and the principles on which it is based. * *
* It will be said that these are imaginary fears. I know
they are so at present ; I know it is impossible for these
i agents of our choice, and unbounded confidence,to harbor
j machinations against the adored principles of our Consti
! tution as for gravity to charge ils direction and for graved
; bodies to mount[j upwards—the fetus are indeed imagL
; nary ; but the example is r eal—under is :>u liority as a
j precedent future associations will arise with objects at
; vvh-eh we should shudder at this time.” (Now mark what
fellows ) “The Society of Jacobins in another country was
j institu’ed < n principles and views as virtuous as ever
kindled the hearts of patriots It was the pure patriot
| ism ol their purposes which extended their association to
| the limits of the nation and rendered their power within
il boundless; and it was this power which degenerated
t-heir principles and practices to such e normities as never
before could have been imagined. Yet these were men;
and we and our descendants will be no more. ‘I be pr< s
| ent is a case, where, if ever we are to guard against our
j selves; not against ours*lves as wc are, but*as ice may
be ; for who can now imagine what we may become un
| der circumstances not n*w im.- gin.ibh* ? * * * *
These considerations have iinpre>s<d my ni’r.d with force
j so irresistible, that (in duty b< und to answer your polite
j letter, without which 1 should not have obtrudt dan opin* j
i ion) i have not been able to withhold the expression of j
i them. Not knowing the individuals who have pr< posed
i this plan, I cannot be conceived asntertaining personal
j disrespect for them. Oa tlie contrary, 1 see in tlie print*
I (il list p< r.-ons for w hom 1 cherish sentiments of sincere
; friendship ; —an 1 minus, f r whose opinions and purity of
purpose I have the highest respect. Yet, thinking as I
do, that this association is unnecessary—that the govern
ment is proceeding to the same object under the control
|of the law ; that they a r e competent to it in wisdom, in
j m -atis, and in inclination ; that this association, this wheel
| within a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than
j aid ; and that it is in magnitude, of dangerous example,
I I am hot nd to say, that as a du.iful citizen. I cannot, in
! c msoience, become a member of this society ; possessing
a; it does, my entire confidence in the integrity of its views.
* ‘ * Repeating, therefore, my just acknowledgments
lot* the honor propos- and to me, I beg leave to add the
assurances to the society and y< ursi If of my highest confix
donee and consideration.”— Thus. Jefferson.
in this lelt- r it will besien*Mi\ Jefferson acki.owled *
ges a line of distinction between private assoeiai ons and
political societies. And especially sm li as may rival the
Government in their magnitude and power. Ile thought
too, that su li nnaus might be restored to in times of
Revolution, but only in such c.ises. lie refused to commit
himself with ilit* one proposed, though it possessed his
entire confidence in the integrity of its'views } barely
because ol the danger that might result from the concen
frated power of such an organization and because of the
crumple. What he says of the Jacobins I would espe
cially commend to tile calm reflection of all who boast so
much of the high standard of virtue in this country, which
they rely upon to protect them from such scenes of butch
ery and bl<*od that France was the theatre of.
Fellow C tizcns, why is it that Sparta is b ill standing,
while Sandcisville lies in ruins? Js it because the ma
terials ol which the buildings are erected hero are less
combustible than were these ol the buildings there? Is
the pine or the oak less iinflimmable here than there ?
By no me ns. Under like circumstances your beautiful
village would fall before the same devouring element, and
present the same scene of desolation as your unfortunate
neighbor. Aud human nature is the same everywhere.
It is no better here than it was in France,
But let these preliminary remarks, both as to rumors
and criticisms on my position, suffice. The subject lam
addressing you upon is Americanism. Americans we ail
are, and as Americans I shail speak to yt.u. lam myself
not -n!y an American burn, but American in heart, in
sentiment, and American all over, as I was taught the
principles of genuine Americanism in youth, aud have
nourished and cherished them from the cradle to the pres,
ent day. “The cultivation and developement of a senti
ment of profoundly intense American feeling,” is now set
forth as a principle. This I have endeavored to look to all
my life ; but an “intense feeling” for what ? For the soil
beneath our feet ? For the earth that wo tread upon ?
If so, the wild Indians that roamed over the same land
and the same soil, wete perhaps more “intensely Ameri
can” than the best of us. It so, Oceola, Tecnniseh,
Black Hawk, and all their brother warriors of the red
tribes, who’preferred death to leaving the hunting grounds
of their youth, and the graves of their sires, were quite as
good “Native Americans” as the President of the late
National Council.
American feeling, as I have cherished it, and shall con
tinue most profounly and intensely to cultivate it and de*
velope it, looks to those principles of human action and
human government which lie at the foundation of our
present American civilization, and from which we have
derived all of our present peace, quiet, happiness, prosper
ity, greatness and renown, and from tbe unyielding main>
tenanee of which spring all our hopes for the future.
One of tlie earliest maxims impressed upon my mind
was, that “ worth makes the man ,” and *‘t oant of it the
fellow ,” the world over. It matters not where a man of
our own race may be born—whether on this or the other
continent—whether in a hovel or a place—or what may
be his ancestry or lineage he should stand and be es
teemed by his own deeds and merits. I also early learnt
another, not of dissimilar import. It is this :
“Honor and shame from no condition rise ;
Act well your part; there all the honor lies.”
These and ether kindred maxims and precepts have
been the guiding stars of my life. When a boy, they
cheered me on, whether at the plow by day, or poring
over musty books by torch-light at night; and by them 1
have always been governed, wherever my lot has been
east, whether iu tbe School room, the Court-room, or the
Halls of Legislature ; they teach that the race for honors or
position should be a race of merit. Impress this upon the
minds of the sons of the rich and the sons < f the poor —
up* n the boys on your plantations, in your schools, in your
ci lieges, and in your factories and woiksliops, and upon
all alike , that in Republican America, every citzeu,
wherever lie may be born, or whatever may be his reli
gion, is to be measured and weighed in the civil scales
according to his individual conduct, deserts and worth.
This is one of the elemental principles of all true Ameri
canism. as I understand it. It was to give “development”
to this and other ideas, I may speak of, if my strength per*
mits, that our forefathers quit the dynasties of the old
world and sought refuge in this. There a man’s position
was estimated not by his worth, but by his birth and his
faith. But this new standard of appreciating men—this
new principle which distinguishes us more than anything
else from all other nations—no bigger at first than a “grain
of mustard seed,” planted on this continent by those who
abandoned the errors of old systems, has grown and
fiottrnished under the fiostering care of patriots and the
smiles of a benignant Providence, until we have be*
come what we are—the wond* r of the world and the ad
miration of mankind. Ilovv inconsistent with our history
is the idea that none except those born upon the soil can
appreciate this principle or be attached to our institutions ?
Why, who aided in erecting these institutions ? Who
foglit the battles of the Revolution ? Were they all na
tives “to tlie manor born ?” Who was Gilbert Marquis
de La Fayette? Who Charles Lee,Richard Montgome
ry, William Moultrie, Arthur St. Clair, Hugh Mercer,
Horatio Gates, Count Pulaski, Baton Steuben, Baron De
Kalb ? All officers in our army in the war el the Revo
lution ; all risking, not only honor and fortune, but their
lives for our cause ? And more besides these. Who was
Alexander Hamilton, Washington's bosom friend through
out the war and throughout his life? lie, upon whom
he relied above a’l others, both in councils of war and
councils in peace? lie was not a native ; his eyes first
sow the light in the West Indies. And who wasTlmd*
deus Kosciusko ! A Polish patriot, whose heart beat in
unison with our cause when its first vibrations retched
him in distant climes. Was ever man more thoroughly
imbued with those principles which mark Americanism,
as those who established it understood it, than this dis
tinguished Foreigner? With him the cause was a prin
ciple, had not a locality. He fought for it here, and he j
fought for it in his native land. llow many millions of
sympathising hearts mourned his final overthrow ? What
schoolboy lias not been taught to repeat the plaintive lines
of the Poet:
‘‘Hope tor a season bade the world farewell.
And l reedi m shrieked when Kosciu.-ko fell.”
But more still, who were Wliliam Croghan,John James,
William R. Dav e, Janies Christie and Andrew Irving ?
All foreigners, who came to aid our fathers in their strug
gle, and all of them officers in the. American Anny? And
who were John Bamy.and John Paul Jones?—names that i
should he immortal--those gallant men that bore our
flag triumphantly on the seas during the same eventful pe
riod in our history? Both were foreigners—one an Irish
man, the other a Scotchman—who came to the aid of the
cause of America when that cause needed aid. And who
was James Jackson, a name that should ever be dear to
every Georgian? He was not only a loreigner, who aided
in our revolutionaiy struggle, but, alter the war, as a civil
ian and legislator, he did more lor our own State than any
other man, and, perhaps, than ail other men together in
his day. When the lair escutcheon of Georgia’s honor
was tarnished by the infamous Yazoo fraud, concocted and
perpetrated by corrupt native conspirators, who lor money
sold their country, who did so much as this sou, hy birth,
ol a foreign clime, hut who had a heart, nevertheless,glow
inn with real and tine Americanism, in exposing the vil
lainy of the transaction?—in saving the honor of the State
and buridtig the parchment on which the foul deed was
recorded, by lire brought down from Heaven? American
ism, fellow citizens, no more from the soil than do
worth, virtue, honor and integrity. It comes not from
the ground. It comes from ihe heatt and head. This is
evidenced not only by those illustrious*characters I hava
mentioned, who fought the battles which secured our Na-
L onal Independence, but also by many of the ssime class
who tendered no less signal service in making that declar
ation, and in arousing the people to stand by it and defend
it. Ot the signers of that instrument, which gave us birth
as a nation, eight ol the silty-seven who thus pledged‘their
lives, their lot tunes, and their sacred honor,’ were foreign
rs. Button Gwinnett, from our own Slate was a foreign
er. So were Frances Lewis, Robt. Morris, James Smith,
George Taylor, Matthew Thornton, James Wilson, and
the never to-be forgot fen John Witherspoon.
But not only in the Declaration of Independenence, and
in its maintenance in tbe field, did foreigner- join and aid,
but in the formation of the Constitution itself—that per
fect embodiment of those grand and leading ideas and
principles which constitute teal and genuine Americanism,
Foreigners were also present, participating and contribu
ting their aid. Wilson was there, Morris was there, and
Hamilton was there. As the Temple ot Solomon was
made with materials brought from all parts of the then
known world, so this majestic temple of our liberties was
reared by men coming lrun distant quarters of the globe;
men governed and guided by like sentiments and like
principles, without regard to clime or country—just as the
wi.-e men of the east were guided iu their pilgrimage by
the St ir of Bethlehem, which finally re,-ted over the infant
Savior, and whom,when they found him, they bowed down
and worshipped. Whore hearts, think you, were more
thoroughly imbutd with true christ’an principles—those
j strai ge loreigners from the East, who “rejoiced with ex
ceeding gieat joy,” when they saw the star that led them 4 to
their Lord, or those native Judeans who rejected aud even
crucified that Lord? Bare nativity bus hut litttle to do
with cither a man’s character or his principles. To say
that a man born in another country cannot be imbued with
American principles, is almost as untenable ns to say that
Christ himself was a horse, because he was born in a sta
ble. It is the soul that makes the man—just as the spirit of
and vinity, incarnate iu Him, made Him neither horse nor
man,but “God manifest in the flesh.”
But Americanism, as we are now taught it, would not
only ignore all these principles, and assert the doctrine that
no man born out of the limits of the United States can be
tit to hold any office under the government, hut it goes
much further, as 1 have shown on other occasions, and
strikes, in my opinion, a fata 1 blow at one of the most vital
parts of the Constitution itself. This blow comes lrom
that article of its creed which proscribes Catholics, and
proposes to setup a religious test as a qualification for of
fice. One of the obligations taken by every member of
“tlie order” is never to vote for a Roman Catholic lor any
office. What is this but an open attack upon the spirit, if
not the letter ol the Constitution? The clause in that in
strument on this subject, and the whole clause, is in these
words:
“The Senators and Representatives before mentioned,
and Members of the sev ral State Legislatures, and all Ex
ecutive and Judicial officers, both of the United States and
several State-, shall he bound by oath, or affirmation, to
support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever
be required as a qualification to auy office or public trust
under the United States ”
What was the object of this but to secure to every citi
zen the right of eligibility to office, notwithstanding any
religious opinions he may entertain? In other words,to put
a stop to all enquiries touching a man’s faith in questions
relating to his eligibility to, or qualifications for office ?
The only guaranty ltasks, for fatty to the Government ,
until there has been some overt act against it, is an oath to
support the Constitution. It is, however, said that this
provision of the Constitution was only intended to prevent
Congress from passing a law of the character ol the Eng
lish lest act. The clause does not so read, and it cannot
so mean. For, suppose the President, who has the appoint
merit of many thousands of officers holding places of profit
and trust under the Constitution, should, before conferring
one of these appointments, inquire into a man’s creed, and
reject an applicant if his laith did not square with his own.
Suppose he >hould require all persons appointed to he Pro
testants? Would he not plainly and palpably violate that
clause which says that “no religious test shall ever be re
quired 7 ’ Now, this is just what ‘Know Noihingism’ pro
pose ; for, by the Second Degree, if a member ol the order
should he President, he is bound to appoint no Catholic—
that is, he is hound to require a religious test that the Con
stitution sajs “shall never be required” In every view
ol the subject, is not this clause as binding upon the ap
pointing power as it i? upon Congress? And have not eve
ry member of‘the order* who has taken the second De
gree, put himself under an obligation never to appoint a
Roman Catholic to office, it he should ever be in an offi
cial station to exercise the appointing nower? Is not this
obligation in direct conflict with the obligation of the Con -
stitution? There can be no doubt of it. But is it true that
this clause of the Constitution is not obligatory upon vo
ters at the polls? How can they, as friends of the Consti
tution, indirectly efl ct that which the Constitution de
clares shall not be done? That the plain object and inten
tion of the Constitution wa9 to fix and establish this prin
ciple, and secure this great civil right that “no religious test
shall ever be required ns a qualification to any office ”
ell must admit. Well, then, can any friend of the
Constitution, as it is, do that which would virtually and ef
fectually pr/rc/yze and nullify that cause? Can he right
fully disregard its evident spirit, contravene its plain ob
ject, and defeat its acknowledged purpose? How can men
who thus array themselves against what they admit to be the
intention of the framers of the Constitution,and who com
bine to effect at the polls what legislators cannot, without
disregarding their oaths, put upon the statute book, set up
any just claims to be looked upon or considered as the ad*
vocales of true Americanism? They are, as little as they
may fhink it, against the Constitution of their country. One
clause of the Constitution is in these words: p* B *#?
“No person held to service or labor in one State under
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in conse
quence of any law’ or regulations therein, be discharged
from such service or labor, Out shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be
due.”
This is the clause under which our runaway slaves are
claimed. Now,suppose that the people of the Northern
States should combine, as they have endeavored in some
places to do, and vote for no man for any office, either
Federal or State, who would ever aid in carrying out this
obligation of the Constitution. Would they not thereby
be,and are they not in open hostility to it? And have they
not as much right to say that this is an obligation that does
not rest upon voters at the polls as the one.ibout a religious
test, touching qualifications for office? Might they not say
with Melancthon, that they have got a constitutional light
to vote for or against any man for any reason they please,
and that any Constitution which did not secure this right
would be a “glorious instrument,” “ worthy to be made the
political winding sheet of this modern Aristides]” Now
fellow-citizens, I tell you that a man in this country may
exercise the right ol voting for or against any man for any
reason he pleases. He may do it—he may not be restrain
ed from doing it—there may be no penalty for his doing it
—but in doing it he may be striking a fatal blow at that
verv Constitution under which he exercises the right.
T nis is the ease with those Northern abolitionists I have
mentioned, who, as voter* at the polls, ignore that clause
of the Constitution I have just cited, and will vote for no
man who will, directly or indirectly, aid in carrying it out.
’They are exercising a right under the Constitution, but
against it.’ This can hardly be called as a Constitutional
right; and it a majority of the people of the whole country
should combine and agree not to vote for any man that
would serve in any office, so that the whole government
should stop, revolution, of course, would ensue. All this
the people have a right to do—for they have a right to
revolutionize when they please. But it is not a constitu
tional tight; it is a right against the Constitution ; and any
efibrt, in my opinion, to defeat even by indirect means, any
of the provisions of the Constitution, are, to that extent,
revolutionary in their character. If the provision in the
Constitution against a religiotts test be not right—if a Ro
man Catholic ought r.ot to be entrusted with office—if a
religious test ought to he set up, why not have the Consti
tution changed? Why not amend it? If the rights of
twenty millions of Protestants are endangered hy six or
seven hundred thousand Catholics, have they not got the
power, the numerical strength, to change the Constitution
in a constitutional way. if they want it changed ?
But is the Constitution wrong as it is? Why was that
clause inserted in it ? Ought there to be any religious test
in civil matters in this country ? This is the question
which is now practically presented to the voters of this
country hy the “Know Nothing,” or American party, as it
calls itself. I meet it upon its merits. I am against it,
thoroughly. lam opposed to mixing religion with politics,
or inquiring in civil matters i.ito a man’s conscience, as to
what he believes or does not believe, or whether lie has any
belief at all, or not. That is a matter lie tween him and his
Creator. Goverments should look only to his conduct.—
If a Catholic is a wr rthy citizen and sweats to support the
Constitution of the United States. I will never look into
any tenet of his church, from which religious polemics may
infer that such oath is inconsistent with such tenet, as they
conceive. Very few denominations hold the doctrines that
others charge upon them as legitimate inferences from their
creeds. More wars and bloodshed have arisen from just
such controversies, perhaps, than from all other causes
| combined. It was to prevent the occurrence of such scenes
in this country, that onr constitution was made, on this point,
as it is ; and it is for the same reason that I would have it
remain in all its vigor, force and efficiency as it is for all
time to come. It is charged, that tlie Catholics, from the
character of their creed, must, as a consequence, hold to
the tempoial supremacy of the Pope It is enough for me
and the Constitution, that they disavow any such conse
quence or belief. Then, why this proscription oft hem ?
Has any one of them in office ever at any time, from the
beginning of our Government down—from the time that
Charles Carrol, of Carrolton, signed the Declaration of
Independence to the present day—given tlie .‘lightest indi
cation of disloyalty to the country, or afforded the least
evidence of any design to transfer us to the Pope? It so,
when ? And where ? Let the man be named and the case
stated If such a case exists in the whole history of the
past, I have never heard of it; and if any such case ever j
should occur in the future, the remedy should he to treat
the culprit as all other traitors, but not to include the in
nocent with ihe guilty But was there ever a more ground
less persecution started in Christendom, than this now
raised against the Catholics ? Did that got up by the infa
mous Titus Oats— which set all England in a blaze for a
while, but which now stands, though after the loss of much
innocent blood, as a disgrace to all concerned in it—rest
upon less foundation ?
But, it is said, this is not pexecution ! Barely to pro
scribe a man as unfit to hold office because of his religion,
it is said, is not persecution ! It is true, it is not as bad as
imprisonment, the stake, or the torture, but it is. never!he
less, persecution. One of England’s most philosophical
writers on this subject, said :
“We agree, that persecution, merely for conscience sake,
is against the spirit of the GospeL * * * *
We arc also ready to allow, that the smallest negative dis
couragements for conformity’s sake, are so many persecu
tions.”
Is not the thing proposed at least a negative discourage
ment? And to that extent a persecution ? And why is
this? Has not persecutions in all ages rather tended to in
crease than to weaken tlie cause they assail ? Are we so
much afraid of the comparatively few Catholics in liiis
country and the spread of their religion amongst twenty
millions ol Protestants—and so distrustful of the ability of
our Ministers and Preachers, and learned Doctors in Di
vinity to meet them in argument, that we must resort to
this petty species of vexation, to call it nothing worse, in,
order to put them down ? For the honor of Protestantism
1 hope not. Why, then, do it ? Is it because in other coun
tries where they prevail they do not tolerate.others ? The
game is true of almost all other churches m all other coun
tries but this. Several of the American colonies were planted
bv refugees from religious persecution. And not one of them
from Catholic persecution. All of them lrom persecution
by Protestants. Yet we are told that Protestantism is but
another name for religious toleration. If so, how came the
Puritans to be driven first from England to Holland, and
from Holland to New England ? And how came linger
Williams, the first great champion of the rights of con
science, to be driven from Massachusetts? History, as I
read it, teaches the melancholy lessson, that anterior to the
settlement of this continent, all religious sects persecuted
where they hid the power. And the longest aud bloodiest
wars that have marked and marred the annals of war have
grown out of matters pertaining to religion. What is the
Ostensible cause of that war which is now agitating all Eu
rope from its centre to its circumference ? and m which so
many thousands of lives have been lost, and thousands more
may be, but a struggle for the right of access to the “Holy
Places?” Heathen nations have persecuted i'eathen—And
Christian nations have persecuted Christian—Catholics have
put to the sword and the st-ke Protestants—And Protes
tants have done the same to Catholics. And different sects
of Protestants have done the same tiring towards others.
After tin* settlement of the “Five Points” by the Synod of
Dort, all who did not give in their adhesion to those doc
trines were treated no better hy the Re ormersthan they had
been by tbe Catholics before And the great Melancthon
himself wrote a treatEc justifying persecution. I can say
nothing on this part of the subject more appropriately than
by reading what Mr Buck says in his Theological Diction
ary, at the end of his article on l*e sedition, the whole of
which article 1 commend to the perusal of all of yon :
“To conclude this article Who can peruse the account
here given, without feeling the most paintul emotions, and
dropping a tear over the madness and depravity of mankind l
Does it not show us what human beings are capable of,
when influenced by super-tition, bigotry, and prejudice ?
Have not these baneful principles metamorposed men into
infernal*, and entirely extinguished all ihe feelings of hu
manity, the dictates of conscience, and the voice of reason ?
Alas! What has sin done, to make mankind such curses
to one another: Merciful God ! By thy great power, sup
press this worst of all evils, and let truth and love, meek
ness and forbearance, universally prevail!”
And what true hearted American will not join fervently
in this ejaculation t> Heaven, to keen this worst of all evils
—this demon of civil as well as religious discord—out of
our happy land. For sixty years and upwards we have
prospered in peace with the enjoyment by eveiy one of the
right to set under his own vine and fii tree and worship God
as lie pleases, without any one to molest or make him
afraid ! It is not so in other countries and why is it so here ?
Not because we are better by nature than other people, but
because of that clause in our Constitution which has pro
tected us, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, against our
selves. This principle of freedom of conscience, or “soul
liberty as he called it, was first proclaimed on this conti
nent by Roger Williams, a distinguished Baptist Minister,
who was driven from Massachusetts on account of his reli
gious opinions. He became the founder of the colony ol
Rhode Island. But the first colonyto established the princi
ple and give practical effect to it. was that of Maryland,
founded by Lord Baltimore, a Catholic. In neither of these
colonies was the principle maintained in its original purity
in after times ; but in the formation of the Constitution of
tbe United States, it was made one of the corner stone*.—
And, as a Protestant was the first to proclaim it, and a
Catholic colony the first to give it practical effi ct, and all
the States afterwards embodied it as a living principle in the
organic law ot their union, there let it remain forever, as a
binding pledge for that “love, meekness and forbearance”
which should everywhere, and at all times, characteiize a
Christian people. In this way, we shall perpetuate that re
ligious as well as civil liberty we received as the richest ofall
patrimonies from our fathers; and in this way we shall
-how our attachment and “intense feeling” for that true
Americanism with which they were so thoroughly imbued.
I shall now glance briefly at the proceedings of
the late Philadelphia Convention and its pro
gramme o f principles, and bring this address to a
close. My remarks on this shall first he directed to
the composition of the Convention. Its Northern
elments, with but lew exceptions, almost every
body objects to. By general consent they are held
to have been very unfit political associates. But I
am not satisfied with its Southern composition. In
the first place, I do not like the name I see signed
to the proceedings as the presiding genius of the
body—“E. B. Bartlett, of Kentucky, President of
National Council.”
[Mr. Thomas M. Turner herek interrupted, and
said that Mr. Bartlett was a Southern man and a
[TERMS, $2 00 IN ADVANCE.
iaveholder, ho was informed, and President of as
Baptist College iu Kentucky.
That may all be true, but it seems he was the fa
vorite of the Freesoilers; and I have heard it sta
ted that he was in favor of abolition in Kentucky
a few years ago. Can my friend inform me“ifthat
i.s true'l Ido not know whether it is or not, and
should like to have all doubt removed on this
point.
[Mr. Turner, in reply, said again, he is a slave
holder]
Yes, and so was Cassius M. Clay; and so, I sup
pose, are Mr. Neil S. Brown of Tenn., Mr. Pilch
er of Ky„ Mr. Houghton and Mr. Ravner, of N.
C., all members of this National Council, arid all
of whom are reported to have declared themselves
against the policy and propriety of the Kansas and
Nebraska act ot the last Congress. The latter
gentleman, Mr. Ravner, is said to have denounced
it as “an outrage upon ihe North.” Now can mv
friend inform - me whether Mr. Bartlett entertains
similar opinions? :.i
[Mr. Turner. He voted for the majority Plat
form.]
Yes, and so did Mr. Raynor and the others I
have named. But does he, or how many of the
Southern members even, of that Council, approve
those existing laws which that Platform barely
promises to abide by? Was the very President of
this Council one of the original friends of the Kan
sas bill, or was be one of its enemies? How stands
my friend himself—was he a friend of the Kansas
bill? And if so, is he now willing to trust its fate
and safety in the hands of those who fought lt’un
td fighting was unavailing, and who now simply,
say that it may stand as it is? I tell him I was a
friend of tbe Kansas bill in the beginning, in its
progress, and throughout the eventful conflict at
tending i;s passage. It took oif the odious restric
tion against slavery, which had been unjustly put
upon those territories thirty years and more before.
It \va- the greatest act of justice to trie South ev-
er passed by Congress. I know what it cost and
what it is worth; and for one, I am indisposed to
confide its safe keeping in the hands of those who
opposed it by ail the power and influence they
could command while it was an open question, and
who do not now even say that it was rijin, or givo
it their approval. The authorized Reporter (as he
siye) ..f the proceedings of this National Council
makes this significant comment: .
“A striking fact and one that you cannot have
failed to remark has been disclosed in this discus
sion, aud that was, that while the entire South was
a unit on the majority platform, scarcely a member
from thence, in tbe many speeches made by them,
assayed an apology for the Kansas Nebraska act;
and whilst generally subscribing to tbe doctrine of
non-intervention, nevertheless repudiated the ad
ministration which foisted it upon the country at
the tremendous expenditure of plighted faith.”’
Now this is a most striking fact—one that struck
me, and one that ought to strike the whole South
with profound astonishment! Scarcely a member
from the whole South in this grand National
Council who even assayed an apology for the
Nebraska-Kansas Bill, aud whose warm opposi
tion to (lie administration, it seem, was the ‘foist
ing of this great act ofju.stice to the South upon the
c untry.” Now. I sav to all of you, there are many
things 111 this administration that I do not approve,
and would willingly join any party to -’lit a belter
one in its stead, but so far as ii aided or countenan
ced the Kansas-Nebraska Bill it received and has
mv hearty approval. The greatest objection I had
to it on that score was that it did not, iii mv opinion,
give the measure that cordial support ’ which it
should. And if the object of the American party
be to turn il out and put down those men North,
to say nothing of Ihose South, who gave us that
great measure of deliverance, and for nothing S o
much as doing that, then they can never have my
co-operation, even if we agreed in every other arti
cle of their creed. Our last legislature unanimous
ly declared:
“That opposition to the principles af the Ne
braska Bill, in relation to the subject of slavery is
regarded by the people of Georgia as hostility’to
the people of Ihe Souih, and that all persons who
partake in such opposition are unfit to he recogniz
ed as component paitsof any party or organiza
tion not hostile to the South.”
On this resolution, and the Georgia resolutions
of 1850, I stand, and shall continue to stand. And
without look'ng further into tlie elements or com
position of tins National Council, if what the re
porter ol their proceedings says of even the Sou
thern members of it be true, it is sufficient to enlist
my opposition to them as a political organization,
even if we agreed on other matters. I shall affil
iate in party association with no man North or
South, who either looks upon this act as an “otit
r.ugu on the North,” or who is arrayed against its
spirit, principles or objects.
But, I wish at this tihie to say a word or two,
and only a word or two on the Platform itself. It
acknowledges the “exi-tence of an Almighty Being
who rules over the Universe,” and has in every
step of our progress thus far distinguished its by
some “token of Providential agency.” And I
wish at this threelihold of the concern, to ask what
more important step in onr advancement did we
ever take than the acquisition of Louisiana ? That
vast territory that stretches- from the Gulf to tho
hakes, and from the Mississippi to the Rocky
Mountains, and [the weight of authority i.s] even
to the Pacific ? Had this American Party then
been i:, power, with its anti-Catholic sentiments ful
ly developed and carried into effect, would we ev
er hate taken that grand step ? Louisiana was
Catholic, and would her people have ever consent
ed to become incorporated into this Union, except
by solemn treaty guaranteeing them all tberighu
secured by tho Coii.stiiituti.il ! Had they then
dreamed ol tbe modern construction and evasion
of that instrument, would they have consented to
the cession ? Would they willingly have permit
ted their lots to he cast amongst a people who re
garded them on account of their religion as unfit
to held any place of trust or profit. A sort of Lep
ers, to be cast out of rise political camp ? The same
may be said oi Florida - that was a Catholic coun-’
try at the time of its acquisition. And right here,
let me say, if ihis ‘ Know Nothing”’intensely Ame
rican feefiog shall become a dominant in this coun
try, Cuba, of course, will never be acquired. The
people are Catholic. And as much as they might
desire to get r and of their present oppressions arid
become incorporated in this Union of States, un
der the guarantees of the Constitution as hereto
fore understood, they would hardly be willing to
link their destinies with a people who looked upon
them as politically untrustworthy. But what is
said in this platform about the “Union” being
the “paramount political good,” I consider as di
rectly opposed to the Georgia Resolutions of ISSO.
The Union, dear to us all, as it is and should be, is
held m these resolutions as subordinate to our
rights! Iso hold it still. And ho far from being
perse “the paramount political good,” it might and
may, in bad hands, become the greatest possible
curse. Eo long as it carries out the principles and
objects fur which it was made, it shall have my
ardent and most patrintic support. But I do not
like to see a dangerous principle so artful!v cover
ed up and glossed over as this “paramount politi
cal good,” doctrine is in this programme. It is like
a grain of poison thrown in the chalice.
But, fellow citizens, 1 have said ail that I intend
to say ; all that my strength will permit me to say.
I have given my views upon what constitute some,
of the features of genuine Americanism. The
party now styling itself exclusively American, is,
as you perceive, in my judgment, Anti-American
throughout. The two grea: objects lie at its foun
dation, and upon which its whole superstructure
is reared, are the proscription of all foreigners
from office, as*a class, and a like proscription of
all Catholics as a class. These objects, in my
opinion, are inconsistent, and at war with the es
tablished principles of our government. As to
ihe outside principles put forth at Philadelphia,
even those which may be unobjectionable as gen
erally admitted truisms, they in every practical
point of view, amount virtually to nothing. They
are but the tubs thrown out .for the whale. Taken
as a whole, it may be considered as one of the
most “whimsically dovetailed'* diatribes of piety
and politics—religion and mammon—unmeaning
generalities and radical errors—that ever was ee*
Number 28,