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Cimis ari& Bgv&ind.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
~ TUESDAY MORNING, AUG, 7, 1855.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HERSCHUL V. •fc'OII\SOX.
FOR CONGRESS
-Ist District—Jamen L* Seward, of Thomas*
2d, ** ?J. J - Crawiord, of MRNCogee*
:itt. 44 James M. Smith, of Upson.
4th 4 * Hiram Warner, of 3friweMwi.
sth 46 Jno. If. Lumpkin, of Floyd.
th 44 Howell Cobb, ot Clarke.
Tth >• lam ton Stephens, of Hancock*
Sth A, 11, Stephens, of Taliaferro.
Circulate the Document—Know NoihiogiMU
Revealed.
We have on hand several Tracts for the Times
which we will sell low for cash.
1. Tract of 20 pages containing A. If. Stephens’
speeches at Augusta and Sparta, Wm. Moseley’s letter,
the vote upon the Nebraska-Kansas Rill, the Democrat
ic Platform, &o.: $8 per hundred.
2. Tract of eight pages containing the Constitution
and By Laws, oaths, grips, pass words, et cetera, of the
Order of Know Nothingism ; So a hundred.
Religious Intolerance—John Wesley.
It is generally believed that persecution on account of
religious opinions has, from the foundation of the
world, been confined to the Catholic Church. This is
a very great error. Bigotry is a common property of.
our poor humanity. History proves that every sect has
persecuted its opponents according to its ability. This
we could easily establish as to all of them, but our limits
forbid us to enter so wide a field. Wo rest our cause
upon the < persecution of Irish Catholics by the Protes
tants of England.
By the treaty of Limerick, tho Protestant King of
England, William the HI, of blessed memory, agreed
to restore the Catholics of Ireland to their estates, pri
vileges and immunities, as they enjoyed them in the
time of Charles II; to allow them to carry arms, and
to exact from them no oath except the oath of allegiance.
This treaty was signed on the 3d October, 1691. Let
us see how faithfully it was kept.
On the 22d October following, Irish Catholics were
excluded from the Irish Houses of Lords and Commons
unless they would take the oaths of supremacy ; viz.
that the King was the head of the Church.
In 1095, Catholics were deprived of all means of
educating their children, both at home and abroad ; they
were also disarmed and all their Priests banished.
In 1704 it was enacted that any eon of a Catholic
who would turn Protestant, should succeed to the fami
ly estates. In the same year Catholic fathers wore de
barred the privilege of being guardians to their own
children: Protestants were forbidden to marry Catho
lics : Catholics were forbidden to purchase land, or to
take a lease for more than 31 years: Catholics were
forbidden to hold any office, civil or military ; or to
vote at elections.
In J 709, Priests were forbidden to teach school:
rewards were offered for the discovery of Catholic
Priests: and any two Justices of tire Peace were al
lowed to eompell any Catholic to answer any questions
they might put to nim respecting Priests, celebration
of mass, or catholic schools. Imprisonment for life if
he refuses to answer. No body was allowed to hold
property iu trust for a Catholic. No Catholic allowed
to git on a jury when these statutes were involved.—
Catholics were forbidden to serve on Grand Juries.
During the next reign, Catholic horses were allowed
to ho seized for the use of the militia. Catholics were
also prohibited from voting at elections, or to be con
stables.
Iu the succeeding reign of George 11, Catholics
were prohibited from being lawyers, and if a Protetes- j
lanUawyer married a Catholic, ho was considered a
a Catholic and punished accordingly, A Catholic was
prohibited from marrying a Protestant, and the Priest
who Celebrated tho marriage was condemned t changed. j
See, History of the Penal Laws against ibe Irish Cal ho*
lies. By Henry Parnell, E<q., M. P.
Suoh were .the barbarioua laws imposed by life
freest and most tolerant Government on earth, one !
hundred years ago, on a portion of its subjects, on ac !
count of their religion. But with the dawn of the |
American Revolution, new views began to be entertain- j
ed on this us well as other subjects. Religion began j
to he considered a matter with which Government had ;
nothing to do, and when the Constitution of the United j
States, was framed, by our revolutionary fathers, they j
guaranteed to every citizen the tree exercise of his re- !
Jigion by declaring in the Ist amendment, that “Con- j
gross shall make no law respecting an establishment of
relion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;” and in
The oni amendment that “no religious test shall ever be
required as a qualification to any olllee or public trust
under the United States.” These sacred guarantees
were given .to the persecuted of all religious creeds,
Catholics included, just 20 years after John Wesley
wrote his celebrated letter against the toleration of [to
man Catholics by Protestant Governments, and which the 1
Columbus Enquirer of the 31st July parades before the i
public. Were our revolutionary fathers right and John
Wesls wrong? Or was John Wesley right and our
revolutionary fathers wrong ? Docs the Columbus
Enquirer forget, or did it never know the politics of
John Wesley? lie was a great and a good man un
questionably and as a teacher of practical piety, did in
valuable sci vice to mankind. We are ourselves quasi
members of the church he founded and are ready to
defend its creed and Government against the world.—
But as a political teacher we have no confidence in
John Wesley. He was a member of the tory party in
England, and wrote and spoke against the American
Revolution. Now let the Enquirer answer one plain
question. Does it accept John Wesley as a political
guide, as well as a religious teacher ? If it does not,
why does it quote him as authority in a political dis
cussion ?
Mr. Wesley shared the prejudices of his age and
country against the Catholic subjects of Great Brittain.
In the hundred! years that have sineo elapsed, the
questions mooted in his letter have been settled by a
practical experiment. All laws against Catholics have
been repealed in Great Brittain; and the Catholic
now is the equal of the Pretestaut in that Island. They
fill any and all offices ; they command armies and na**
vies; they sit in the House of Commons; they sit in
the House of Lords; and in every station have proved
theniselucs to be loyal subjects. So overwhelming is !
Iho proof furnished by this practical test, that it would ‘
ba utterly impossible to reinstate upon the statute book j
of England tho odious laws agaius Catholics which were
repealed, near thirty years ago, under the lead of Lord
John RusseM, Sir Robert Peel, and other enlightened ;
statesmen of Great Brittain.
la the United States, the Catholic and Protestant i
have always enjoyed equal privileges. What harm lias ;
come of it? A Catholic signed the Declaration of In
dependence. A Catholic this day presides over the
Supreme Court of the United States. General Scott
himself is believed to have strcSpicallings to the Cath
olic Church: At least, his daughters were educated at
Catholic Schools and are members of the Catholic
Church. What harm lias come of it ? Are not the
principles of the Declaration of independence ns liberal
s if they had been enunciated by Protestants alone ?
Are not the laws as well administered as if none but
Protestants presided over the Supreme Courts ?
Would our army have been more efficient, if it had
been led by a hater instead of a friend of the Catholic
Church ? Away with this folly then of religious intoler
ance. Religion of any kind is better than none.—
There are sinners enough in the world to engage the |
attention of all denominations. The subjects of the
Devil are greater enemies of good government than the j
communicants of any Church, which acknowledges the j
Lord Jesus Christ as the Chiet Corner Stone. Let j
Know Nothing zeal be expended upon his Satanic ma
jesty.
Letter of the Rev. John Wesley.
Oar neighbor of the Times cc Sentinel a short time
.since brought forword the authority of the Rev. Sidney
Smith, asa protestaut minister of the Church of England,
to prove the tderanee of the Catholic creed. Mr. Smith,
we believe, btlongtd to that class of Protestants who have
for years leaned towards the doctrines of the church of
Rome, and the most of whom have late’y embraced that
faith to the full extent. Mr. Smith is, therefore, very in dif
ferent authority on the point presented by our neighbor.
It is the dictate of common sense as well as the law of the
Ltnd, that no toon Is to be deemed a very credible wit
j ness w hen tettitying to his own behalf ?—Columbus En
j quirer ,
‘j Has the editor of the Columbus Enquirer ever read
! the works of Sidney Smith •? Does it know who he
was and what he did? We hope not—we believe
not. Upon no other supposition can we account for the
gross injustice done in the foregoing paragraph to one
ofthe bravest and brighest advocates of civil and religious
freedom the world ever saw. Sidney Smith “learnd
towards the doctrines of the church at Rome !” The
idea is preposterous. Lvt the Reverend gentleman
speaks for himself. In the preface to his “works'’ pub
lished by Carey A liart, 1844, he says:
“The idea of danger from the extension of the Catho
lie religion iu England, I utterly deride. The Catholic
faith is a misfortune to the world , but those whose
faith it conscientiously is, are quite right iu professing
it boldly, raid promoting it by all means which the law
allows.”
And in harmony with Jhis paragraph is every word
lie ever wrote or spoke to his dying day—he is dead
and we defy the Enquirer to produce a tittle of tenth <
mony to the contrary.
Bat there is no need to appeal to the authority of
any man as to the loyalty of our Catholic fellow citizens.
The common observation of every man in the R public
satisfies him that the profession of the Catholic faith ,
dots not detract from tho worth of a fellow citizen, and
that both os men and ci.izens the Catholic* is a good
ar.d true as thd Protestant; and that both jtre much bet
ter than he’ who has po’teligion, and is the slave of his
apetites and lusts, as ver/ many of the persecutors of :
the Catholic church are known to be. The abuse of
any church bylsueh men icpfndeeent as well as imperti
nent, and every good citizen ought to set the seal of
disapprobation upon sbeh heartless demagogues “who
steal the livery of heaven, to serve the devil in.”
Garnett Andrews’ Letter of Acceptance—The
i :olunions Movement.
jfVben this letter first appeared, we promised to no- j
tice it more at length -when we were able to compre- !
hend it. WeJiavo had it by us for several weeks and I
have our beat efiqr.ts to unravel its involved and j
tangled sentences, yWe are not sure now that we un
derstand his points. If we misconstrue his positions,
our leaders must attribute our mistakes to the obscurity
of his style, and not to carelessness or partisan zeal on
our part.
Jle sets out by informing the public that he had de
clined the nomination of the Know Nothings before it
was tendered to him, and gives as the “main reason’’
for this course, “a desire (op his pari) thafan organiza
lion should be suffered, under what is known as the j
Columbus movement, which (lie) hoped would convene, 1
and as (he) advised (his) friends, nominate another.” :
We give the very -words of Garnett Andrews. lie j
next gives his reasons for accepting the nomination of j
the Know Nothing party before the time arrived for 1
holding the Convention tho Columbus movement par
ty. These are Ist, that the Democratic party had re
fused to join in the ujovemept; 2d, that “the joining
in such an organization (aP the Columbus movement)
might have had the appearance of a disbanding of the
American party in Georgia; 3d, the fear that the Co*
loumbus movement Convention “might have failed to
pass a resolution that (he) should have considered a
sine qua no//.” He does not tell us what that resolu
tion was.
Wo will not charge Garnett Andrews with a de
liberate purpose to gull the advocates of the Columbus
movement into hissupporkby an affectation of sympa- <
thy with its purposes. We, however, find it utterly irn- <
possible to reconcile hi# second and third reasons for
forestalling the aetion of their Convention, by accepting j
the Know Nothing nominations, with his professed “de- i
sire that an should be suffered, under;
what is known as thej Columbus movement,” Now 1
| the professed object of the Columbus movement was
j to unite the South for the defense of tho South, and as a
’ preliminary to they requested ail existing parties
to disband. Vet Garnett Andrews, while professing to j
| favor this movement, acknowledges that he accepted :
I the Know Nothing nomination, and thereby killed the i
j Columbus movement, because he feared “the joining in l
such an organization (as that contemplated by the Co- j
| iuinbns muyernenl i might have had the appearance of j
! a dibanding of the American party of Georgia!’’ lie t
: was not only opposed to disbanding, but to “the appear
j ance of a disbanding of the American party of Georgia.” j
! It is clear, therefore, that his zeal for ihe Columbus i
! movement was (ffibctcd- or, at least, was secondary to
| his love of the American party. Ilfs position, however, |
! on this point is in keeping with the Platform of the |
i Georgia Know Nothings, which regards “the Union of i
| these States as the paramount political good” in onear- -
! tide; and “as secondary in importance to the rights j
! and principles it was designed to perpetuate” in another j
article.
We cannot account for this shutting on the part of j
Garnett Andrews upon any oilier supposition than that i
lie totally misapprehends the whole spirit and intent of
the Columbus movement. §
By rdd’enee to the preamble and resolutions adopted
by the Columbus movement party, it will be seen that
after stating that the South has nothing to hope and
; every thing to fear at the hands of the political organi
zations of the non-slSveholding States from the spirit of
Abolitiouism, which, toalargeand fearful extent, con
trols them ; that the large majority of the people of the
Northern States are hostile to the institutions of the
South ; that our friends there . have been routed, dis
banded, and almost annihilated ; and that the exigency
imperatively requires the Southern people to be one
peSJlLc'ttwl one party ; the Columbus movement meet
ing “squatted” in the elegant language of Garnett An
drews “on one corner of the Georgia Platform,” pro
viding for a dissolution of tho Union under certain oon-
Ungexujes and then repudiated all “fellowship and con
nection with the present national political organizations,
or any that may be hereafter formed, unless based upon
the principles and policy above set forth. They relied
solely upon the Union of the South “for our common
defence and safety.”
And yet Garnett Andrews, a professed Columbus
movement man, devotes the greater portion of his letter
of acceptance, to a fierce denunciation of the Democrat
ic party because they have made no efforts to “arrest a
crisis which must bring about a disrution of the oonfi
dence.” Hear him on this point, lie says ; -
If the state of facts now existing: shall continued when
Kansas makes application ior admission into the union,
she must he rejected under this controlling majority ; and
then a disruption of every tie which binds Georgia to the
Confederacy will inevitably take place. The decree ha?
■ gone forth, as proclaimed by the State in her convention of
; 1850. iius Gov. Johnson or the Democratic party told us
i of any escape from the crisis, sogcertainly pending l Have
j they devised any ? or are they seeking any ? We cannot
: admit the unrelenting war waging thro’ the Southern States
! to subject ail to the iron rule of Democracy, to be such.—
for if every voter in their borders we e to bow the knee
1 to its banner, and turn to St. Tammany in devotion, it
• would not add another rote to the yeas when the bill for
’ the admission r.j Kansas shall be upon its passage; for
j the southern rote, under whatever name, now i.-, and always
i will be a unit in its favor.
! Mark well the sentence italicised, and it will show to I
a demonstration that Garnett Andrews has no confi- j
deuce in the protection of Southern Rights by means of •
Southern Union. He is not a Columbus movement
man. That is too clear to be disputed. What is j
his object in professing sympathy with it ? If he had 1
not told us that he was opposed to “the wild hunt after ;
office which characterises the age,’’ we would have
concluded that he had ihrovvif it out as a bait to catch
the votes of the Columbus movement party.
The next point in this remarkable letter of acceptance
is an attempt to prove that tho South can gain more
strength iu the Northern States by joining with the
American party than by adhering to the Democracy.
He makes that point in the following paragraph :
Tho war waging against the National American party
! lately organised at Philadelphia, to bring the needed aid,
from the North, whence only it can be had, is anythin*
j else than an effort to meet the crisis awaiting Kansas, and
I which we are approaching with the sleepless tread of Time.
! We have had much figuring, showing how the Democrat
ie party has voted, but none how it will he able and will,
ing to vote. Others more patriotic or vigilant, seeing tho
old Whig party defunct, the Democratic powerless, = and
the Abolitionists and Freesoilers with a controlling ma
jority in the next Congress, have combined in organising a
new party, the American, with the hope that it possesses
principles oi Nationality equal to the exigencies of the im
portant occasion. The unpopularity of the Nebraska and
Kansas bill which, like an avalanche, swept over the North
overtopping horse and rider, “captain and cattle,’’ dimin
ishing and corrupting all parties, has left the (ate of the ad
mission of Kansas at the mercy of the Freesoil power.
lie does not indulge in any “figuring” to show
how this can be done. He says the Philadelphia
Platform is “an accession of strength against that con
trolling majority depricated by Governor Johnson”
but we are not informed by his Honcr, nor can we
conceive, how that Platform can vote on the bill for the
admission of Kansas into the Union.
Now upon this issue the Democracy are impregnable.
The Nebraska Kansas net was passed, over tho heads
of Northern Whigs and Freesoileis and Know Nothings,
by the South, will tho aid of the Ncrthern Democracy,
all of whom in the Senate, except two, and 44 in the
1 louse of Representative?, voted for the bill. Every
Northern Whig and Know Nothing, in both houses,
voted against the bill. If we expect to get Kansas into
the Union as a slave holding State, it is absolutely es
sential that the Know Nothings should be put down in
tlie Northern States and the Democrats elected to fill
their places. But says the would be Governor of Geor
gia : “we have had much figuring, showing how the
Democratic party has voted, but none ho.v it will be i
able and willing to vote.’’ Now we know that every
Democrat in the Senate*excvpi two, will vote for the
admission of Kansas, and that 21 Northern Democrats
have already been s)ent€d go the House who*wiil also
vote for it. while 2S have been defeated by Know
Nothings who would have voted for it. Now if these
28 Know Nothings were nflt abolitionists, or if they
bad been beaten by the Democracy, there would have
been no difficulty in admitting Kansas into the Unbn
as a slave State. Garnett Andrews thinks the sound
* Know Nothings wul be quite as numerous as the sound
Democrats, North, by the time Kansas applies for ad
mission. This may be so, but we never like to put a
lien to setting on less than one nest egg; and so we
j have very little hope of a sound brood of Northern Know
Nothings unless we are shown one single sound, mem
ber of Congress from the Northern Slates who is a
Know Nothing. “But it matters not,” says Garnett
Andrews, “whether ii may be ten or thirty: one vote
made decide the question upon which the fate of millions
may depend.” Well, but stop, my dear sit : we have
a round diz- n Northern Demoeia’ic eggs in the Senate
| and 21 in the House already hatched. Why in the
j name of common sense will you desert this hopeful
t Democratic brood for the doubtful prospect of hatching
I one egg (vote) in the Know Nothing nest? A bird in
! the hand is worth two in the bush is a very old saw ;
! but Garnett Andrews seems to think one bird in the
bush is worth 33 in the hand.
To be Continued.
North Carolina am! Tennessee Elections,
In both of the States, the contest is between the
Democratic party and the Know Nothings, and in North
Carolina the latter have adopted the policy of taking
four of their candidates for Congress from the renegade
; Democrats and four from the ambitious Whigs. There
: is no election for Governor in this State. The
candidates for Congress are the following,
j for the Districts in the order of their names, (with the
| exception of the sth District, where no Democrat has
| been nominated, but where lion. John Kerr, Whig,
and the representative in the last Congress, is runing as
an independent anti Know Nothing candidate): Demo
crats, 11. M. Shaw*, Thomas Ruffin, Warren Winslow,
L. O’B. Branch, Albert M. Scales, Burton S. Craige,
1 horn as L. Cliugman. Their Know Nothing opponents
are Robert T. Paine, Thomas J. Latham, David Reid,
James B. Shepard, Edwin G. Reade, R. C. Pun ear,
Samuel N. Stowe, L. B. Carmichael. In Tennessee,
the Democratic candidate for Governor is the lion.
Andrew Johnson, the present oecupnut of the chair
gubernatorial, and his rival for office is M. p. Gentry,
Esq , Know Nothing, The Democratic candidates for
j Congress, (with the exception jpf those for the fourth,
j fifth and ninth districts) are A. G. Graham, D. 11.
| Cummings, Samuel A. Smith, Geo. W. Joins, John
j V. Wright, Granville G. Turbid, David M. Cuiiins.—
| The Know Nothing candidates (with the exception of
| those for the fourth, fifth and sixth districts) are Na
| thaniel G. Taylor, Wm. 11. Sneed, Win. 11. Polk, Win. |
•1. Stray horn, Felix K. Eollicoffer, Emerson Etheridge, i
Thomas Rivers.
Jera Clemens’ Lei ter.
i Mr. Clemens, ex-Senalor from Alabama, has written j
j a very good clap-trap letter in favor of Know Nothing- |
i ism. The two great points he tank s are Ist, the dan
-1 gei-8 to be apprehended from foreign immigration.
| 2d, The danger to be apprehended from the supremacy ;
j of the Catholic church. Admitting for the sake of the I
argument that these dangers are rial and even imrni
i neut, we cannot sec that Know Nothingism proposes
jto apply any adequate protection. It does not propose
! to stop foreign immigration, but to deprive the foreigner,
born, of the privilege of voting. This may give aseen
daney to the natives in the North and West, but haw
i will it benefit the South ? Every white person, whether
’ male or female, a voter or not a voter, is counted when
representation in Congress is to be apportioned.
! Neither does Know Nothingism propose to convert j
| the Catholic population of the United Stales. It pro- j
i poses to proscribe them. Now all history proves that ;
j persecution for religions faith increases the zeal, energy J
| and devotion of the members of the proscribed faith.
For three hundred years the Catholic church maintain
cd its ground iu Ireland in the face of the most rigor *
ous persecution, and actually doubled its membership.
How different is the result in tho United States ? It is.
estimated that about live millions of Catholics have emi
grated to this country during the last 50 years, and yet
there are this day not over one million of Catholics in
the country. \\ hat has become of them? They have
been converted by the labors of the gospel ministry.
If there is real danger to our institutions from the
influx of foreigners, the remedy is to shut them out of
the country. If there is danger to American liberty
from the ascendency of the Catholic church, the remedy
is to convert its membership. Know Nothingism pro
poses to do neither of these things: neither does Mr.
Clemens.
The Teraponal Power of the Pope.
The Columbus Enquirer accepts the issue we tender
as to the Catholic question in the following paragraph :
Like our neighbor, we care not what the Pope did six
centuries ago, it it was not for what the successors of those
old time vicegerents of the Almighty are still attempting to
do. It is with the present that we deal ; and dealing with
the present, we can find but little difference between the
powers over the governments of the earth and the conscien
ces ot men, claimed by His Holiness six centuries ago, and
those assumed in the present age. To be sure, the spirit ol
a more liberal faith, and the determination of mankind to
shake oil the shackles ol political and religious slavery,
have rendered the Pope somewhat more cautious now than
then, in the audacity of his pretensions. But in what has
he abated the insolence of his pretended prerogatives ] or
what less does lie claim now, of those who believe in his
spiritual and temporal dominion, than he did six centuries
ago l and what portion of those who emigrate to this coun
try do not believe in that spiritual and temporal suprem
acy ?
That is honest and fair. Now we deny that the
Pope claims any temporal power in these States* we
deny that any American Archbishop, Bishop or Priest
of the Catholic church concedes to the Pope any temporal !
power in these States. In proof of this assertion we refer
the public to the Pastoral letter of the Catholic Arch
bishop of Baltimore, his Bishops and Clergy, heretofore
published by us, in which all temporal power is denied
lo the Pope, and the Catholic laity are expressly charged j
|to obey the civil authority in all temporal matters. But
I we are ahead of tho music. By all correct rules of rea
: soniog‘the burthen of proofs is upon the Columbus En
, quirer. \Y e, therefore, call (or the evidence upon Which
| he accuses one million of his fellow citizens, among
! vv hom are many of our most distinguished soldiers,
statesmen,"judges, lawyers, cl cetera , of want of loyalty
to ths country of their birth, or adoption. If he cannot
furnish it, he will be convicted either of a reckless or
thoughtless slander of a large body of bis fellow citizens,
nult-ss he retracts it. We call then for their proof,
‘iMiE proof. Give it to us, or take back the charge.
! It rankles I'ke poison in the hearts of as good and true
men as live under the protection of our flag and have
time and again periled life and fortune in its defence.
Deni ocratio No mi na lions.
Dougherty County.—For the Senate, W. J. Law
ton : for the House, A. E. Harris.
Harris County. —For the Senate,.!. X. Ramsay:
for the House, Messrs. Moss and Tsamnel.
Mobile Register. —John A. Middleton, Esq., has
retired'from the Mobile Registe which our own
gallant Forsyth is editor. .Mr. Middleton was a busi
ness partner. His connection with the Know Nothings
was not known at the time the copartnership was
orined.
Recruiting in Georgia.— Lieutenant Iverson of
the Ist Cavalry Regiment has been ordered to recruit
in Georgia. Ho has opened a recruiting office at At
lanta Geo. He has 50 men lo recruit and then will be
off for the plains,
Another Falsa] Issue.
The advocates of Know Nothingism will not meet
the issues before the country fairly and squarely. The
Inst issue of the Columbus Enquirer contain-; til* fol
i.nving paragraph :
“The power, in the representative branch of Congress,
has ior years been again si us. And how was the power
obtained ? Was the equality destroyed and the South
placed in her present eoudJion, by ihe natural greater
increase of the native population in the North than in the
South ? Not at ail. It has resulted from the fact that
the great mass of foreigners who emigrate to this coun
try set’le, and have settled, in the free States—thereby
increasing the number of their representative population
and giving them an undue and dangerous preponder
ance in the National Legislature.”
This ii all very true. But how does Know Noth
i ingism propose to remedy this evil ? By depriving for
eign immigrants of their privilege of voting for 21 years.
This is their only proposed remedy. Now we charge
that this is no remedy at all, and, boih the orators and
editors of the Know Nothings know this as well as we
do. Is it fair or honest then for them lo attempt to
make the people believe that the remedy they propose
is adequate to the emergency ? They know that in
apportioning representation,in Congress, a resident is
counted whether ho is a voter or not. Let us see what
the Constitution provides on tills subject. It may be
found in Article I. Section 2., and is in these words:
“ Representatives and direct Taxes shall be appor
tioned among the several Stales which may be included
within tills Union, according to their respective num
“Numbers’’ therefore, is the only element that en
teis into the apportionment of Representatives in Con
gress. Men, women and children, whether native or
foreign, voters or not voters, are counted in the assess
ment. it will not, therefore, diminish the power of the
North one solitary vote iu Congress, if every foreign
born citizen in the United State* were disfranchised.
If Southern Know Nothings are so anxious to protect
the South against Northern ascendancy in
why did tiny not insert an article in their Platform
against the admission of foreigners into tho United
States ? Or if this is too much like the exclusiveness of
the Chinese, why did they not insert one agiiust count
ing foreigners when apportioning Representatives in Con
gross ? These were remedies for the evil they com
plain of, and are the only adequate remedies. The
disfranchisement of foreigners is no remedy at all. —
Now, we had rather place the political power of the
Nortliswest in the hands of adopted citizens, so far as
the question of Slavery is concerned, than in the hands
of the New England emigrant. Asa general thing
the Yankee is a born Abolitionist; his instincts, preju
dices and education are all opposed to slavery and the
Soutli *. he is the father of Abolition and its wetnurse :
the South has nothing to expect from him while he re
mains in the free States. It is not so with the foreign
er ; he may or may not be an abolitionist ; at any rate
the antagonism between him and the Yankee upon the
issues now raging at the North places him in antago
nism to the native abolitionists and gives assurance that,
in the future, the South will find her best friends among
the foreign born citizens at the North, if the Southern
people are true to the great piiciples of liberty now put
in peril by the Order of Know Nothings.
The True Issue.
Our neighbor of the Enquirer is attempting to raise
a false issu.* with us. We have nothing to do with the
Pope and kingdom of Rome. We would dethrono the
Pope and abolish his kingdom : nay, we would convert
all Catholics to the reformed religion, if we hud the pow
er. We .lo not think Romanism the best development
of Christianity. We would not, therefore, give it the
j advantages <f persecution. As good and true Protes
| tants, we protest against Know Nothingism. The blood
| of the martyrs is the seed of the church. This the
Know Nothings understand right well, and in default of
■ a better subject, cannonized Bill Pool, the Bruizer.
! The true issue between us and the Knew Nothings
; is the claims of our Catholic fellow citizens to virtue, loy
j ally and patriotism. We hold that they are, in these
| respeots, tiie equals of the mass of their fellow citiz ns,
i and are entitled lo equal rights. That’s the issue. Let
, the Know Nothings meet it like men or abandon their
j insane war upon them. We do not care one bawbee
what ihe Pope of Rome did six centuries ago. Those
were dark ages. Any other sect would have done as
bad under the same circumstance.s. Even Luther tole
rated bigamy in George of Saxony Calvin consented
to the burning of Servetius because he denied the doc
trine of the trinity. What would even such men have
done if invested with universal dominion as the Popes
of Rome w ore three centuries ago. Can our opponents
j never learn that they live after the Declaration of lnde
j pendenee and the French Revolution. Papal power is
j as dead oven in Italy as it is here.
The Canvass in Alabama.
We had the pleasure of hearing Winston and Short
ridge at Crawford on Thursday the 2d inst.
(Jovei'Dor Winston is not an orator, but has few
, equals as a forcible speakei. lie drives right to bis
point with the precision of a rifle ball. He dispises
all the graces of rhetoric ; is not always cartful of his
grammar ; but there is crushing logic, biting sarcasm,
or bitter irony, and frequently a combination of all, in
every sentence he utters, lie never arouses his au
dience to enthusiasm, but he holds them spell bound
from the beginning to the end of his discourse, and
excites in them many and varied emotions, though he
never seems to feel any change in the deep depths of
his own heart. He is a stern, upright and uncoinpro*
man. These qualities are, we presume, the basis of
his popularity. lie made two points in his address spe
cially worthy of attention. Ist. That the Union was
in no danger if the South would take a position and
maintain it. 2d. That the denial of the elective fran
chise to foreign immigrants would have no beneficial
effect upon the South as they would be counted in ap
portioning representation in Congress whether they were
voters or not. lie made many other points upon the
Know Nothing Order with which our readers are famil
iar, and we will not repeat them.
In reply Judge Shortridge occupied an hour and a
half, but failed to meet the points of his opponent’s
logical address or to make any of his own. lie is a
graceful speaker, and apparently a very polite and ami
able man.
He dwelt at great length upon the perpetuity, happi
ness and glory of the American people, all of which
he attributed to the Union. He deprecated its desolu
tion as the greatest political evil. The American Par
ty, he said, was organized to maintian it. Its platform
he contended, was sound, and if the South could be
united upon if, together with New York, Penn., and
! three or four other Northern States, there would be no
danger to the Union. He failed, however, to show that
there was anj reasonable prospect of carrying any
Northern State. If the party failed, he sale!, no harm
I would be done. In this we agreed with him.
j He drew a frightful picture of ihe extent of foreign
immigration ; and showed by the statistics that the great
body of the immigrants settled in the Northern Slates.
Ihe tendency of this was to increase Northern ascend
ancy in Congress. He admitted, however, that the
Know Nothings did not propose to exclude foreigners
from tho country, and that they were counted in ap
portioning representation iu Congress whether they
were voters or not. He thought, however, that the
adoption of the Passport system would remedy the evil,
but lie did not tell how it would do it.
There was much in the bye-play of the discussion
that amused us. \Ye give one or two as specimens.
Governor Winston charged that Shortridge had ob
jected to him solely because he was not nominated by
a Democratic Convention, and had premised to vote for
him if he were thus nominated.
Shortridge admitted the charge, and said further
more, that such was his loyalty to his party, that if
Winston had been nominated by a Convention he
would have supported him, and this too, in the Whiff
county of Russell. lie, however, went ou to say, that
he did not know at the time that Sam’s boys would be
in the field.
Shortridge’ charged that Winston had advocated a
dissolution of the Union on account of tho Compro- j
rnise measures.
Winston.—That is not so.
Shortridge—Well, 1 don’t Know.
Winston—Then you ought not to have said it.
Shortridge—l will read what lie did say. (Shortridge
then read from the journals a set of resolutions offered
by Governor Winston in the Alabama Legislature.—
They did not sustain the charge.) Now, said he, the
people can judge for themselves. If I have misstated
Governor Winston’s position I have now corrected it
and no harm is done.
Winston—No, nothing you could say of me would
do me any harm.
Shortridge in another pan of his speech read an ac
count of the destruction of a Protestant settlement in
Florida by the Spanish Catholics two hundred years
ago, and intimated that the time had come to pay back
old scores.
Winston—That account is barred by the statue of
limitations. Before yo pay back these old scores, you
had better settle some debts nearer home, and are not
so®old.
There is no comparison between the two men in
point of force of character or strength of intellect.—
It would have been better for Shorn id go, wo think, if
he had lemained at home. He is not equal to the task
of competing with Winston on the stump. He seems
painfully aware of this, and takes the merciless castiga
tion which is inflicted upon him with a Christian fi>i-•
bearanee that surprised us.
There is no doubt but that Winston will he elected
by a very large majority. Hu will get the usual ma
jority in North Alabama.
Lars© Democratic Meeting ut Savannah. ‘
Pursuant to the call in the public journals, one of the
largest meetings of the Democratic party, said lo have
ever been held in the city, took place on the 31st uit. The
meeting was addressed by several gentlemen, among
whom were Mr. John M. Milieu, and our former fellow- ,
citizen G. Troup Howard, Esq , both of whom had been
Know Nothings. The following are sketches of their re
marks, from the Morning News :
John M. Milieu, E-q , being called for, addressed the
meeting, availing himself of the occasion lo explain liis
position, lie had, under a fuse impression of the objects
of the association, been induced to join the Know Noth
ing older, but finding that its tenets were utter y inconsis
tent with his cherished Democratic and Southern Rights
principles, he had attended but one meeting of the lodge,
had promptly withdrawn from their councils, and now
renounced ail connection with the party, which he con
sidered subversive ot the Constitution, and dangerous to
tiie rights of the Soutli, and the peace of the community,
lie had never ceased to be a Democrat, and rejoiced in
liis disenthralment, by which lie was euablcd to devote
his heart, hand and mind to the advancement of the De
mocratic cause. Mr. Milieu’s remarks were warmly re
ceived by the meeting.
Judge G. T. Howard, was next loudly called for. The
Judge, in response, said he could also “speak as one from
the dead.” lie had been down among the Know Noth
ings—he had come to the conclusion that it was not good
for him to be there ; and as he had joined them with the
understanding that he could leave them when he saw fit,
he had absolved himself from all connection with the or
der. He had been deceived, as many others had been,
who he knew would be glad to get out of their lodges.—
Some leading men of the order in this city, who were
good men, had told him they wished they never had any
thing to do with it. For his part they might denounce
him as they chouse— he would not denounce them, lie
would only say that lie breathed freer since he had got
away from them. A college mate of his when suffering
from the effects of a night’s frolic used to say, “O Howard!
if the Lord will only forgive me this time, I’ll never do so
again.” lie would say, if the Lord and the Democracy
would only forgive him this one time, he would never sin
again. There were many other democrats in his fix, and
it their brother democrats would redeem them they must
not denounce them for past errors, but by kindness en
courage them to come out from the lodges.
The Judge kept the meeting in a roar of merriment
with his irresistible and good natured humour for more
than a half-hour, when he retired amidst the hearty ap
plause of the meeting.
Democratic Meeting in Mecklenburg, N. C. (
We find, in the Western Democrat, a very graphic
account of a Democratic meeting in old Mecklenburg
county, N. C., at which a citizen of Columbus, Ga.,
Junius A. Fox, officiated t>s one of the speakers. The
Democrat notices his effort in the following very com
plimentary terms :
“The discussion was opened by Junius A Fox, Esq.,
(formerly of this town, but now a rising member of the
Columbus, Ga., bar,) who had been invited by his
Democratic friends to take part. He commenced
with a most beautiful and touching introductory, in
which he referred to the earlier scenes of his youth,
the triumph of that party with which it had been his
pride to act, that quiet and calm of the political sea
when he left and its violent agitation now. lie then
took up the various points in the Know Nothing creed ;
and brought all his wit, sarcasm, ridicule and argument !
lo bear on it with such effect that many of the dark |
lanterns hung their heads. lie spoke for an hour in a !
mingled strain of eloquence and power more than real
izing t!ie expectations of his friends, during the whole of i
which he was frequently vociferously cheered.”
Death of Dr. John Goruie.—This learned and ex
cellent man died at Apalachicola on the 29ih June,
aged 51 years. He was justly regarded as one of the
profoundestscholars in the State, lie was the author
of many scientific essays and the inventor of an ice
making machine which promises to We of incalculable
benefit to the South. He was burned at his own ie>
quest on the shore of Apalachicola bay.
A Large Squash.— We are indebted to Daniel !
Griffin for an extraordinary squash. lie gives the fol
lowing account of it: “It was grown from seed obtain
ed at the Patent Office : weight 105 lbs: cireumfer
anue of section across the stem, 5 feet 9 inches: cir
cumference parallel with the stem, 5 feet i inches.—
This is the first grown squash from the vine ; it has
many of less size; many blooms and is still growing
rapidly. We have never yet tested its qualities, and
know not if it will keep.’’
We shall turn the squash over to our host of tho
Perry House and report the result of the experiment.
New Cotton.—A bale of new cotton from the plan
tation of Mrs. A. E. Shepherd, consigned to Messrs,
Hughes & Daniel, was sold in our market this day by
Messrs. Harrison & McGhee at public outcry, at 13 eta.
per lb. It was forwarded by Railroad to Messrs. Church
Sz Moses, Savannah, Geo. The oottou was classed Good
Middling.
Grand American or Know Nothing ; Rally*
The Know Nothings attempted to have a grand rally in
this city on the 4t!i inst. Tney made extensive preparations
and extended invitations to a number of Know Nothing
advocates. The turn out was respectable and Willis A.
Hawkins and Eugenius A. Nisbet were the orators ol the
occasion. There was very little enthusiasm at the meet
ing. We may notice the efforts of their orators at some
length hereafter.
Abolitionists and Foreigners.
The Northern Know Nothings hate us of the South
worse than they do foreigners and Catholics. How do
we know ? Because the Southern Know Nothings
were willing to join them to put down the “furriners’’
and Catholics who troubled them, and not us, ii they ‘
would let us alone—but they would’nt agree to that, ‘
because they hated us worse than the others.
Why do the Northern Know Nothings hate the for.” i
eigners and Catholics \ Is it because they are aboli- j
tionists? hardly. If the foreigners and Catholics at
the North are not abolitionists, we know of no reason !
why we of the South should help Northern abolitionists j
to put them down—if they are abolitionists the Northern ■
abolitionists will not help us to put them down. The i
Southern foreigners and Catholics we know are notab- ‘
olitionsts—let us keep them to help us fight Northern
abolitionistists.— Corner Stour.
South Carolina Episcopal Church —The Bishop
of South Carolina reported having confirmed during
the year 756 persons—236 whites and 5-20 colored,
lie also consecrated 6 churches and ordained 3 deacons
and 1 priest: There are are at present 1) candidates
for holy orders.
The Crops. —We have never, says the CassviUe
Standard , seen Corn crops look belter than they do in
this and some of the adjoining counties. We had oc
casion, a few days since, to travel through a good por
tion of this country and Cherokee, and noticed all along
the road the best looking Corn crops we have ever
! seen. Cotton is also promising well.
Fever Epidemic in New Orleans.
New Orleans, August 1.
Dr. Macfarland, a distinguished physician of this city,
writes to the True Delta, expressing his opinion that the
Yellow Fever iu epidemic.
The freesoilers of'Minnesota have selected W. R.
Marsh am as their candidate for Delegate to Congress, and
the Democrats have nominated H, M. Rice ior the same
office.
“Ourselves and Other#,*’
In our last Tri weekly we used the following lan
guage :
‘1 fie common observation of every man in the Republic
satisfies him that the profession of the Catholic faith does
not detract horn the worth of a fellow citizen, and that
boll* us men and citizens the Catholic is as good and true as
lire Protestant, and that both are much better than he who
lias no religion, and is the slave of his ape files and lusts, as
veiy many ul tho persecutors of the Catholic church are
known to be. The abuse ol any church by such men is in
decent as well as impertinent, and eveiy good citizen ought
to set tho seal ot disapprobation upon such hearl I ess dema
gogues “who steal the livery of heaven, to serve the de
vil in.”
The editor of the Columbus Enquirer chcscs to
give these general observations a personal direction.
Hear him:
It may he, also, that we shall net be deterred lrom ex
pressing our opinion by a charge of impertinence. We
may know le.-s of the decencies and decorums ot society,
and be. more slavish to the apethes and lusts of poor ume
generated human nature, than those who have assumed to
lecture up on the error of our editorial ways. But still we
; know of either lo avoid tho had example s?;t before, us,
and, shunning all unprovoked personalities, to move for
ward, in weakness though it he, lo the consummation of
the. purposes of our friends. If, in doing so, our more fits
lidious and more decent neighbor s shall occasionally re
gard us as a little impertinent, we hope they will charge it
lo our worldly mifidedness, and, like good Christians, as
j v<*e ‘know fioin their writings they are obliged to he. look
, with all possible charity on the weakness of our unsancti
iied flesh.
it is hardly necessary for us to a i public that :
we never dreamed of making a personal attack upon :
our respected cotetnporary when penning the general I
observations to which tile Enquirer takes exception.
When we get bur consent to sloop to such baseness, j
five will lq.uk our enemy in the ‘face and call him by ■
I name. Our whole nature revolts at the idea of covert
attacks v\ all kinds, whether made upon parties or men.
Our respected cotempjrary must excuse us for w hat
ever is offensive iu the foregoing article that seems to j
him to be personal. Our acquaintance with him is
limited. We must be pardoned, therefore, if in de
nouncing men who had “uo religion.” and were “the
slaves of their lusts and appetites, ’’ we have tread upon
the corns of our neighbor. We never imagined that
such a cap would lit him. We will, however, be more
guarded in future.
Our opinion oi the Mormons*
Our neighbor of the Columbus Enquirer asserts that
the Mormons “regard Jesus Christ as the chief corner
stone.” This is news to us. Will the Enquirer give
its authority for this singular statement ? It is very
generally believed that one Joseph Smith is the chief
corner stone of the Moffnon church. Perhaps the.
Enquirer is better posted. We wilL.wait for further
information, however, before we lock horns with the
Enquirer on this interesting subject. What do you
think of the Mormons ? asks the Enquired. We think
they have got “no religion and are the slaves of their
apetites and lusts,” but we would not proscribe them.
If they violated law we would punish them, but we
never would consent to give them the benefit of persc>
eution. This is what has built up Mormonism in the
United States. If Joe Smith and his lousy rabble had
been let alone by tho authorities of Missouri and Illinois,
we never should have heard of Brigham Y r oung aud
the city of the Salt Lake.
Jeiiersoii had ho Religion*
Such is the opinion of the Columbus Enquirer. It
is not well founded. Thomas Jefferson believed in Je
sus Christ and in the main followed his teachings much
more closely than his revilers—the Federalists—who
attempted to break him down by denying that he had i
any religion and imputing to him the most odious vieeb.
But his “Life and Writings” have long since dispelled
these false and calumnious charges. He was a Unita
rian. See his letters to old John Adams iu itis “Life”#
by John R. Kppes.
Fine Nectarines. —A friend has recently presented
I us with the finest lot of nectarines we have ever seen.
They were grown by John B. Dozier, Esq., of Mus
cogee county. Wo are surprised that this delightful
fruit is not more generally cultivated at the South, h
has all the juey sweetness of tho peach without any of
the fuzz which makes the handling of that fruit so un
pleasant. Nectarines may be grafted on peach slocks.
More Withdrawals from the Know Nothings.—
The Advertiser Gazette contains the card of William
I T. Stubblefield and 28 others, the fact of
j their withdrawal from the Know Nothing council at
lioaklbrd, Coosa county, Ala. They say, “the, tenden
! cy of said order is .anti republican ; (and) the obligations
j imposed on its members are contrary to the spirit of ;
; American institutions; and dangerous to a free Govern- ;
j ment.”
For the Times & rientmel.
Uheiokee—-t Top* anti Politic#*-*-Fighting at
Ringgold; etc., etc*
Messrs. Editors:—Having recently- been transposed
from the sultry heat of Columbus to the mountains and be
ing refreshed by the cool water?'enliverfhtg breezes and
j other blessings of this corn raising, engine snorting conn
j irv, 1 sit me down to write you something of art epistle,
j ‘The crops were never better in this country. Corn is
expected next fall to sell at2s cents. Wheat by thousands
of bushels is shipped to New York for sale. One dollar
per bushel would seem an extravagant price, but better pro
fit can be made elsewhere.
In this country of common sense, one would expect the
terns of the day excluded, and in fact most of them are;
l hat slave labor, in tho absence of demagogues, which
has put a quietus on so many humbugs of those Northern
ianatics, wouid probably keep them out- Spiritualism and
Know Nothingism have, however, made their way into
this country, and the fruits of them are manifest, especial
ly of the latter, lhat worst of all isms—the attempt to
combine spiritual with temporal matters in this go vermeil t
the boa&t of religious liberty.
A row occurred last Saturday at a political meeting at
Ringgold, Catoosa county, in which fifty men (I put it
down at the lowest figure. I have heard) were engaged.—
Methodist and Baptist Clergymen, ‘Hindoos,* “Thugs/*
Know Nothin;;.;, Sams, Americans and Democrats pitched
into each other on theexicting question. The affair origi
nated, as I heard it, about as follows:
Judge Lumpkin spoke an hour. Judge Cone followed
him and had spoken an hour,when the democrats requested
his withdrawal. The Know Nothings would’nt hear to it.
A few angry words and bloody noses, blue eyes, &e. were
the consequences. I iiave conversed with intelligent men on
the subject of politics, and they say the democracy will be
triumphant in this section at the coming election. In a
few places enough of the poison of Hindoo extract has
been administered to make the Know Nothing ticket vic
torious; but, taking the country on the whole* the people
are all right. This will be sore news to those Know No
things who continually fall back on Cherokee Georgia a3
the Palladium of their political strength. The people are ;
beginning to see that same foreigners, such for instance as
j John Mitchel, Thomas F. Meagher, Jas. Shields,with oth
! era and their followers, are far better republicans than ma
j ny “native Americans.” They sought shelter under the
tree of liberty when the blighting, withering sun of op
j pression pored its hot rnys upon them, and now in the
j language of the song they exclaim/ 1 Woodman, spares that
j tree.”
j I shall write you from other points in relation to politics
| Catoosa and Montvale Springs, crop?, &c.
Yours Truly, I>.
To the Voters of itandoiph County.
To correct misrepresentations which have been circulat
ed against me, and that I may be fully understood by my .
fellow citizens, I make the following statement:
Some two years ago, my name was in connection
with the office of Tax Collector for this couniy, but I
gave way for our friend N. J. .Jones. On the organiza
tion of the order of Know Nothings or American Party
in this county, I was frequently importuned to join, which
I refused to do, as I knew nothing about the order, and
so informed those who spoke to me about it. I wasmxt
told that if I did not joiu them 1 should not be elected to
office in this county. It is also circulated that I
approve of their platform and will vote with the organiza
tion. I now publicly declare that 1 do not approve of
their platform, neither will I vote for their nomination, and
that 1 will act with the Democratic Party, to put down
this secret oath-bound organization. I have been a Whig
ever since I could vote. lam informed by some that this
\* the old Whig pany, but I cannot believe it. For these
reasons I will vote against them, and advise all my friends,
Whigs and Democrats, to come out from this organization
aud be free men.
JOHN ATWELL.
A New, hut pertecliy Legitimate Phase of If,
Nothingism--A War ot Races— The Celts aiui
Anglo-Saxons.
It L nothing difficult for a presumptuous writer
af.ei having assumed premises, to deduct conclusi . ,
suitable to his designs. A correspondent of the South
era Recorder of the 3-1 inst., has pandered to the pre
vailing fanaticism by using the following language;
Another objection to the naturae/ cion oflmvimn rs may
be found in the contrariety of rare**. It * ;o
that the Anglcr-Saxon and Celtic races can n**vvr bw har
monized, r l he latter mu-t iu variably becon:- 1 “bun < :
of wood and the drawers of wat r” to tho form-r. A
Celt is regarded as an inferior being, aud he cannot hope
to acquire a bona fide tq-uiiity with the Anglo Jr.xo.n
There ia, too, a profound and inveterate halm!, both -'oii
and religious, on the part of the Celt, which would
ever divide ihe two races. In the Ceil himself pruc*
ticably a (know ledges this superiority in the Anglo
race, try his submissive demeanor iu S:in int-reourse with
the latter race. This is a matte* *>•: every day obset va
tion.— Cor. Southern Recorder, July ‘MI.
It seems to bo the object of such scribblers to pre
sume upon the ignorance of ihe masses in ore -r e* kin
dle a bigoted and fanatical prejudice. Tin* qu-stion of
superiority between the Cells aud A ng’o Saxons has
been mooted almost from time immemorial. History
I has given the advocates of each strong grounds of
! assumption, but if the facts be properly o iLt u, and
j carefully investigated, will leave each far apart frein
the other ro far as lue isolated question of superiorly
! may be cone.; tied.
it is llie generally received opinion of historians that
j the original inhabitants o! Europe were Celts. The
| Celts and Gauls arc used as synominous, when theear
ly inhabitants are referred to. We have their history
from the earliest times, as warriors, statesmen, agri
culturalists, scholars, artists&c. Aristotle d.dares that
j Greece derived her philosophy from the Gauls, in the
Roman Empire many Celts obtained elev.m fi and dis
tinguished positions. Many of the most distinguished
names of antiquity are of Celtic origin. The most lea: u
ed men of the ninth eantury were Scotsmen, among
whom, at this day. rests the purest remains of the orig
inal Celtic character, and the Emperor Charlemagne
bestowed upon them the most responsible and dig;: ii. and
trusts as they were “pre eminent for their iiddiiy ar.d
valor.” As Christian missionaries they ranked among
the most zealous, “establishing Churches anil religious
bouses in Germany, Fiance, and even Italy.”
The valor of tho Celts is spoken of, and lauded by
all the early writers. We are told that invaded
Asia, they overspread Ti.r cvn, and enriched the;*solved
with tho plunder of the Temples of Greece. In the
fourth century before Christ, they reduced Rome to ash
es-—(nude terrible inroads upon neighboring nations--
and received tributes of the most powerful. For the early
history of this lenuvvned race, the pages of Herodotus,
Strabo, Plutarch, Piiny, and Tacitus, may be eoabult
ed, and before such writers as the correspondent of rim
§puthern Recorder sloops to a course of detraction,
u/vhich involves a majority, we may safely say, of the
people of this country, it would be advisable for them to
become informed upon a subject about which they pro
fess to tuacli.
Cicsar,ju his commentaries, gives us an account of the
nativc®Brituins at the time of the Roman invasion, 50
R. C. The same population siiil held pcssvssl-.ni of tho
country when abandoned by the Romans live hundred
years after. The English historians give a full account
of 4he Britons during this era, as does Tacitus in his
Agricola who acquaints us with the first one hundred
and fifty years after the landing of Casar. Their fierce
warfare, indomitable courage, and intense love of liber
ty are corroborated by all Tacitus, in speaking of the
Gauls, Germans, and BaUv'a says, the Gauls, (C ite)
were prompted to fight by liberty—the Germans by
: the allurements of spoils—the Batavians by glory.- -
The Cells carried their rights on the points of their
swords, and said all tilings belonged to the brave who
had the courage to seize them.
Y v ith the well disciplined Roman army, the (bits
contended to the last. Although defeated ..l various
times, yet they would always rally. A writer, por
traying them, says, the youth, and even the old m u
poured to the army from all quarters, and umi
by former Josses, they posted themselves with firm de
termination, to stand for their country and their kb- in- •>
at*the foot of the Grampians. Though defeated, they
would not* submit to their victors. They drove the
Romans southward, and eventually saw the Country
freed from their enemies. They scorned the ofib. ,>f
citizenship, and notwithstanding their repeated loss* s,
obstinately preferred a life of freedom to an existence
1 branded with the mark of subjection. Such was tho
I character of the Celts inhabiting Caledonia, now Scot-
I land, when the Romans had overrun the Son hero parts
|of Britain. At this day, no more noble ?;>• • bnens *.f
humanity exists than in the hgh lands of Scotland
distinguished now, as they ev\ r have been, for ail in
domitable love of scll-rcli.i'-ce and heroic cour
age. The s.iroc spirit cliaraclerized the warfare between
the Saxons ami Cells, forays flume, the“ Anglo-Saxons
rather exterminated than subdued the ancient inhabit-
Jin’s.” The same spirit el'iirattoH all ihe (MTc tribes <.T
iiriton, .".ini Ilmry li. said tho Welsh ivoiv s > warlike
it were easier to taiue wild beasts, than daunt their
courage.
The descendants of each a people arc those wlmm
the Recorder's correspondent dvseribe-t as ’‘acknowl
edging their inferiority to the Anglo Saxons by their
submissive demeanor ir. their intercourse with the latter
race.” The ignorance which such an nssm tion exhib
its would screen it from an ntis.ver, were it rml lhat it
become involved as one of the many despicable means
resorted to by which a war of rac -s is instigated in
this country—civil and religious pers^cuß-hi—and a
proscriptive policy at variance with every dictate of re
publicanism, truth, or honorable antagonism. If the
writer be such an acute ethnologist, as his sweeping ti
rade would induce cue to think he imagined himself to
be, let him answer by staling what proportion of the peo
ple of the Dated States are descendants of the Cells
and what of the Anglo-Saxons. L.i him illustrate his
assertion by pointing to either individmil instances or
general classes, to excuse himself for his unwarranted
assault upon so large a body of his countrymen.
If he can show, (l have shown that down to our time
his assei tions are gratuitous,) in the history of our own
Country, commencing with the revolutionary era, and
extending through every department of the government,
in what respect the Celtic descendants have become
“hewers of wood and drawers of water’’to the descen
dants of the Anglo-Saxons, 1 will yield tire question.—
It will be something new to every reader to learn that
the Scotch, Irish, Welch, and their descendants, and
the races of lower Europe, South of the Rhine, have
been less ardent, or less brave, in defence of their lib
erties, or have been more submissive than their com
patriots of Anglo-Saxon descent, to ti e unjust demands
of his Royal majesty, George lll,or his successors. I im
agine, also, that in the political annals of the country,
since the achievement of our independence, the des
cendants of this inferior race will be found as high up
on the roll of statesmanship, in the field, and the judi-
1 ciary, as his superior idols.
j It would be too protracted a discussion to enter
i more freely, at this time, upon a eompaiis-n of the two
races in this country. Is is anew feature in our his
tory to hem* demagogues, and ignorant bigots, proclaim
ing a necessary antagonism between people?, who, com
bined together, have labored for one great end, emu
lous only in their exertions in securing It, and having
I secured if, extort the admiration and plaudits of the
| civilized wot Id. This new futighd compound of Fool
j ishness and fanaticism, not content to ignore the* first
! principles of our Constitution, by precipitating the most
| diabolical political heresy that ever cursed a republican
people, would go further, and afn-r proscribing good
and true citizens for their religion and birth, would es
tablish a secret book of heraldry, by which, unless tho
object of their fanatical conspiracy could trace his an
cestry to the Anglo-Saxon stock, he would be pot un
der the ban of inequality anil made an “hev.er of wood
and drawer of water.”
Far be it from me to detract aught from the Anglo-
Saxon character. They were sworn enemies to the
Celts for centuries. Long did the latter contend for
their liberties, and although suffering every deprivation
and persecution, arms could not subdue them They
were foes worthy of their steel. Whatever of animos
ity and hatred such a protracted contest may have en
gendered, it ill becomes any one, least of all any por
tion of the citizens of this country, to attempt to re-kra
dlo old flames, and excite old feuds, when the occas ion
no longer exists, aud which could only emenate from the
most xnischDv.ous and dangerous spirit, However,
England, Ireind, aScotland and Wales may have settled
their hereditary feuds, we thank God that upon this