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rious!y presented to the deliberate consideration of
an intelligent people. This, however, is but the
outward show. The party is to judged by its in
side principles. These arc net to be changed.—
Tne same process of initiation, and the same obli
gations by all its members, never to vote for a for
eigner or a Roman Catholic to any office of pro
fit or trust, are still preserved. An effort was
made to modify this exclusion of Catholics, so far
as American horn Catholics are concerned, but
this failed. What, then, on such an issue, if it be
made, ought all good citizens to do i
Whether this issue shall be presented to the peo
ple of Georgia, Ido not know. But if it is, 1 say
to one and all, take your place on the side of relig
ious and civil liberty, as taught by your fathers ;
ta key our place by the Constitution of your country
—sustain its standard—keep the flag afloat—and
ns far as in each of you lies, let it be transmitted
to the remotest generations, unsullied and unim
paired.
(Lima tmtJ Smtitul.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIaT”
TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 10, 1855.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HEHSCIIKL. V. JOSIVSONi.
FOR CONGRESS
-Ist District—James L. Seward, of Thomas.
3d. 46 Janies ill. Smith, of Upson.
4th “ Hiram Warner, of Meriwether.
slh 6i Jno. 11. Lumpkin.
6ih 64 Howell Cobb, ol Clarke.
Congressional Convention, 2d District.
We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven
tion Tor the Second District be held at Americas, on Wed’
nesday, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in
session at that time in Americus. What say our Demo
cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? The time and
place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd.
Grand Rally of the Muscogee Democracy.
The Temperance Hal! was filled by 11 o’clock of the
7th inst., by patriotic citizens who had assembled to
ratify and endorse the action of the State Convenion of
the Democracy of Georgia and to hear an address from
thicr distinguished nominee for Governor, Herschell V. j
Johnson. J. It. Jones was called to chair, on motion
of M. J. Crawford, and Benjamin Doles and Thomas
Livingston appointed Vice Presidents, on motion of Al
fred Iverson. Messrs. Alfred Iverson, J. J. Boswell,
J. 0. Cook, J. T. Flewellen and T. Lomax, were ap
pointed a committee to wait on Governor Johnson and
invite him to address his fellow citizens. After a short
absence, the committee returned, accompanied by Gov>
ernor Johnson, whose appearance in the Ilall was greets
ed with prolonged applause. He was then introduced
to tho meeting by the President and, in a speech of two
hours and a half, enchained the attention of his large
audience. The effort was able ; but this is small praibe.
It breathed throughout a spirit of devotion to the Un
ion secondary only in intensity to the love of Georgia,
whose interests, honor and security the distinguished
speaker placed above every other political consideration.
It was statesmanlike. Instead of devoting himself to
mere quibbles about the position of this party or that
man,Governor Johnson looked the paramount issue of the
day fully in the face and gave the whole energy of his large
intellect to tho consideration of the question. “What
courseshall the South pursue to secure the admission or
Kansas into the Union and preserve the integrity of the
Union.’* He conclusively proved that this only could be
done by the Union of the South upon the Platform of the
Georgia Democracy. We have not time in this issue
to develope the train of crushing logic, accompanied
often with glowing eloquence, by which the orator ar
rived at this conclusion and carried his audience along
with him. We hope to do so in our next issue, for
though we took no notes during the delivery of the ad
dress, we think we can report every idea advanced ;
the whole speech was a linked chain of argumention and i
it is only necessary to commence at the beginning and
the mind is irrestibly led on to the conclusion. It is
the common opinion of tho auditory that the speeoh of
Governor Johnson at Columbus on the 7th inst., was
the most masterly political discourse evei delivered in
the city. Mild and conciliatory, from the beginning
to the end, it crushed all the forms of opposition to the
Georgia Democracy aud vindicated beyond cavil that
the Platform of Principles adopted by them in State
Convention is the only Platform upon which Georgians
can stand who desire to preserve the integrity of the
Union and the rights of tho State.
We are more than ever convinced that the success
of Democratic principles in this contest is indtapensible
to the safety and honor of the State and that of all
men in Georgia, 11. V. Johnson is the best flitted to
guide the helm of State through this eventful crisis in
our affairs, lie comprehends the full measure of our
peril; he has the skill to avoid it if it be avoidable ; but
if the worst comes to the worst, he will boldly meet any
issue that may be presented and either conquer or per
ish in the attempt. Ho ought to be unanimously
elected.
At the conclusion of Governor Johnsons address,
the President gave notice that the meeting would ad
journ to meet again at candle light, when J. N. Ram- ,
say, of Harris, and Sam’l. Hall, of Macon, would con
tinue the discussion.
Another Temperance Ilall Meeting.
The Know Nothings met at Temperance Hall on
the night of the 6th inst. On motion of A. 8. Ruth
erford, Wiley Williams was called to the chair. He
stilted that “the meeting had assembled to ratify the
new Platform of Principles adopted by the National
Grand Council at Philadelphia, and the State Coun
cil at Macon and to endorso the nomination of
Garnett Andrews, as the candidate cf the par
ty for Governor of Georgia. The Platform of Princi
ples of both the Democratic and Know Nothing par
ties ore unexceptionable. Why, then, be asked, keep
up divisions among tho people ? These divisions, be
said, arose from the assertion of certain principles em
braced in the Know Nothing Platform which were not
embraced in the Democratic Platform. These were
tho modification of tho naturalization iaws, whereby
eigners would bo debarred the privilege of voting, and
hostility to the Roman Catholic Church. These were
the distinctive features of the American Party. They
were considered of sufficient importance to justify a
political contest for their recognition and adoption as the
policy of tho Government.’’
Messrs. James Johnson, William Dougherty, and
Jno. A. Jones addressed the meeting. The speeches
elicited much applause, but very little enthusiasm. We
will not encumber our columns by reporting them.
Shortly after the meeting adjourned the following dia
logue occurred between a Democrat and a Know Noth
ing, both of whom participated in the first Columbus
Movement. We report it in substance as the best com
mentary we can make upon the occurrences of the
night :
Know Nothing.—Well, Democrat, we have had an
other Temperance Ilall meeting.
Democrat—Sol hear •, and composed pretty much of
the same men who inaugurated the first ; but instead
of seeking to unite the South as “one people and one
party ’ to resist Northern encroachments upon Southern
rights “even, as a last resort, to a disruption of every
tie that binds the State of Georgia to the Union,’* as
we attempted to do at our last meeting, I understand
you ratified the nomination of Garnett Andrews for
Governor of Georgia, and adopted the Philadelphia
Platform proscribing Catholics and foreigners.
Know Nothing—Yes, we did, and nearly all who
attended the first meeting, participated iu tho second,
except Jno. 11. Howard, William 11. Mitchell, and
James C. Cook. We had a jolly time of
it, and all we have to do to elect our candidate and put
down Catholics and foreigners is to stick together and
rope the boys in. Our numbers are daily increasing.
Democrat—But what has become of the Columbus
Movement No. 1 ? Is there not the same necessity for
Southern Union now, that there was then ? Are not
tho Abolitionists as united, as hostile and as dangerous
in July as they were in June ? Why, then, have the
men who started Columbus movement no. 1 to defend
tlje South against the Abolitionists deserted that work
and started Columbus movement no. 2 to defend us
from Catholics and foreigners ? Have catholics and
foreigners done any thing since last month to alarm the
fears of the Southern people ?
Know Nothing.—Our speakers said nothing in par
ticular on this subject. I believe the Abolitionists are
as mischievous as ever. I am not aware that either
the catholics or foreigners have ever done any thiug in
the United States to alarm any body; and lam quite
sure they have been very quiet and peaceable during
the last month.
Democrat.—Did your leaders give no reason for bo
total a change of from in one month ?
Know Nothing.—Yes, they said the National Ameri
can party had met at Philadelphia in Grand Council
and adopted a good Platform, and that the American
party of Georgia had met in Council at Macon and
ratified it, and nominated Garnett Andrews for Gov
ernor ; and that they opposed his nomination, but were i
compelled to 6tand up to it or quit the order, and rather *
than do that, they would speak for him on every stump
in the State, and assured us that if the members of the
order would only stand square up to the fight, they
could carry the State, and torn out every corrupt, sel
fish and wicked democrat in the State and put honest
Know Nothings iu their places, and that next year they
could carry the elections for President and Vioe Presi
dent and give all the offices to native Americans.
Democrat. —That may all be so • but did you all
not assure us that there was nothing in your obligations
to the order that stood in the way of your co-operating
in Columbus movemeut no. 1 ? Did we not declare
that we were opposed to all national parties ? Did you
not denounce Col. Holt because he would not consent
to recommend the Know Nothings to disband ? What
did your speakers say about that ?
Know Nothing.—They said very little about it. Mr.
Johnson said the Democratic party would not disband
and that the American party would not consent to fol
low their lead.
Democrat. — We knew the Democratic party would
not disband before w© had our last meeting, when we
appointed delegates to the Convention of the Bth of
August.
Know Nothing.-—That is very true. Our speakers
said nothing about that. I believe myself they ascer
tained that the Bth August Convention would be u very
small affar and that the sooner it was dropped the bet
ter, as they would be in a very small party.
• Democrat.—l think that is very probable. Tho old
line Democrats charge that yon are ell hound by an
oath to support the nomiuees of your party, and I am
inclined to believe it. You have all acted in bad faith
to us. But who is Garnett Andrews ? If he is a aouu
i der man than 11. V. Johnson I may go for him yet,even
though be is a Know Nothing. How does he stand on
the fourth resolution of the Georgia Platform ? What
will he do as Governor of Georgia if Congress shall re
fuse to admit Kansas into the Union because of slavery i
I suppose you know his views.
Know Nothing —Well, really, 1 know very little
about Judge Andrews. The speakers at our meeting
said nothing about his views on the subject of slavery.
Shortly after the Macon Convention, I was looking over
a letter of his, written in 1850, and published in the
Columbus Enquirer on the Bth October, 1850: He
said in that letter that he “did not consider disunion
a remedy for any evil.”
Democrat.—What was said about that io your meet
iog?
Know Nothing.—Not the first word. Mr. Johnson
said he was au honest man and a native American ;
and Mr. Dougherty said his principles were our prin
ciples and that if he was elected, our principles would
be elected.
Democrat.— YY’ell, I had supposed that the fourth
resolution of the Georgia Platform was one of the prin
ciples of all who participated in the Columbus movement
no. 1. What did Messrs. Dougherty, Johnson aud
Jones say were your principles?
Know Nothing,—Why, opposition to catholics and
foreigners of course.
Democrat.—Do tell me how many catholics and
foreigners there are in Muscogeo county, how many in
Georgia, how many in the United States, and what pro
portion they hear to the uative population ?
Know Nothing.—l don’t know exaoily. There are
a great- many of them, however, I am told ; and, further
i more, there i9 great danger that they will get the con
| troi of the Government and then the Pope of Rome will
take away from us our liberties.
Domacrat.—Now you surprise me. There are in
Muscogee county, about 90 foreign voters and about 1300
native born. In the state of Georgia, there are hut
about 5000 foreigners and near a million natives. In
the United States there are only about 2,000,000 for
eigners and abont 25,000,000 natives. The President
and vice President, all the Judges of the United Statts,
all the Senators, since Shields was beat by the Know
Nothings, and all the Representatives in Congress are
native Americans. The Governor of Georgia, the
Judges of the Supreme aud Inferior Courts, the Sena
tors and Representatives are all native Americans. It
does not seem to me that we are in any danger of be
ing governed by foreigners.! urn not so well posted as to
catholics, but I do not Know of but one catholic in either
the Executive, Judicial or Legislative branoii of the Fed
eral Government, and that is Chief Justice Taney ; he
was appointed to that office by General Jackson and no
complaint has ever been made of his decisions. There is
not a catholic in the Executive, Judicial or Legislative
departments of the Government of Georgia. We cer
tainly are not in much danger from catholics ruling the
country, It seems to mo that there is no sort of necessi
ty for the American party. By the way, can you tell ne
how many aboiitionista there are in the United States.
Know Nothing.—Both the Whig and Democratic
parties North are Abolitionized. We split with the
Northern Know Nothings on account of the Aboli
tionism. I should say there nre not less than 10,000,-
000 of them.
Democrat.—Well, I think it is much more important
to fight them, than the 2,000,000 foreigners aud Cath
olics in the country. You may go ahead with the Co
lumbus Movement No. 2. I will stand by Columbus
Movoment No. 1, at least, until the Bth August, and if it
tails then I will go back to the Democratic party and
vote for 11. Y . Johnson for Governor. He stands square
toed on the Georgia Platform, and is a Southern Rights
man of the irue grit. His late letter on the Georgia
Platform is just good enough.
Democratic Meeting in Stewart.
The Democratic party of Stewart met this day ac
cording to previous notice and organized their meeting
by calling Dr. Stokes to the chair, and appointing Joe
F. Porter Secretary.
The Hon. Alfred Iverson, by reason of tho inoiemen
cy ol the weather, being detained in Lumpkin on his
way to Kinchafoone to fill an appointment at Mclntosh
was introduced to the meeting and delivered an able
and dignified argument, which listened to w ith great in
terest and pleasure by his numerous auditory.
After which, a committee was appointed to propose
delegates to the Congressional Convention to be held
at Americus, who reported the names of B. K. Har
rison, George Phillips, William House, Jasper N. Gita
bert and J. G. Singer, which report was confirmed by
the meeting.
It was then agreed that the Democratic party meet at
Lumpkin again on the Ist Tuesday in August next to
nomiuate candidates for the Legislature, and that two
discrete persons is each militia district of the county be
appointed by the chair with power to increase said com
mittee to three in each district, if desirable, which
inittee should meet in Lumpkin on the 13th day of
July for consultation, and again on the Ist Tuesday in i
August next to report to the Democratic meeting then
to be held, the names of persons suitable to be run by ■
the Democratic party as candidates for the Legislature, i
The chair appointed the following gentlemen as mem- j
hers of that committee : •
Pan-handle—James P. Low, J. M. Whcrton.—— *
Green Hill—A. J. Prather, David Shipp. Gap H. j
M. Jenkins, Wm. Sims. Mineral Springs—Charles !
Chesnnt, James Hilliard. Florence—A. W. Hill, J.
C. Patterson. 21 dist.—Gideon Massey, .
20 dist.—Mm. Grand berry, Thos. Lawson. 19 dist.—
John Grimes, Henry Anderson. 24 dist.— B. L. Kim
brough, Elisha Woodard. Lumpkin dist.—Henry
Williams, and J. N, Turner.
The meeting then returned a vote of thanks to Judge
Iverson for his eloquent exposition of Democratic prin
ciples, and adjourned to the Ist Tuesday in August
next.
J. W. STOKES, Chairman.
Jorl F. Porter, Secretary.
South Carolina Bonds —We learn from the Char
leston Mercury; that two hundred thousand dollars of the
state 6 per eents were purchased by one house in that
city, recently at SIOO, exclusive of interest, which is equal
to par and imprest
Retaliation.
We have long desired to call the particular attention
of our readers to the 14th resolution of the Platform of
the Georgia Democracy recommending “to our next
Legislature the adt p'.ion of such retaliatory measures
as their wisdom may suggest and shall he in ronfoimity
with constitutional obligations, in view of the action of
the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont, and
the threatened action of other Northern States, virtual
ly repealing the Fugitive Slav* law, and denying to
the citizens of the South their constitutional rights.”
j This subject has often been incidentally alluded to in
; the Southern press but has that delibe-
I rate and general attention to which it is entitled.—
Sortie four or more years ago it was broiigt to the notice
of the Alabarne Legislature by Governor Collier, but no
action was taken in consequence, we presaine, of the
soothing effect of the Compromise measures. Some ef
fort was made about the same time to bring the subject
before the Georgia Legislature by Thomas C. Howard,
now of the Atlanta Intelligencer , but nothing was done
from a similar cause. A learned and distinguished citi
zen of this place discussed the subject in our columns
immediately alter the passage of the obnoxious laws ot
Vermont, referred to above, and we very unexpectedly
got into a controversy on the subject with our neighbor
of the Corner Stone. At the recent Democratic Con
vention of tlie State of Georgia the subject was brought
to the notice of that body by A. Nelson, of Fußion, and
the 14th resoiutiou was, in consequence, unanimously
adopted. Since then, a remarkable letter from John C.
Calhoun, to Percy Walker, of Mobile, Ala., on the sub
ject, has been given to the public.
In that letter,* Mr. Calhoun, speaking of abolition
agitation and action, says:—“l regard State laws, in
tended to embarrass the reclamation of fugitive slaves as
uueonst tutional, iusuking aud dangerous Nay more!
the right to hold our property implies the right to hold
it in peaee and quiet; and therefore the toleration of so
cieties, presses and lectures, intended to call in question
this right, and to overthrow our institutions, is .such n
violation not only of international laws, but also cf the
federal compact, as we cannot acquiesce in without ul
timate ruin. There is, and can be but remedy sh.>n_/<f
disunion, and that is to retaliate on our part, by refusing
to fulfill the stipulation, in their favor, or such as we may
select as the most elfictual. Among these, the right
of their ships and commerce to enter and depart from
our ports, is the most effectual, and can he enforced. ’*
“That the refusal on their part would justify us f.
refuse to fulfill on our part, is too clear to admit of ar
gument. Nor is there any impediment from the power
of Congress to regulate commerce among the States.—
The right of the States to adopt laws to protect their
health, their internal policy and peace and safety, is
paramount to the right of Congress to regulate com
merce.”
The stand taken by the Georgia Democracy and the
publication ol this remarkable letter ofone of the brightest
intellects and the profoundest constitutional lawyers this
I country every produced, has attracted public attention
jto the matter iu every part of the Union. It has been
! discussed in every part of the country. The universal
S opinion of the sound and conservative portion of the
j American people is, that the unjust, oppressive and un
j constitutional legislation of Vermont and Massachusetts,
whereby the people of the South are robbed of their
i property, places those commonwealths outside thecomi
| ty of States and will justify the South in passing ex
i treroe retaliatory measures. Vermont aud Massachu
! setts, by their legislation, have willfully renounced
• their allegiance to the Union. “By tho legislative ooun
| tenance (they have given to the the theft and robbery
| of Southern property/’ says tho Louisville Journal, an
j extremely natioual journal, “by the immunity (they)
! promise to the thieves and robbers, and by the official
! exaltation of the more prominent of the aiders and ahe-t
----| tor* of those thieves aud robbers, (they) knowingly vio
; late all eeiise of propriety and justice, and hurl a pro
J sumptions and vindictive defiance against the whole ,
i .South.’* These sentiments are common to the South
’ ern people : nor are they extravigant. Slave stealing
r has become so common that many persons do not look
! upon it with that abhorrence which it ought to excite j
jin every just mind. Suppose* then that Massachusetts j
j should pass a law forbidding her officers and citizens, j
under heavy penalties, from aiding or abetting in the
capture of Kentucky mules, whether strayed or stolen, in
her State limits : that armed mobs turned out to resist,
even to death, their capture: that those of her citizen*
who engaged in these mobs were applauded bv the
people of’ the State and elected by the public voice to
high office, what would bo thought ot Massachusetts by
the civilized world ? She would bo denounced from
Nova Zembl%to Terra del Fuego as a piratical State
j and her citizens would be hur.g ns pirates upon nppre
! (tension by all civilized States and people. Well, sub
j stitute slaves for mules. Ind how is the ease altered?
| Instead of lessening the outrage upon the slave holding
States, it aggrivates it, in 9 much as one of the terms
of the Union was the speedy delivery to his owner, by
the several States, of “fugitives from service or labor.”
There is some diversity of opinion as to the sutvst
and most effectual modes of retaliation—none whatever
so far as we know, as to the policy and necessity of it.
A writer in the Spirit of the. South objects to Mr.
Calhoun's plan of directly prohibiting tho introduction
of Northern shipping end oommerce into our ports on
the ground that it would bring the State and Federal
authorities into collision. He, however, suggests the
| propriety of the passage of laws by the Southern States
! making it a good plea iu bar to a suit in law or equity,
or to a bill of indictment for personal injury, that the
plaintiff or prosecutor was a citizen of those States; in
civil suits, that the consideration was merchandise pur
chased or manufactured in those States.
The Louisville Journal suggests that the Southern ‘
States might, by way of retaliation, pass a law declining i
that, after a named day, nothing of the groth or product i
of Massachusetts* soil or labor imported into the South,
should be deemed the subject of larceny or robbery, j
and that the stealing or robbery of no such thing should
be punished within the Southern States respectively.
Either of these remedies would, wo believe, either
cure the New England States of their fanaticism, or drive
them out of the Union. The measure suggested by
the Louisville Journal, though abhorent to the moral
sense, is iu strict conformity to the laws of Massachu
setts and Vermont on the subject of slavery, and would
probably prove in the end the most efficacious. If
generally adopted by the Southern States, it would act
as an embargo upon the foreign commerce of the* of
fending States. Most of their factories would le stop
ped in year. Their capital and labor would be trans
ferred to other Slates. They would be forced to fulfill
their constitutional obligations to the South or see grass
j grow in the streets of Boston.
j As to the propriety of such legislation we quote and
adopt the following remarks from the Louiscille Jour.
“Every man of intelligence will at once exclaim that
such legislation will be a plain violation of the spirit of the
Constitution, which so clearly contemplates a free inter
communication between the citizens < f the different
States for the purposes of commerce. Granted: it is
clearly so; it is as flagrant a violation of the spirit of
the national compact as could be devised. But, in the
estimation of Southern men, it is not at all more so than
the similar legislation of Massachusetts as to their slave
property. Will she appeal to the moral sentiment of
the South against on infraction of the Constitution,
which, with honorable men, should be deemed as invio-
I table as its plain unambiguous letter ? They will taunt
i her with her own dereliction not only as to the spirit
j but as to the plain letter of the Constitution. They
j will tell her that she atteinps to deny to Southern men
| the plain right of transit through her territory for their
| stave property, and attempts by her legislation to disable
! the Federal Government from fulfilling a duty in the
restitution of such property, expressly enjoined by the
Constitution in the plainest and most indisputable mau- j
ner. How far Southern Legislatures will suffer them- j
selves to be controlled by the mere spirit of the Consti
tution, when uot tied by its express language, she can
judge by the conduct of her own Legislature, when guil
ty of a wanton aggression and uot stimulated, as the
South will, be by a thirst for retaliatory revenge. By
taking away the protection of her taws from the owner
ship of slave property, and by inciting her citizens to
the theft and robbery of such property, Massachusetts
repudiates the duty es comity which she owes her sister
States, and outrages the moral sense of the South just
as grossly as if she had done the same thing in regard
to cotton or tobacco. In the estimation of Southern
men, there i* no difference between the two. In a mo
ral point of view, they consider the one as much as the
other a violation of her duty, as a party to the national
compact,”
Southern Del-galas to the Philadelphia Con*
vention.
YVc can scarcely find a place upon the body of Know
Nothingism to which we can apply ihe whip without
‘ touching the raw.'* It is really pdjpu! to us to han
dle the galled moster, it winces so painfully under the
touch. But we may not shrink from duty however
painful the task may be.
It is known that on the passage of the Platform of
Principles, wishy-washy as it was on the subject of
slavery, twelve States withdrew from the Grand Coun
cil and two more protested against that part of it. New
Fork and California alone, ol* the hireling Status,
by the Platform and it is almost certain that tho State
Oonueil of New York will repudiate the action of her
delegates. Very great merit is claimed for the
Southern delegates because they took, it ta said,
such high grouud on the slavery question that they
drove their Northern brethren out of the Grand Coun
cil. We have heretofore shown that, in several particu
lars, the Southern Know Nothings mad© fatal conces
sions to their abolition confederates to preserve their
Northern alliances ; namely, in pretermiting any expres
sion of opinion as to the power of Congress over slavery
in the Territories ; in declaring the Union of the United
States the paramount political good ; and in denying to
the States and conferring upon the Supreme Court the (
solo power to interpret the constitution. YY'e, there- j
fore, arrive at the conclusion that the schism in the j
Grand Council arose, not from the soundness cf the j
Southern, but the rottenness of the Northern dele- [
gates, most of whom wero Abolitionists and ought |
never to have been met by loyal citizens of the South, !
except as traitors to the constitution aud enemies of the !
South. !
We propose to make tLis assertion apparent in this !
article, so tar as many of the Southern delegates are j
concerned. Our authority for what we shall say about j
them is the American Organ, a Know Nothing paper I
published at Washington city and edited by Vespasian j
Ellis, who was a delegate to the Grand Council and i
knows whereof he affirms.
We charge Ist, That nearly every Southern man in j
the National Council of Know Nothings admittted that, !
a question of policy, the repeal of the Missouri Com -
promise, by the passage of the Nebraska Kansas act, was
a blunder.
We charge 2d, That many of them denounced the
Nebraska-Kansas act as an outrage upon the North.
YY’e charge 3d, That some of them advocated the
repeal of the Nebraska-Kansaa act and the restora
tion of the Missouri line, whereby staves was excluded
from all Territory of the United States lying North oi‘
36 deg. 30 min. These are grave charges aud would (
damn any party in the South, if the public mind were j
in a healthy State.
In proof of our first charge we quote the ’language of j
the American Organ. It sajw:
“On this point we have first to bay that nearly every ;
Southern inau in the National Council, who expressed his
opinions on the subject, admitted that, as a question of
policy, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854 was
i a blunder —that it was not then demanded by the South,
i and that it had re-opened the agitation of a question dan
j gc-rous to the peace and harmony of the country. There j
i was h i demand—no nec< ssi:y—no occasion for any *lis- j
{ tui bauce of tho Compromise line ot 1820. Its disturbance, J
! as a question of policy, (not ot right.) was the most ru-k* i
j less act of legislation recorded in Ameiiean history,
j In proof of our second charge, we quote the tan- j
I guage of Mr. Ford, of Ohio, and Mr. 11-iyuer of N.
0., delivered in the National Council :
Mr. Ford. — You acknowledge you have had the con- j
deration —you admit the* repeal to be unjust and an out* f
rage, and y;t you refuse to right it.” Objection was ;
made by several Southern members to the assertion that j
they admitted the righteousness of the repeal. “Well,}
| then,” said Mr. Ford, “get up and tell us what you think \
j about ii. Let us hear your confessions.”
j Mr. Hopkins of Alabama, rose and defended the repeal j
j as that of an unconstitutional act.
! Cunningham of South Carolina, said ditto, arid so one or j
j two others.
! **G.i ahead/’ said Mr. Ford, “let us hear you all.”
- Kenneth R.iyner.—“ls it expected that Southern gen •
| tlemen generally will give their mental experience ?
j F rd.—“ Yes, ves ; let us hear you all.”
Itayner.—“Well, then, I have to say that the repeal o!
j the Missouri Compromise was an uncalled for and unuee- j
j essary act, an outrage even, a violation of plighted faith j j
j and 1 would have seen my right arm w ither and my tongue j
! palsied before I would have votvd for it
j Several other model atv men of the slave States agreed I
1 with Mr. Raynor, but were not prepared to aid in righting ;
1 the wrong, whose iniquity and injustice they freely od
| mit ted.
j The proof upon the third charge is not. so clear. It
; ta known that Kenneth Unyner, of N. C., submitted a !
! distinct proposition to restore the Missouri line. How !
; much strength it had in Convention is not known as the 1
j call for the previous question prevented a vote upon it. j
It is reasonable, however, to suppose that lie had back- ;
| ers from the South or he would not have made so bold j
| a surrender of Southern Rights. Mr. Ytaspasian Ellis,
! however, submitted a proposition of similar purport iu i
| these words: (we quote from the American Organ.)
j- ‘‘Resolved, Tha this Natioual Council, without ex ;
I pressing any opinion upon the constitutionality of the j
! Missouri Compromise, as an original proposition,/*///, cuii
i sideling the repeal of said Compromise impolitic and un- ;
■ w ise, and there existing doubts as to the practicability and i
expediency of restoring said compromise by lair , this Na- !
tioiml Council hereby dedales, that the American party j
ought not to either insist upon, urge, or require, th
admission o f any Territory into the Union as a slave ]
State, which lies Surth of the Camprotnise line; and !
that, on the other hand, said party will interpose no ob- !
lections to the admission of any Territory into the Union !
as a slave State, which lies South ot said Compromise j
line; thus virtually restoring, without legislation , the
original compact made between the North and South in ;
1820.”
YY r e think the proof adduced is sufficient to convince I
every honest man that our charges against the South- j
j t ru Delegates to the Know Nothing National Council j
| are true. We dare not trust ourselves with the liberty
! of characterising the conduct of these faithless Southern j
! delegates. YY’e, therefore, adopt tho language of the ■
Richmond Enquirer’ and commend it to the careful i
consideration of Southern men. The Enquirer says :
“Now, what docs all this mean, but that she Ameri- •
can Organ, which is held up for its devotion to the
South, was an ! a willing to surrender a ground of the ;
most vita! importance to the South t A critical ques- i
lion, now before the country, is the admission of Kansas ’
into the Union as a State. Under the lead of Douglas I
and other noblo Northern men, the sectional and de- •
grading line of the Missouri Compromise was blotted !
out, and thereby to Southerners was conceded, as an
act of simple justice, the right to carry their own pro
perty into the territory. In the progress of time, and !
in spi:e of the organized emigration movement* of;
New England Abolitionists, the Southern nice have j
j acquired a foothold in Kansas by the popular vote, with !
| a bright prospect of establishing their tho i
| constitution, which gives equal protection to all sorts of!
; property. Just at this important crisis, when the
j South is about to have justice done to her citizens, ■
such friends of the South as Kenneth Ilayner and the
American Organ step forward and denounce the repeal
of the Missouri Cempromise as ‘a blunder/ and as ‘the
most reckless act of legislation recorded iu American
history.* The American Organ goes still father and
calls upon the whole ‘American’ organization to wipe
out practically this awtui ‘blunder,’ and to ‘virtually re
store, without legislation, th© original compact made be
tween the North and South in 1820*—in other words,
really to give new life to the degrading Missouri Com
promise, and to restore a gross and unqualified act of i
injustice and degradation to the South. And all this !
to conciliate the abolitionists and to give peace and
harmony to the great “American’ party !
“But the reasons given are, if possible, more mon
strous than the proposition itself. They are that tho
whole question is a mere shadow of an abstraction ; that
all the Southern men iu tho Philadelphia Council ar
gued that Kansas could uot be a stave State, and that
not one single member of the Council was beard to ex
press a wish that Kuusas should be a *!av© State.—
What an extiaordinary representation the South had in
the Council 1 Men who, instead of standing by the*
South m the hour of trial, and when by the onion of
her sons, the South might acquire practical justice and
benefit, threw down their arms to the abolitionists, and I
surrendered at discretion all the real rights of the South !
According to the Organ, every representative of the
South surrendered the whole question and threw the
whole weight of his position into the anti-slavery scale,
so far as Kansas is concerned !
“Is not the Organ condemned out of its own mouth,
iu the opinion of every true Southern man ? Y\ T hen
such sentiments as we have above quoted, are publicly
proclaimed as the voice of even the Know Nothing* vs
the South, how can they expect to dupe the Sooth by
hollow platform* Into an affiliation with *o detestable a
party? Every step taken to patch up the disjointed
fragments of ‘Sam’ exposes the deception in anew and
more damning light. The whc>le concern ta a wretched
cheat, and the whole South will, like Virginia, repudiate
and spit upon it.’*
Great Gathering of the New Yoik Democracy, j
In delightful contrast with the treasonable language j
of a number of Southern delegates to the Graud Coun
cil of the Know Nothings recently held at Philadelphia,
and which we have noticed in another article, are the
resolutions and speeches of the Democracy of New*
York made and adopted at a mass meeting of the hard
shells on the 27th ult. The following resolutions on
the subject of slavery were unanimously adopted by over
two thousand five hundred Democrats iu the city of
New Yoik :
Resolved , That Congress has no power to interfere
with, or attempt to dictate or control the domestic institu
tions of States or Territories, and that its power to do tu
in the District of Columbia, being gravely disputed, ought
not to be exercised ; that we deprecate and oppose the
agitation of the subject of slavery in Congress, under any
shape or form ; and while we approve of. and will adhere
to, as just aud constitutional, the existing legislation up
on the subject of tho rendition of fugitive slaves, and the
principle of the acta organizing the Territories of Utah,
New Mex co, Kansas and Nebraska, we demaud, iu the
name ot the sound Union feeling of the country, that all
insane sectional prejudices—un fraternal agitations—and j
hypocritical aggressions, fomented by designing and dan
gerous nun, shall cease.
Resolved , That we utterly repupiare aud disavow the
demand of Northern abolitionists—first enunciated by
the Buffalo Convention, which nominated Van Bnren
aud Adams in 1848—that “no more slaveholding States”
shall be admitted into this Union ; believing that the
position thus assumed is one which finds no warrant iu
the constitution, or in the example set us by our revolu
tionary fathers, and rememberiug that the first Stale ad
mitted by act of Congress, approved by George Wash
ington as President, was the staveholdiug State of Ken
tucky.
They were passed by Northern votes alone—Demo j
eratio vote* alone, without the help of a solitary South- \
ern man. It will be seen that, unlike the Southern i
branch of the Know Nothings at Philadelphia, the j
New York Democracy unequivocally deny to Congresfl j
the constitutional “power to interfere with or attempt l
to dictate or control the domestic institutions of States j
or Territories .’* The Southern Know Nothings at
Philadelphia pretermitted any expression of opinion as
to the constitutional power of Congress over slavery in
the Territories, and yet 12 States, rather than swallow
their milk and water resolutions on th© subject of slave
ry, retired from the Grand Council, and two more pro
tested against them. Has it not come to a pretty pass
when Northern men take higher ground than Southern
men in defence of Southern Rights l
in harmony with these resolutions were the speeches
of all who addressed the meeting,
Samuel Beardsley, th# President of the meeting, 1
said :
YY'hen the constitution was formed,the States all agreed
that this sub.ect should be left to the determination of the j
States. New Y ork determined the question for herself.- !
She was then a slave state, and she abolished slavery when 1
she pleased. Virginia also assented to that doctrine. Shi i
was then a slave state, and she ta one now. She has the I
same right to be a stave state now us she had then, and it Is j
no concern of ours to interfere. (Cheers ) It ta solely her j
own concern. We in this State act as we please on tho j
subject, and we should leave Virginia to do the same, and j
the peace and quiet of the country demand that each Ter- !
ritory should have the same privilege. (Loud cheers ) j
Oregon has chosen to say that she will not have slavery.— j
She had a right to do so, and no one has a right to com
plain of it. If other Territories hold different language aud j
adopt the opposite policy, it is their right to do so, and the !
quiet oflhe country will be best promoted by leaving to j
each to govern that matter a? they may think proper.— •
(Cheers.)
Daniel E. Sickles, late Secretary of legation at Lon- \
don, said;
“We will be obliged to meet aud light once ‘more the ]
slavery question—lor abolitionism i£ one of the subdivta- j
ions of lanaticism at the North, and singularly enough,we i
arc obliged to meet it in the form of the Nebraska bill. 1 j
think that 1 can briefly relieve this question ol much of the j
misrepresentation and mystification which have been I
thrown around it by designing and corrupt presses, and
still more designing po’iticians. I affirm as a proposition, I
that ta; susceptible ol the clearest pioof, that the Nebraska i
bill, so far from being a violation oi any compact or agree** j
ment existing bet:weeu the States or any of them, is an lion- I
est and faithful fulfilment of the agreement made by the •
Compromise measures of 1850, when Webster, Clay, our I
own Dickinson, (applause) and other eminent men, arrang* j
ed the plan for the adjustment of all future questions of the j
same kmd upon the principle of territorial and popularsov- !
ereigr.ty—that hereafter the question of slavery, in any I
State or Territory, should be left entirely to the will of the j
people occupying the Territory. The Federal |Govern • •
ment had previously acted upon a different policy. [Mr. j
Sickles proceeded to detail the circumsta ces attendant up- j
on the passage of the Compromise of 1820—the adnita- ‘
Bionof Texas and Oregon— to show that Congress had |
previously taken upon itself to settle all difficulties about j
slaveiy.J The consequence of this policy was that every ;
time any new Teiritory was added to the Union, the slave* j
r.v question was again revived, with all its attendant evils. !
The statesmen ot 1850 resolved that the question should be j
settled at once, and forever, by tlie affirmation of the prin- j
cipie that the people of tlie I’erritory should settle the I
question—slavery or no slavery—for themselves. That de- i
ctaion is now one of the well settled principles of the demo- }
cratic party. We hold that New \ ork should not make
laws lor Massachusetts; n >r Massachusetts for Kansas.— j
The people of Nebraska should make law's lor themselves.
They are supposed to know their own business. Congress, j
in passing the Nebraska bill, only acted up to the Conspro- ;
mtae measures ot 1850, which had been sanctioned in the!
election of ’52 by the votes of three fourths of the |ieopie j
; of the United Stales upon the platform as laid down by the j
I democratic Convention at Baltimore.
Competency of Witne**ei -t mver-aliM*.
it ta attempted to justify the decision of Judge An- !
| drew* a* to the incompetetency of a uni versa list as a i
j witness in a Court of Justice by the assertion that it:
I was in accordance with the common Law of England, j
That this is not true, we have abundant evidence. j
YY’e quote from l Greauleaf on Evidence, page 513, j
note to sec. 36‘J. “The proper test of the competency j
ofa witness on the score of religious belief was settled, !
upon great consideration, iu the case of Omit bund vs. j
Barker, YVilles, 545, 1 Aik. 21, S. C., lobe the belief
of a God, and that he will reward and punish us ae- I
cording to our deserts. This rule (English) was re
| cognized ia Butts vs. Swartwood, 2 Cowen, 431 ; Thu
People vs. Matteson, 2 Cowen, 436, 573, note; and by
! Story, j. io Wakefield vs. Ross, 5 Mown, IS ; U Dane’s
Abr. 317,8. I\; aud in Brook vs. Milligan, 1 Wilcox,
1*25. Whether any belief iu a future state of existence
is necessary, provided accountability to God in this life
is acknowledged, is not perfectly dear. In Common
wealth vs. Bncbeler, 4 Am. Jurcst, SI, Thaclier, j.
seemed to think it was. But iu Uunsoom vs. Hudn
com, 15 Mass. 185, the Court held, that mere disbelief
iu a future existence went ouly to the credibility. This ;
degree oj disbelief id uot inconsistent with the faith re
quired in Omiohund vs. Barker (the leading English j
case) The only case, cleatly to the contrary, is At- j
wood vs. Walton, 7 Conn. 68. In Curtis yh Strong,
4 Day, 51, the witness did not believe in the obligation
of an oath ; and in Jackson vs. Grid ley, 18 Johns. 98,
he was a mere atheist without any sense of religion
whatever. All that W3B snid iu these two cases, be
yond the point in judgment, was extrajudicial. See
also, 3 Phil. Kvid, by Cowen and Hill, p. 1503, note
53,55: Fernanda* aud Hall vs. Henderson, Cor. I) s
saus.sure Ch. Union Dist. S. Car , Aug. 1827, ib. cit. j
In Maine, a belief iu the existence of the Supreme Be- \
ing is rendered sufficient by slat., 1833, eh. 58, without j
any reforence to rewards or punishments. Smith vs. j
Coffin 6 Bhaph. 157.”
By carefully examining the foregoing extract from \
the highest legal authority iu the United States it will be !
| Beea that the decision of Judge Andrews ta in the teeth |
; of the common taw of England as declared in Omichund ;
vs. Barker during the last century aud the whole cur
i rent us American decisions except one solitary case in j
I Connecticut. How then can the supporters of the j
Kuow Nothing nominee justify his outrageous wrong i
upon the universalists ? He was either ignorant of law <
or was governed by religious intolerance. In either j
case he would seem to be eminently fitted to be the :
candidate of the Know Nothings.
The Ciitted Itides
Ihe organization of thi* volunteer corps gives evj. j
; <Jencc of uu improving state of feeling among our mil
itary men. YY e had supposed the twm old compauies
had absorbed all th© sons of mars in Columbus. YVe
are glad to find that we are mistaken. The appearance
and spirit ot the United Rifles give assurance that
there is abundant raw material in the city for another
company. The following officers of tke new corps were
elected recently : Capt. Ist Lieutenant F.
G. Wilkins ; 2d Lieutenant J. D. Baldwin ; 3d Lieu
tenant T. P. Larue.
Rain and the River.— During the last ten, days all
this ieetion of the country has been visited by abundant
rain. The oorn crop is plaoed beyond danger and will
be unusually abundant. It is feared that the ootton
crop will be injured if the season is prolonged. Our
river is again In boatable order.
The Y'ote upon the Nebraska-Kansas Hilt- j
As the soundness of parties upon the Nebraska-
Kaneas bill is a matter of daily discussion, we give be- !
low the votes by which it was carried in both houses i
of Congress.
For the Bill is the Se.vatf.
Northern Democrats 14 vote?.
Northern Whfos 00 “
■ Southern Democrats 14 “
Southern Whigs ‘J “
—37
Against the Bill ly the Senate.
Not them Democrats 4 vote**.
Northern Whigs 6 “
Democrat? 1 K
tSouthern YY r hig? 1
Abolitionists 2 “
For the Bill in thf. House or Representatives.
Northern Democrats *ll votes.
Northern YVhigs 00 “
Southern Democrat?. 54 “
Southern YV f higs 14 “
—lO9
Against the Bill in tpe House of Representatives.
Northern Democrats 38 votes.
Northern YY’higs 43 “
Southern Democrats 1 “
Southern YY r higs 6 “
—BB
In the two Houses the Northern Democracy cast 55 j
votes for the bill : and 42 against it: the Northern j
YVhigs east 00 votes for the bill and 40 against it : the 1
Southern Democrats cast 68 votes for the bill and 2
against: the Southern YY’higs cast 23 votes for the bill
and 7 against it.
The above record is not pleasant to contemplate, but
we think it well enough to keep it before those very
patriotic citizens of Georgia who propose to form a ns*
tional party out of the Northern elements opposed to
the Democracy. On the Nebraska-Kansas bill there
were only 00 Northern men in favor of the South out
side the Democratic paity. Take all of them and add
them arid their constituencies to the Columbus move
ment mm and it strikes us that the party would hardly
be “a national movement to crush aectiootd encroach
ment.”
What then do the admirers of the Columbus move
ment mean by attempting to convert it into a national
movement t Is not the whole object and aim of the
movement to organize fill the elements of the opposition
to the Democracy in Georgia into a party under a spe
cious name for the sake of the spoils ? Experience
has proven that no other political organization, except
that of the Democracy, can live “in the stiff current” of
abolition excitement in the Nothern State*? Why
then waste time and energy in attempting to construct a
new one. There is but two ways by which the De
mocracy can be overcome, Ist by the formation of a
submission party under the cry of Union. 2d by a bo*
na fide disunion party. The Savannah Republican is
evidently looking to the first alternative aud the Cos
lambus Enquirer to the last. One word of council.—
You must unite gentlemen upon one or the other fine
of policy if you expect to conquer the Democracy. Di
vided counsels will end iu your utter overthrow.
*The Southern Democrat who voted against the bill ta
old Sam Houston and he ta now a Know Nothing.
t The Southern Whig who voted against tho bill ta Gov.
Bell, ol Tennessee, aud he ta now a Know Nothing.
The Fourth ol July.
The National Annivesary was cslebrated by our gal
lant military companies wi/h much spirit. Alter pa
rade, the Columbus Guards, Capt. Semmes, the City
Light Guards, Capt. Colquitt, and the United Rifles,
Ist. Lieutenant Wilkin*, commanding, repaired to
Temperance Hall, where a large audience had already j
assembled, composed of both sexes. The exercises \
were opened with prayer by Dr. Higgins, pastor of the
Presbyterian Church.
Capt. Semmes then introduced to the audience, Pri
vate M. 11. DeGraflenried, of the Columbus Guards,
who entertained the audience in a most felicitous ad
dress and road the Declaration of Independence with
much force and spirit.
Capt. Colquitt then introduced the orator ©f the day,
Private J. A. Fox, of the City Light Guards. The
address ol Mr. Fox was very happily conceived, abound
ed in beautiful thoughts, beautifully expressed, and was
delivered in a most captivating style of oratory.
The iaige audience frequently cheered both the
speakers, and thus gave evidence that the spirit which
animated their revolutionary sires still glowed in th©
breasts of their descendants.
The ceremonies were concluded with the bene-Jic*
lion.
The Repeal ul the Missouri Compromise.
Kenneth Rayner, a North Carolina Know Ncthiog, j
is reported, in the New York Herald , to have de- j
nounced “the repeal of the Missouri Compromise as an |
outrage upon the North.” Similar language was held, j
we are told, by George N. Stewart, a prominent Ala
bama Know Nothing in the city of Montgomery, Ala*
bam i, on bis return from the Philadelphia Convention.
In delightful contrast with these unsound sentiments,
we append the following extract from the New York
Daily Times, It was written io reply to the Courier
i Jf Enquirer which charged that every Union man at
: th o North was insulted and outraged by the repeal of ;
| the Missouri Compromise.” The New York Times ’
| says :
sis say, then, hs one of the “Union men of the North,” j
i that they were not “insulfod and outraged by the repeal of
the .Missouri Compromise;” but that they aided, abetted j
and approved that repeal, and will the “restoration” \
of that or any other line hy which tho territory of the Union j
shall lx’ divided. North and South, “by act ol Congress.”
Does the Courier h.-ar this ! Did it hear the resolution ■
passed by acclamation through the National Democratic ;
State Convention last July, approving of “the. repeal of the I
Missouri Compromise,” and which was responded to by!
one hundred thousand votes out for Nebraska can iidatw i
for Congress in this State last Fall? Or is i: ignorant of:
these things— ofdhesentiments of tlie “Uniou men” it inso i
lently assumes to speak for ?
Difficulty Settled.-- YV are pfoa-e 1 to !;nn that
j the difficulty pending between Messrs. K <Bullock
and [Bury O Hail, and which was iik-ly t<* result in a
duel, has been settled upon terms honorable to both
i pArtie*.
i Dorset or the Despatch.— We have had the i
j pleasure of meeting Col. Dorsey of the Despatch re- |
| eently iu Columbus. He gives iht most cheering hc* i
j counts of the success of the Democracy in Xlabama.
j He says YY r inston will utterly demolish Shortridge. He
| also has strong hopes of the success of Dowdell in the
: 3d district.
The Speakint Saturday Night.
The Democracy re-assembled in force at Temperance
Hall according to adjournment, and were entertained
until 10 1-2 o’clock by J R. Rniosay, Eq., of Harris
county, and Samuel Ilall, Esq., of Marion county. —
Both speeches were capital efforts, and added to the
deservedly high reputations these gentlemen enjoy as !
forcible popular orators.
Kiiu t Nothings at Barne*vtlle Ga.
A private letter under date of.fuue 30th says : “At j
this place we have a council of Know Nothings, orach- !
|ed up for its numbers. Abont the 23d, six of the mem- j
bers applied for dismissal cards. Five were granted ; !
one was refused. It was soon found out that the gen- |
: tlemau retained was joined by ten more members and ]
such was the dismay of the Brotherhood that they took j
tha responsibility of refusing dismissals to all the mem- j
bers. The father of one of the young men than held j
iu “bonds” hearing what was doue, walked up to the !
village and notified the Secretary that he had come to ;
have his son’s card or the records and would not leave i
until he had one or the other. This notice brought j
the card in short orde..”
Overby not Coming Down. —There is a very er- i
roneoua and nntounded report being circulated through j
soi*e portions of the country, that Mr. Overby intend*
withdrawing his name as a candidate. The report is
utterly false. No snch idea has ever entered his head.
YVe have the following expression from his own mouth :
“There is but one party under Heaven that could get
me dvwn and that is the Prohibition party/** No doubt
many would willingly circulate and have those who hear
believe the report, bnt we are happy to say, Mr. Over
by is a man that never “takes water,’* (speaking after
the manner of men.) —Temperance Banner’of last
Saturdy.
Burglary. —The Jewelry store of Mr. Boeoffciet,
on Drayton street, was forcibly entered, on Saturday
alternoon, by burglars, and robbed of various article* of
value. The entrance was made by forcing ope of the
baok windows, in the absenoe of Mr. B. No trace of
the offender or the goods stolen.— Sat. Jour. £ Cour
2nd.
I (From the Constitutionalist Sc Republic.]
Th© Three Platforms Compared.
Mr. Editox: Our Southern Know Nothing fifen.
i are trying to make a great deal of fuss about a < .. ri
! platform on the slavery question, which their own South
i ern Delegates, with the assistance of the Delegat. - ; roill
! New York, passed at their late Convention at I'i; ad,
phia. Now, while thjs Know Nothing Platform tax* u .
good as the Georgia Platform, it is hardly as good,
certainly no better, than the late NaiiouafYVhig ;,ud \, .
tional Democratic PnitforiiH. The Know Nothing i.
lutions certainly lack the boldness of expiession ofhorh v
Whig and Democratic resolutions iu relation to a *orc
ject to the North, the Fugitive Slave law; lor whita
former makes no allusion to the Fugitive Slave law, }, v
name, both of the latter expressly named this taw, so min t,
hated by Northern fanatics. But let the several Pialfoiu.,
speak for themselves—here they are, viz:
Know Nothing National Platform.
XII. The American parly having arisen upon the nfi ,
and in spite of the opposition of th i Whig and D. mr-i-i
ie parties, cannot be held in any manner responsible I
the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either. And
tlie systematic agitation of the Slavery question by tin -
parties having elevated Becii‘ Uftl hostiii y into a positive
element of political power, and brought our institutions iu
to peril, it has theretofore become the imperative duly ct
j the American party to interpose, for the purpose of giviju.
j peace to the country and perpetuity to the Union. And
I as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opfo
i ions so extreme as those which separate the disputant*,
aud as there can be no dishonor in submitting to the !*v.
the Natioual Council has deemed it the'hest guarantee i
common justice and future peace, to abide by aud maintain
the existing laws upon the subject ot Slavery, as a tin .
and conclusive settlement of that subject in spirit and tit
substance.
And regarding it the highest duly to avow their opini. .v,
upon a subject so important, in dtatine.t and linemen .
terms, it ta hereby declared, as the s n.-c ofthta S'.v .
Council, that Congress possesses no power, under th..
Const i tut ion, to legislate upon the subject ofslavery hi ij..
States where it dots or may exist, or to exclude am, St:Ca
from admission into the Un ion because it* Comtitt::.
does or does not recognise the institution of slavery u* .
part of its social system; and especially preterm it ting aL .
expression of opinion upon the power of Congrc*ss to .
tabltah or prohibit slavery in any Territory, it is these):--
of the National Council that Congress ought r.ot io U
late upon the subject of slavery w ithin the Territory of th-
United States, aud that any interference by Congress wifi,
slavery, as it exists in the District of Coltunbta, would ta- *
violation of the spirit and intention of the comp; e
which the State of Maryland ceded the District to tfo.-
United States, and a breach ol the National taitb.
Democratic National Platform.
That Congress has n power under the CoiiMitatc-a
to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of ?he*
several States, and that such States are the sole and pi -
per judges of everything appertaining to their own afl.;ir, t
not prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of tl r ’
ahoiiiionists or others made to induce Congress t.-. mo n- 1
with questions of slavery, or to take incipient sups in re
lation thereto, are calculated to find to the most alarm!:
and dangerous consequences; and that all such eltta;■?
have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness ot
tho people, and endanger the stability and permaueoev t i
the Union, and ought not to be c-onfeenanced ty i.s
friend of our political institutions.
Resolved , That the foregoing proposition covers, .. ,i
was intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery u-j -
tated in Congress, and therefore the Demccraitc p:.iu .j
the Union, standing upon this national platform, v\iij hi t
by and adhere to the faithful execution of the uc; kn. wn
as the compromise measures, settled by the last Con; • -
the act for th© reclaiming of fugitives From h rv
lobor included, which act, being designed to carry rut a
express provision of the Constitution, cann.t, with fob ; ,
thereto, be repealed or no champ cl as to destroy or imp;.;!
its efficiency.
Resolved, That the Democratic party will .resist all at
tempt© at renewing in Congress or out of it, tho agil.v.Mu
of the Slavery question, under whatever shape or color :l.c
attempt may hr made.
Whig National Platform.
8. The series of acts of the 31st Congress, com
known as the compromise or adjustment, (die act for .’ :
recovery of fugitives from labor included,) are receitui
aud acquiesced in by the Whigs of the Unifod .
final settlement, in principle and sub.stauvo, of tlie - .ta *
to which (hey relate, and so far ns these acts are eoiwi n,
ed, we will maintain them, and insist on their stiv t ...
forcement, until lime and experience shall demons;r e.
necessity of further legislation h* guard again** th -. . i:
of the law’s on the one hand, aud the abu ; -of their p
on the other—not impairing their pr- sdil eflicicn- >
carry out the requirements of th© Constitution—and
deprecate all further agitation of the questions thuss<-ti! a
as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance ;• i •
forts to continue or renew such agitation, wij.n.vfi
wherever, or however made—and wo will maintain :
settlement as essential to the nationality of the Whig k;
ty, and the integrity of the Union.
Here are three Platforms—the first adopted by *.i
Southern Delegates, with the assistance of New York, .u
the late Know Nothing National Conv< nfi. at Phila-i- -
phia—the second adopted unanimously at the last I)
eratio National Convention; and the third adopted by i
last National \Y big Convention, 66 Delegates vital ,
against it. And I would ask the unprejudiced reader and
the Kn*w Nothing Resolutions at e any better than n.
either of the old parties ? Nay more, are they even ns Ii
and emphatic as the other two,even though but one N..r.ta
ern State, in committee, voted for them at the late Knee
Nothing Natioual Convention. !
But our Southern Know Nothing friends say : *•<
but our Platform was so good for the South, that :h
Abolition Delegates from the 12 Northern and YVesMn
States seceded from its, alter we passed them !” T 1 •
did, did they ?—then so much the worse for your a<- -
elation with thorn. For. if their withdrawing from y >
Convention proves anything, \; n without any other
evidence] it proves conclusively what we anti-lvn v
Nothings have all along said ah nt your Northern Kno v
Nothing brethren, viz : that they are worse Abotitio i
ists than have ever had position, or Power,
any of the Northern and Western Stairs. And he*
does it prove it/ Because-, heretofore, while tfote have
no doubt been Fm-soih r.s in hoth the YY’hig and IV Hi -
eratic National Conventions', still they were not so rabid
as to withdraw from their party associates and from ttata
Convention merely because a majority passed the abr.v*
resolutions ; but these Northern Know Nothings, it
seems, are such rampant Ah-il-iimtats and hate the
South and its institutions so intensely that they will in*’
even remain in n party Convention that pleases them iu
every other particular, whose majority dare agree t*
abide by and maintain certain taws, passed in accordant
with the Constitution, for the protection of the rights of
thv South. Upon what ground, then, can our Southern
j friend* congratulate themselves, *:■ th South, upon ti
J passage of their Platfojm, v'heu they had to pass it by
) themselves, except icith the assistance of Ncic York !
’ The* resolutions are 110 better by being passed in Phila
i delphia than they would have been, had they been pass
| rd in Georgia or any other Southern State. Surely the
j Southern Know Nothings did not/ xpect their own dtlegat *
i to become Freesoilees aud Abolitionists, and to abandon
! the rights of the South at Philadelphia, and now con*
| g rat u late the South that they did n.? do it! Il there
: he any other cause /or congratulation connected with
: the late Philadelphia Convention, really I cannot see t.
But is there no other evidence that this Know Noth
ing Platform is all a cheat or a humbug ; or at best, tb,i
it amounts to nothing l [jet us see. I presume that
surely none of the Southern Know Nothings wrlj do
have the hardihood to say that the South can expect any
favor, or justice from the Know Nothing party in the 11’
Northern and Western States that seceded from the
Philadelphia Convention. But they may sav, “NY
York is sound, and’slie will Viand bv the Platform.”
But is this true ? Tho election a few months since i ■.*
New York denies the truth of this assertion. In th
late elections in that State for members of the m\i (‘on
grew, there were about 30 Know Nothing* and Wh.cs
j elected to Congress, aud so far from New York b i
j sound, and her Know Nothings found standing by il.i
• Platform, out of the large number of Know Noihi-. u
j members to Congress, the New York papers tell us ther.
i is not even one Know Nothing member who will \ • c
j agsinet the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, or agaiost
j ’be repeal of the Ivans sand Nebraska hot. And this -
* indeed a pretty National Organization f<r the South to
[ look tu. for justice, or a protection of its rights 1 K*t
I my own part, I pray that the South may ever be dcliver
| ed from any such a “National Ornanizttion,” be it called
j ultra Democratic. Wbig. Know Nothing, or any oslu r
j name.
Then what is the use of Southern men keeping - j*
I such an organization any longer ? Have they got noth
ing better to do than be trying to run down and p i> •
cute a few foreigners and Catholics in the Southern Su: * ‘
I There at e but o or b.OOO of Caiholio and foreigner- n
I Georgia, with a population of about 1,000,000 —and :hyi -
j are but about 300,000 foreigners and Calhbjiea together
jin tho whole South, with a population of 8,000,00 U< i
| 9,000,000. They are all true and loyal to the South and
her institutions. Then why make war upon them ? K
it because they are few and harmless ? If so, this perse
cution ot this weak oliiss among us. is surely not magnan
imous, m*f characteristic of Southern character. And hdo
it has now been proven in the late Phihididphii CVv< si*
lion, that the Native American or Know Nothing party
in at least twelve of the Northern and Western Stabs *
now composed of, and controlled by the most-violent Ab
olitionists and Freesoilers, so far from we of the South
joiniug them in their crus ide against the Catholics and
foreigners there, sound policy 3 would seem to dictate ib
we of the South should extend our sympathy, and “aid
and comfort*’ in the highest, degree to the Catholics and
foreigners at the North who are against them ; and wv
should use them, it we can, to pat down those notice
born traitors at the North, who arc now plotting day
and night to destroy the Constitution and the Fnion, and
who are now plotting day and night against oyr property
and onr lives.
Don’t you think I am right, Mr. Edilor ! Common
sense tells me that I arn. But I will conclude now, and
let you hear from me again.
* An Old Link Whw.
Anical of Secretary Davis. —Washington, June 26.
Secretary Davis, wived hare from his visit from MK*U>ip
pi, this morning.