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3Y LOMAS & ELLIS.]
Volume XVII.
THE TIMES &^ENTINEL._
ftNSEN AX & ROSWELL ELLIS.
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS .
T IS r.XI-iV6£SLY TIMES A SSXTIHKI.
ibilsheit EVERY .V KIJ.YRSO.I Y and FKlltA Y JUUKA
l V i mill s 1 rUHIJ.i r F.VESfI.S'G.
fir, .ViSiSHLcY TIMES A BKSTIKEI
i iMltlie 1 uvery TJRSO.i Y MORJflJfu.
O.tics on Randolph Street, opposite the Posi Office
TEKMS:
rtl- D )LUKi per aiucm, iiiailvai ce
. r-.vo i).>c#LAR5 poranaum,iu advajice.
y* vl/artrie.nents ;o'Hpicuou<;!y inserted at On* Dollar
p-r ‘i'liri, for tho drat inaeiliou,land fifth c*ntbtor ever)
s a so; ien t t uerttou.
,a > ii I vlietioa wi!!J>e made for yearly advertisements
vrfaaii 4u<ljN'ei?roes, by Administrators, Executorrand
tiiftrdi-ttks, are required by law to be bold on the flrstTueeda)
the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and
t f'.'iia ta ifijrn >on, it t he;Coart house in thecounty in which
hs ir >r>ert? vitiate. ffoiic— *f these salesjrauat be given in
public gazette Jjrty days p evY i js to the day of sale.
Vulcos for the sale of Pc son 1 Property must be given at
lean t tn.iA-.jn prof ions t<> the da< of sale.
Notice lo Debtors and O red no s ofau Estatemast be publish
ei forty days.
fatten that application will be madeto the Court of Ordinary
for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published eekly for
too months.
Utau is. Letters of Administration mast be published
thirty 4ty*—t<tr Dismission from Administration, monthly six
—for l Dismission from Guardianship fortv'Joys.
fl i!s for oreclosnrre f Mortgage must be published monthly
so- f oifuif -for establishing lost papers, for ike full space
oft irsi math* -f >r to mpeH!nt[ title* from* Executors or Admin
istrators, F'ljfs a boil lias been given by the deceased, the full
spsca of three months,
p i i ;atioi< wMI stwr.ys be continued according to these,the
fagalroq ilr.)naenfcs,nnijHSOtherwise ordered.
BUSINESS CARDS.
PRINTING AND BOOK BINDING.
HAVING connected with oiir Printing Office. * full
and complete assortment of Book Binder’s tools and
•toe*., and also added to our Printing materials, we aronow
prepared to execute,in good style and with despatch .every
kind ol work m either branch of the business, on the best
terms.
is I. \ \ft WORK, of every description, with or with
out printing, made to order, in the neatest manner.
WARK HOUSE PKUVTING, Receipts, Drafts,
Notes, Bills of Lading, See., ,fcc., executed neatly and
promptly, and bound in any desired style.
RAII.KO VO AND STEAMIiOAT 111. VNKS,
of all kinds got up,with accuracy and dispatch.
Hill Heads, Cards, Circulars. Hand Hills,
Posters, Programmes, dec., Sec., printed in the shor
test notiee and in the best style.
Magazine and Pamphlet* put up in erery style o
binding.
Books o all kinds rebound strongly and neatly.
LOMAX V ELLIS.
Columbus, April 15,1854.
MARION - BETIIUNE,
A TTOIi NE Y A T L A W,
TALBOTTON, Taibot County, Ga
Oetober *4th. 1856. wtwtf.
ROBERT E. DIXON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
COL UM BUS OCOKG IA
Office over E. Barnard’s Sc Co.’s Store
April J—wtwly „ _ _
PEYTON H. COLQUITT,
ATTO RN E Y A T LAW,
COLUMBUS, GA.
Office, up stairs, over Col. Holt’s office, Randolph st.
mar 28. IK.').', w t-twlf
R. J. MOSES,
ATTORNEY AT LAW
WARREN'S AIiCADE.
cy omee Hours from 9 A. M. to 4 P. J!.^£|
~N. R. All business entrusted to me will be faithfully
attended to. octll wOttwly.
W. S. JOHNSON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
C U S S E T A,
Clmttahoochec County, (in.
CovesM* entire attention lo the practice in Chattahoochee
mi the adf-loin* counties. apt!#—wtwly*
ROBERT U HOWARD,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
CRAWFORD, ALA.
September B, 1855. —twiwtf.
J. A. FOX,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, GA.
\\TILI, attend punctually to nil criminal anil civil casesen
> V irusto Ito him iu any 01 tins courts of the surrounding
cosv’ieaofthisState nd Alabama.
Ilfs son corner ofb ‘ad s id Randolph si rests, over Maaley
& Rodges.
HEFEUPNCES —flon. A. Iverson. 1
Tennant Lomu, J- Columbus f!a.
Hr. Stanford, j
H >n. Sami. F. R CO, > Montgomery, Ala.
Oolu Oct. 4. wlitwtf
S. A. M’LENDON,
attorney at law,
Fort Gaines. Ga.
•vvpi/Lfcrompllj sti.nl to ml business cnlrnjtcd to his
\* care— parlirul.rlt Collcctimr. imvr)>wljr
FRANCIS T. CULLENS,
FORT GAIN ES>
('IaAY COUNTY, GA.
August 15, 1556. wly
TURNIPSEED & BURTS,
XT T O R N E Y S A T L A W,
CUSSETA. GA.
WILL promptly attend to all business committed to |
their charge.
R. A. TURNIPSEHD. D. H. BURTS.
Cusseta, Nov. 27, 1855 —wtl
HARRISON & COX,
ATTORNEYS AT Xa Aw,
LU.Mi 1 KIN, GA.
; ILL practice tn the various branches of their profession,
\\ in the co anti es of Stow art, Chattahoochee, Muscogee,
‘Marion ami Klnrhafnn.no- of the Chattahoochee Circuit, and
Randolph, Clay, Leeanddumter, of the Boulh Western.
The business of Collecting and Conveyancing under the im
mediate control of M-.COX. They are prepared to prosecute
• a ■••eitfatly nil just Claims for Bounty Land Pension*, &e.,
against the general government.
o*ie t>f them will at all times be found at their office. Prompt
U their correspondence, punctual in their business engage
ments, their whole energies will he devotedito the best Interests
ar th, )S e who may entrust them with their business.
.Yn.i.o\ i.M.roi.
august w
OLIVER & CLEMENTS,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
BUENA VISTA.
MARION COUNTY,GA.
WlM.nrscltc inlheerninttesnf Marion. Maco ‘'•cw&rl,
Itjijr, Chattahoochee, Kinehaloonee, ami any ol tue
mdiolnln*eountiehcn their services raav b required,
tnmusntivii. r..c:tiiiiTi.
September 8.
RAMSEY & KING,
Attorneys at Law,
COLUMBUS AND HAMILTON.
J a at, N. R.sisttY, W. H. M. Kuo,
HamUtop.Ga. Columbus, Ga.
October 21—wly
S.S STAFFORD,
ATTORNEY AT LAN',
BLAKELY, EARLY COUNTY, GA.
8,2 _ Wf.
ARTHUR TIOOD. GEO. R. SOBIStON.
HOOD & ROBINSON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Cuthbert, Randolph co., Ga.
WILL practice in Randolph, Clay, Calhoun, Early
Baker aod Lee, and other Counties in the Circuit
■then desired. ° ec2 O’
Warehouse, Commission, Receiving
and Forwarding Business.
THE undersigned having formed a Cop trl-gEETh
I,lp. will continue business at tntir K3E|)
dd (Alabama Warehouse), auder the namefc^W
and style of
KING & SORSBY.
an 1 solicit from their t'leudi and customers a continual ee of
t h -ip tiiiti'inad JUn” * • tVlWvf,
AUy ‘ wtf B. A. RORSBY.
PIANO fffrfl FORTES.
PERSONS h want of a FINE INSTRUMENT can
be supplied on moderate term?. A fine nesortmont to
select from at SAMMI3& ROONEY’S.
Columbus, Oct. 31, 1856.—w&iw3m.
DR. A. C. WINGFIELD,
HAS opened an office for the Praeticeof Medicine
Whiid Surgery, corner Broad and Randolph .•streets,
known a* Mygatt’s Corner, where persons wishing his
services may always find him, unless absent on
professional duty. ocill—wtv\6oi
DRS SCHLEY & DAVIS.
OFFICE OVER ST. MARY’S BANK BUILDING
orlii7—twtf I’PSTAIKS.
CUSHMAN,
mSKTWXHW;
Winter Building, 48 Broad Street, (East Side.)
COLUMBUS, GA.
October 25, 56. w&triwiv.
DENTISTRY.
J. FQ6LE, B. B. 2.
tw Office on Randolph ucar Broad Street.
Columbua.febl—lßss. wJttwtf.
SEED OATS.
.) nim BFSIIELS I* IKK SKKt) OATS, for
Z,UOI/iKloby tilccilUir) SiIi.fHEKU 4. Mortf.
CORN! CORN!
10,000 m siniLs or corn
For sale by SHEPiIEBD Sc .MIiSS.
dec’43—wlf at lledd’a Old Coiner.
FIELD PEAS
FO It SAI. E U Y
13ec23—wtf. SHEPHERD Sc MOSS.
FLOUR! FLOUR! j
‘lTTEhave ju*t rerwived from r.f Manila, a lot
V of bis superior Klour. DEXMKAD’i FLOUR
sells higher iiijtheAugusts and Mavannah m*rzets, than almost
any other Southern Brand. SHtPIIEBI) &. MOSS,
dec'23—wt! at Redd’s Old Corner.
HACON, LARD,
BUTTER, POTATOES,
FOR ALII IIY
Dec23—wtf SHEPHERD A MOSS.
WATT k SAPPINGTON,
GROCERY & COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
NEXT DOOR TO E. BARNARD.
No 65 BROAD STREET, COLUMBU3, GA.
f l hyt ARK now opening and wo Intend to keep cui
family"‘groceries,
and other article* 9&dapl<-d to City and Country Trade. We
solicit a liberal^share of patronage.
l o l ®u*aoas3 c^aisDac.
JAMES M. WA FF,
JAS W. SAPPINGTON
Col mbns, C*., T>cc. 17, ’56. twll w2m
GRICE & WALLACE,
ATrir®lß!fflS7S M 0
r.UTLER, GEORGIA.
?ire prompt aitention to all business eutiuato.l
VV. L. GiOE. \VM. 8. YV AT.LAO E.
December 16—wtf
S2OO Rftwartl.
v-k - R. A. ST AW AY, from the subscriber, in Harris On.
(in., on the ‘26th September last, my Negro BoyJciT.
He is stout built, copper color, weighs about JBi or ÜBS
jyft pounds, and is between 30 and 35years old; use* bislcit
hand freely instead of the right; has a decayed place
•ddaolbetween iiis upper front teeth. lie was bhof. by the In
dians in 1835, and ha.s'he ball now In his rigid wrist. A libe
ral rewar . will be given for his apprehension land lodgment iu
some safe jail, or his delivery to me near Troy Factory, Har
ris county, Ca.: or l will give Two Hundred Reward
for Che apprehension of the Negro* if stolen, with sutilcieni
proof to eonvict the thief.
Decs twit wtf THOMAS BBINrfFIKLD.
tieorgia Citizen copy 3 times.
EN TERTAIK M EN
TIE subscriber is desirous to inform the pub
-1191 lortable
House of Entertainment
uuder the Store, of l.lgon & Tommcy A J. P. St
A. lllge.. No. pit! tid 124, Et Side Broad Street, Columbus.
<S. He will furnish good thre and attention, aril Jnopos, by
very reasonable ctarves to share a liberal patronage.
Dee. 2,185 G JAM IIS LltiOX.
Columbus Bank Stock,
“VfOTfCE is hereby given that I have this day sold to John
XN VV Brown ten shans of the above rained Stock—being
the whole amount of which I am i lit err sled in said Bank
Nor. 8. 1856.—w3m <3ISO. I.PtTiS.
BACON!BACON!
10,000 lbs. Choice Tennessee Bacon,
Just received and tor sale by
JEFFERSON A HAMILTON.
September?, 1856—wtf
Bacon.
Just Received on Konsigcment,
1-rw AAA LBS. Bacon Sides.
J 50,000 lbs. Hams, common and canvss’d.
~ 50.000 lbs. Shouldets.
3,000 lbs. LARD.
All oftlte best quality of Tennessee cured.
For sale at the lowest market price. J A. TYLER,
Columbus, JulyS—wtf No. 40 Broad St.
BOUT. E. HARRIS- W. 1) REEBI.t.
ROBT. B. HARRIS & CO.,
WHOLESALE * RETAIL GROCERS,
Receiving, Forwarding & Commis
sion Merchants,
LARKINSYILLE, JACKSON COUNTY, ALA. .
WILL at'end promptly to Buying and Selling Grain, Cotton
antt Produce general iy. Orders for Grain, &c., solicited.
August l‘Ah, 1855. wly.
BROWN’S HOTRL,
OPFOSITE TIIE PASSENGER DEPOT,
MACON, GEORGIA.
E. E. BROWN, PROPRIETOR,
B. F. DENSE, Superintendent,
eals ready on the arrival of’ every Train.
Macon,Ga., April 15,1856. wtf.
CIGAR MANUFACTORY,
CRAWFORD STREET.
er Tido Dun s below Ktmkin's Cor tier. . J
Til E subscriber keeps constantly on hand the fin- at HA
VANA CIGARS, and oilers them for sale at the
lowest prices,by Wholesale and Retail. A good lot of
American Cigars. Also, every variety of Chewing and
Smoking Tobacco, Pipe*,Snuff, and all the articles usual
ly tound in an establishment of this kind.
All goods sold by me are warranted genuine and free
from defects of any kind. Orders from the country a&ro
fuliu^d,Kr to ’ JAMES ESTEVEZ.
Henry McCauley,
MARBLE CUTTER,
South-East Corner of Randolph & Oglethorpe Sts,
COLUMBUS, GA.
WILL FURNISH ALL KINDS OF
Monuments, Tombs and Grave Stones,
As cheap as can be bought in any part of the Country,
North or South. tSF Orders from the country promptly
attended to. ia—wly.
VV M. VV. C B OOM,
(late OF FLORIDA,)
FACT R AND COMMISSION MERCHANT,
80 Beaver Street, New York,
WILL make advances on Cotton and other produce, give
strict attention to the sale of consignments, and to the
purchase ol Goods of every description.
* J3T*ripecial attention given to the selection and purchase
of Stocks of Goods. . _ , .
Rifmr.STo —Messrs. King & Sorsby. Columbus: Mr.Davll
I c. Uauev. Apalachicola; Hon. Wade Keys, A/ontgoinery;
Messrs. Tison & Mackay, Savannah; Af *Jir. Alien, Me Lean
&, Buckley,New York. geptle—WvWttra,
“the UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.’’
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 13, 1857.
LAND FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber off* r so • ea>e about 4000 acres
M§t|bf f.and, comprising 700 acres bottom laud, about
acres fertile hammock, 600 to 000 acres now
in cultivation, In good repair and well watered—the
balance good oak, hickory and pintland, with an < xceliem
range for stock.
The improvements are a good dwelling housearid all nec
essary buildings for plantation purposes.
These lands are located on Bet River, iu Barbour and Pike
Counties, on the Road leading from Louisville to Moniiceiio
by “Hobdy’s Bridge,” and will be sold LOW FOR CASH,and
i in juvitiiiei* to suit Purchasers. Also the entire stock ofcat
i tie, hogs and sheep, are offered for taJe.
Persons wishing to purchase, can gain all information by
examining ihcpremisea and consulting the subscriber.
li. HiittHV,
Julyl—wtf Pike County, Ala.
A Bargain
sgS, MAY be bad, by an early application, in a small
j fcS§£, Plantation adjoining iny own, in the ninth district of
Randolphcibuuty, lying near the waters of Pumpkii
Creek, consisting of lour hundred acres, half of which
is cleared and in a fine condition for cultivation— mostly fresh
The plsceis healthy; having good fences, nil excellent new
framed gin house, and all other usual buildings, and upon
tiie whole, one of the best cotton i rowing places of ita size in
thecounty. I will also >ell, if desired to complete a large*
settlement, the plantation upon which 1 live, consisting ofuiiu
hundred and fllty acres 3J5 is open—all fresh. This place ir
also well improved.
Address me atCu hbert or Hamlet Ga.
July 1,-wtf L. A. GOKEKE.
(Treat Bargains!
I AM iifforins; for sail? in Pik<-Conn
f ty Ala., 900 acres of good Oak aud Hickory land
jSnHgPr interspersed with long leitfetl pine. There is
condition, with two comfortable frame dwellings,
two store houses,(the storehousesforra a portion of the vil
lage of Ylonticello) gin house, etc. 1 will sell all togetheror
in quantities to suit purchasers.
I am also offering for sale ‘24b acres of the game quality of
land, three milesfrom Monticello, about sixty acres cleared.—
For particulars address me at Monticello, Ala.
se;tß—wtf B. J. WEST.
T. H. VAi\l)iv\ BEiUi'S
TIANO FORTE AND MUSIC STORE,
78 Broad-st. Columbus, Ga.
I WH ERR can be found at all times a large
BS£jflHHs<tock of Pln hi o mui ih r Ulunlcal
’ 5 U Tr/ ** ° o< t ß >jf every description, and all of which
u a j offer at Northern Prices. Also a large seloc
lion ot
t^iOacSkCßsa
of rill kinds, for Piano, Vocal and Instrumental.
Ligiite, Newton Bradburg’i Premium Pianos.
Always a selection on hand.
Fob 13- wlwly T.H. VAN DICN B ERG.
Bounty Laud ! Bounty Land! Bounty Land
r|AHE undersigned haring associated th ruselree together for
1 Urn purpose of procuring BOUNTY LAND under
I the several acts of Congress heretofore passd, are now preparod
i to ujake appiicAtiou for ail who who are entitled
1 who hare heretofore received Bounty Land War
; rants, are,undera recent actof Congress, entitled to an addi
-1 tional Bounty of Land, and by calling at our office cai get all
be necessary information.
VVearo also prepared to prosecute Pension and otherclaim*
arcinst the United Slates. From our long experience and gen
ral success, we ran with confidence say, that aUclaims eotrus
}\ to our care, will be promptly and speedily adjusted
‘Joe ot the parties being constantly in Washington chy.wtlJ
g vethe business bivpcrsonal attention there.
Office over Gun by k. Daniels’ Btore,(’olumhus,Georgia.
MICHAEL K. CLARK.
K. B.RAi^L
HOMES fOTTOS HARVESTER,
For Picking Cotton in the Field.
r TMIIS valuable machine second only to the invention o
JL tiie Cotton Gin, is destined to produce a .remarkable
change in the method of gathering cotton from the field.
It will do the work of from three lo live hands in picking
Colton from the stalk and in eminently a labor saving ma
chine. Its benefit to the planter is incalculable. Jt picks the
Cotton clean and free from trash, leaves it in excellent con
dition for Ginning—obviating the necessity of exposing the
hands to heavy dew,, rains and cold—and from the rapid
for maVlcet* cfP I
provement of his land, houses, enclosures and general ar
rangement of the plantation.
It is light, weighing about eight pounds, is suspended by
a strap over the shoulders, and is operated by means of a
crank turned by the hand or’fingers. The simplicity of
hie machine is its leading feature—it is not liable to get out
of order, and any negro of ordinary capacity is competent
to use it. One harvester with proper care will last a series
of years.
We arc now selling State and County Rights for the
manufacture and use of the above Machine. Any informa
tion relative thereto, can be obtained-by calling on A. Wil
ber, at his office 111 Bay Sreet,Savannah, Ga.,or at the
Stores of the subscriber 135 Congress Street, Savannah,
Ga.,or 125 Meeting Street, Charleston, S. C., where the
Machine can be seen in operation.
PRICE of the Machine, $25.
ALFRED WEBSTER,
Savannah, May 24,-’56. Traveling Agent.
Enquirercopy. jun3—wtf
Big
THIS astonishing and unequalled preparation has never
tailed to produce a growth on Bald Heads, when used
according to the directions, and turn hair back to its original
color, after having become gray, and reinstate it in a l its
original health, lua’re, softness, and beauty. Ren ores at once
all scurf, and unpleasant Itching, scrofula, eruptions, and j
feverish heat from the scalp. It also prevents the hair from
becoming unhealthy and falling t oss and hence acts as a per
fect
Hair Invigorator and Tonic.
We annex a few certificates, to corroborate our assertions:
Stale of Illinois, Carlisle, June 27, 1851.
I have used Prof. • J. Wooa’* Uir Restorative and hare
admired its wonderful effect. My hair was becoming, as 1
thought, permanently gray, hut by the use of the “Restora
tive,” it has resumed its original color, and T have no doubt,
permanently so. PIDNEY BREUSE,
Ex-Senator United States.
A gentleman in Boston writes to his friends In New Bedford,
thus:
To your enquiries I would reply, that I first commenced
using Professor Wood’s Ilair Bestorattve, my hair was almost
white and had been so for the last ten years; and it was very
thin on the top of my head, and very loose, and pu ld cut
freely; but 1 found that before l had used all the second bot
tle, (which was eight weeks,) my hair was entirely chan < and
to its original color, (light brown.) and is now free from dan
druff ami qui'c* moist. I have had my haircut five or six times
since the change, and have never seen anything like gray hair
starting from the roots; and it is now as thick ns It ever was,
and docs not come out at all. It has prevailed in my case ail
that I could wish to ask. Yours, etc.
July 1, 1855.
Gardiner, Maine, June 22, 1854
Dear Silt—l hare used tw< bottles of Professor Wood's
Hair Restorative, and can truly say it Is the greatest discove
ry of the age, far restoring and .changing the hair. Before
using it. I was as gray as a man’ o; Seventy. My hair has
now attained its original color. You can recommend it to the
woi Id, withou. the least fiar, as my case was one of the wore*
kind. Yours, D. N. MUP.PHY.
St. Ijouis, March 7, 1854.
PROFESSOR WOOD—
My hair commenced falling off some three or four jeara
since, and continued to no to until l became quite baf|. 1
tried all the popular medicines of the day, but io to rfiVct.
At last. I was induced to trj your celebrated llalr Resiora
five, and am happy t<* sayit is doing wonders. I have now a
fine growth of yarn!.- hair, and cheerfully recommend its use
to all similarly afflicted.
A. C. WILLI AMS, 133 Second Street.
Basin, Mich., August 2, 1855.
Thi-1? to certify, that ‘one year ago, l was quite gray, and
my hair so thin upon the top of my head, that l feareditsen
tire loss. In this condition, I applied for and obtained a bot
tle of Prof. Wood’s Hair ••Restorative,” and before I had used
one quart bottle, the gray hairs had entirely disappeared and
It bad thickened up, so as to be as full as usual find it assum
ed a glossy appearance apparently more (beautiful than ever
U was before. Ido therefore, cheerfully recommend it to
ail those ladies who value a benuiilul head of hair. Iwillal
so s-.ato that 1 use ll now, eecasionaPy, for its healthy and
beautify in g effects. SARAH J.BROWN.
Chicago, May 1, 1854.
1 have used Professor Wood’s Hair lieatoiative to deemed
advantage. It prevents the hair from coming out, gives ita
gloss and softness very desirable. The few gray hairs I had,
have entirely dis npeared. Others of my family have used
it, aud concur with me In pronouncing it all it professes to bo.
HUNKY A. CLARK, Michigan Avenue.
St. Louis, Sept. 20, 1853
PROF. O. J. WOOD—
Sir* —l have used nearly three bottles of your flair Restor
ative, and have found its effects very satisfactory. It has en
tirely destroyed all dandruff from ray head, and restored my
hair to its original c lor, which had become quite gray.
WM. TRUSDALE.
KIVLIV,THOM AS fc CO., sole agents In Columbus.
Sold at lit Market street, St. Louis, Missouri, MG
Broad uray,M<w York, and by nil Druggists everywhere. Jill
kinds of family patent medicines for snip, on the best posibte
terms at Professor fl'vod't establishment 114 Mark'l Isireet,
St. Louts. deAQ- wiLtw^m
Administrator's Sn.le* —Will be sold on the fliLt
Tuesday In February next, at the Court House door n
i.uthbert, Randolph count)*. Lot of land number 86, in the
Bth district ot said county; fold by order of the Court of Ord
inary as the property of Simpson McLendon, deceased.
Lee. 31, lßM~wld. ELJZA McLEWDON, Adm’x.
THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
SPEECH OF HON. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD,
OF GEORGIA.
In the House of Representatives,
December 16, 1856.
On the question of referring the President’s Message to
the Committee of the Whole on the >tate of the Un
ion, and the Printing of ten thousand copies thereof.
Mr. Crawford said:
Mr. Speaker: it was not my intention to participate in
this and scussion,and [should not have done so, bad it been
jonfined to the members of the Republican party, who
lelt themselves called upon to reply to those portions ol
he President's message wherein he charges them *‘wth a
lecire to change the domestic institutions of existing
States/’ and “by a sectional organization and movement
to usurp the control of the Govern cent of the United
•Slates.” But, sir, when the debate assumes a wider range,
ind not only the President but the Democratic paity is as
sailed by the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. li. Mar
shall,] I feel justified in offering a reply.
1 approve every word in the message touching the sub
ject of our constitutional rights, as weilas opinions set
forth in reference to the ultimate objects to oe accomplish
•*d by the gentlemen who compose tfie Repuqkcan party,
and shall endeavor to show to this House aud trie country
tiiat the charges are without foundation. I had hoped thai
the assaults made upon the President and his policy, would
have been confined alone to thm-e who composed the eec*
tional party that supported Mr. Fremont for the Presiden
cy, and are justified in defending themseives from the
•barges laid at their door. Rut l was disappointed in this,
and iiuve seen, with regtet, the doctrines of the message
controverted, and the Democracy assailed by a southern
man, who ought to have been (representing as he does a
-lave Slate) the last to make war upon either the one or
the other. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House
have taken issue w ith ihe President, and deny that the prin
ciples of the party are sectional, or that they seek to dis
turb slavery in the Suites; and it is to the ol proving
these charges tube true, that I Shall first addret-s myself.
Ido not say that the members ot this party come up di-
rectly and boldly attack the domestic institutions ol the
South; but w hilst they do uot thus act, they ar* constantly
making war upon it in its outposts, as in the {Territories, in
the District of Columbia, and by their efforts to strike
down all the guarantees which are secured to the slave
holder by the Constitution itself ; in all these ways they
pr jpo.e to destroy it. The powers of Congress arc to be
invoked, and legislation hostile jn &ts effects and conse
quences upon the institution must be had, although the
high privileges not only of individuals, but ol coimnu”
nilies and States, are to be by this party denied, and con
gressional intervention against slavery exercised in violation
of the Constitution. The best of your party say to us that
they would defend the rights by which we hold our slaves
in the States, yet it must be confined within its present lim
its; its aiea must not be extended; u mu-t not spread itself
over the common territory; this we will resist and pre
vent; your right?, such as you have, must be enjoyed un*
der your own local laws, and without any protection
from this government. Ail this we understand, wo know
tit- process which you thus adopt effectually to accomplish
ihe same o? ject which the bol-Jest of your leaders already
proclaim that tfiey are prepared to do iu a more direct and
manly way. We a.k you to stand out before the country,
and advocate that which you so much desire. Meet ua
like men, and say that you propose to break down ail con
stitutional barriers which intertere with the powers you de
sire to exercise, aud then ihe people will understand aud
approve or condemn your course. Do not indirectly seek
to do us injustice, and at the same time declare that you ate
lor supporting and upholding the Constitution.
The President asserts, that the object which you seek to
accomplish you well know to be a revolutionary one; this
being denied, I propose to show its truth, and in language
not to fie misunderstood, that interference with slavery iu
the States and m the Territories is the great primary ob
ject of “Republican” desire, which, accomplished by that
party, would bo but revolution.
Let me read in this connection the remarks of the New
York Tribune, a leading and powerful press m the North,
whilst the Nebraska bill was before Congress. It is iu
these words:
“Bettei that confusion should ensue ; better that discord
should reign in the national councils; better that Congiess
should break up in wild disorder; nav, better that the Capi
tul itself should blaze by the torch of the incendiary or fail
and bury all i's inmates beneath its crumbling ruins, than
that ttm perfidy and wrong ehouid be finally accom
plished.”
What perfidy ar.d wrong is here alluded to ? Nothing
more than that the people of Kansas aud Nebrai-ka, as
those of Utah and New Mexico, and the people of all the
AS Jm
to the provisions of t .e Constitution.”
The Tribune prefers that the nation’* Capitol should blaze
by the torch of the incendiary, rather than that the free
white men of these Territories should form their institutions,
subject to the Constitution ; his regard for that instrument
must be low indeed, or he must feel ’.hat its “provisions’’
ought not lo be allowed to the people theieof.
Hear’what anoth-r lead'ng Republican says in a letter,
(to the same paper, 1 think,) whilst using every etfbrt in
iiis power so to inflame thejnorthern mind against thes'ave
holders of the South, as that revolution might actually
commence. VV. O. Duval is its author. Let his name go
down to posterity, together with his opinions and wishes.
He says:
“I sincerely hope a civil war may soon burst upon the
country. 1 want to see American slavery abolished in
my time.” ***** “Then my most fervent prayer
is that England, France, and Spain, may take this slavery
accursed nation into their special consideration ; and when
the time arrives for the streets of the cities of this ‘land of
the free and home of the bravo’ to run with blood to the
horses’ bridles, if the writer of this be living there will be one
heart to rejoice at the retributive justice of Heaven.”
I propose, further, to call the attention of the House to
an extract from a speech of the senior member from Ohio,
I Mr. Giddings ] Ido this the more readily because that
member asked this House, a few days since, te pare a reso
lution calling upon the President to state the time and
place, when and where, and the persona who had any pur
pose to interfere with the domestic institutions of the South
ern States. He says:
“Sir, I would intimidate no one ; but T tel 1 you there is
a spirit in the North which will set at defiance all the low
and unworthy machinations of this Executive, and of the
minions of ita power. When the contest shall come : when
the thunder shall roll, and the lightning flash ; when the
slaves shall rise in the South ; when, in imitation of the
Cuban bondmen, the southern slaves of the South shall
feel that they are men ; when they feel the stirring emo
tions of immortality, and recognize the stirring truth that
they are men, and entitled to the rights which God has be
stowed upon them ; when the slaves shall feel that, and
when masters shall turn pale and tremble; when their
dwellings shall em< ke, and dismay sit on each counte
nance ; then, sir, I do not say, ‘We will laugh at your ca
lamity. and mock when your fear cometh,’ but 1 do sav,
when that lime shall come, the lovers of our race will stand
forth and exert the legitimate powers of this Government
or freedom. We shall then have constitutional power to
act for the good of our country, and do justice to the slave.
“Then will we strike off the shackles from the limbs of
the slaves. That will be a period when this Government
will have power to act between slavery and freedom, and
when it can make peace by giving freedom to the slaves.
Arid let me 101 l you, Mr. {Speaker, that that time hastens.
It is rolling forward. The President is exerting a power
that will hasten it, though not intended by him. I hail it
as 1 do the approaching dawn of that political and moral
millennium which I am well assured will come upon the
world.” —Congressional Globe, vl. 28, p. 648.
Next 1 read from a speech made in Boston by Mr. Rur
lipgamo, member of this Mouse, and a leading Republican,
whose vuice was heard in the recent canvass tar away from
his New England home, in the prairies of the north-west,
as well perhaps as in the Keystone State, where no dout>t
he advocated the *same fdoctrinee herein contained, and
earntslly appealed to Northern men to adopt them as their
standard ot political orthodoxy—and who, I may say, has
been re-elected by his constituents to a seat in the Thirty-
Fifth Congress. He said:
“If asked to state specially what he would do, he would
answei: hiret, repeal the Nebraska bill; second, repeal ihe
fugitive slave law; third, abolish slavery iu the District ot
Columbia; fourth, abolish the inter-slave trade; next, he
would declare thatsiaveiy should not spread to one inch
ot the Territory of the Union; he would then put the Go
vernment actually and perpetually on the side of freedom ;
he would have judges who believe in a higher law, and an
anti slavery Constitution, an anti slavery Bible, and an an
ti-slavery God. Having thus denationalized slavery, he
would not menace ii .in the States where -it exists, but
would say to the States: ‘lt is your local institution, bug it
to your bosoms until it shall destroy you.’ This is the only
condition of repose, and it must come to this; for so long
aside dwelt in his bosom,so long would he fight for liler
ty and against slavery , and he hoped the time would soon
c ome when the sun should not rise on a master, nor set on
a slave.”
Alter this spee'-h was delivered, the Hon. Henry Wil
son, the present Senator from Massachusetts, being called
for, arose and said:
“This is is not the time nor the place for me to utter a
word. You have listened to the eloquence of my young
friend, and here to-night I indorse every word and senti
ment he has uttered. In public or in private life-—in ma
jorities or minorities at home or abroad, 1 intend to live
and die with unrelenting hostility to slave!y on my lips.”
Such language needs no comment from me to explain,
that, in the hands of these men, all of whom are shining
lights in the republican par y, the institutions ot the South
ern States would be crushed out and destroyed. And 1
think that the President has very properly and truly cha
racterized the objects of these men and their associates as
being dangerous and revolutionary. At all events the
only construction which I can give these sentiments is that
slavery everywhere must fall, and our only condition of
repose is to be when the “sun shall not rise upon a master
norset upon a slave,”
1 will not discuss further this branch of the subject, but
will reply to the remarks submitted a day or two ago by
the honorable gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. II Mar
shall,.! in reference to the position p| the Depjopratic parly
upon the Kansas hill. Jt seenud to me that it was a
source of great gratification to him to know mat there
was a great difference of opinion between individual mem
bers ol the party as to the power possessed by the Terri
torial Legislature under the organic net in regard to slave
ry. With his usual ability he “touched up” these differen
ces with a matter hand, and to the evident enjoyment, not
only of his own political put ty, but to the great delight of
the members of the Republican organization.
Now, sir, let us see if the differences of opinion among
us should be a subject of much amusement to my friend
from Kentucky, wfien we take a review of the harmony
which has prevailed among hia own political friends du
ring the brief period ol its existence. The first public act
of the American party u'as its convention in June, 1855.
Os its private acts anterior to that time, 1 c.in only poini
to the election of a large majority of northern Representa
tives on this floor—to the aid which it rendered in the elec
tion ot eleven United Crates Senators, and ten Governor*
at the North, all of whom ga ve then support to Mr. Fre
monrftrnhe Presideneynf IWTroenl election. These
are its private acts, as they are understood by the country
But to the convention, in regard to foreigners and Cath
olics, their hatred was and cordial. Upon
ihese questions they agreed; and no disagreement manilea
fed itself until the subject of slavery was presented; and
when it was done, the difference of ‘opinion was so great
tiiat almost the entire northern delegation bolted and
called another convention to be held at Cincinnati. Those
who remained in yuor convention—most of whom were
from the South—passed what is known as tiie twelfth sec
tion of your platform, which I beg tiie .gentleman to re
member was repudiated by every State council in the
whole Norih, as well as at the subsequent convention
of this party held at Cincinnati, and in which seven north
ern Stares were represented, and yet we are told by my
friend from Kentucky that northern and southern demo
crats do not construe the Kansas bili aiike !
Upon the assembling of the present Congress, the gen
man’s party in the House had about four candidates for the
Speakeiship; moct ot them, however, voted for the pres
ent Speaker,aftei having voted for the gentleman from
Ohio, [Mr. Campbell ] Still a portion cast their voto*
for the gentleman himself, [Mr H. Marshall,] and then
voted lor the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Henry
M. Fuller] to the bitfor end—all these various candidates
representing an ‘intense American feeling,’ varying only
to the extent that local influences controlled the particular
tenets held by each one in regard to slavery. This party
was divided here into what was known as North and
South Americans, and American Republican*; and still
the Democracy are to be upbraided as holding different
opinions on the Kansas bill! It must bo further observed
tha , notwithstanding tiie rupture which occurred at the
June convention of ihi3 party, they agreed to meet at the
same place last February, and nonmmto ft candidate for the
Presidency; and in obedience to this resolution they, by
way of>omg exceedingly harmonious, met tour days before
tho time, and set to work, in the first place, to determine
whether the North or South American delegation from
Pennsylvania shosld be considered the best Americans;
and the North Americans, headed by the gentleman over
the way, [Mr. Edie,j were admitted to participate in the
work of budding a platform and nominating a candidate.
After much deliberation, North and South Americans were
deemed unsafe as leaders, and the old platforms of each
as being unfit for service; and anew class, known as ‘Ver
bage Americans,’ take the control of the party and recon
struct a platform out of such of the old materials as could
by any possibility be used. When this occurred the South
Americans bolted, and protested, “That they could not
stand up n the i.ew platform, nor continue members of
any national organization of which it is thoj.suprerne law,”
and yet we are lo be reproached because we construe diff
erently the Kansas bill.
Nor is this all. Only a day or two after, these same
gentlemen, regardless of the discord of sentiment between
them ns to principles, th ught that they might agree on a
candidate for the PrcsiJen. y ; aud accordingly North and
South Americans, Republican and Verbiage Americans,
alia meet to select a t-tandard bc?a:cr. Mr. Fillmore was
tiie fortunate individual, aud upon the announcement, a
bolting of the northern delegation took place, and anew
convention was called, to be held at New York, where an
American candidate might be chosen. In June lust that
convention did meet,and the Hon N. P. Banks, Jun., was
selected; and immediately another secession took place,
and another convention of the same pariy nominatea Mr.
Stockton, of New Jersey, as the true Amereari candidate
lor the Presidency; whilst, upon the declination of Mr.
Banka, Mr. Fremont was chosen as the proper person to
fill the vacancy. And now the Democratic party is, by a
leader of the American forces upon this floor, to ho charg
ed witli difternces of opinion !
Whilst upon the subject, it would be well, perhaps, to
call the attention ol my friend from Kentucky to the views
held by the friends of Mr. Fillmore in the North, and the
reasons why he received thoir support; and Ido this be
cause he may not have observed the differences of opinion
among his own men ao closely as he did those of the Demo
cratic party.
I aak his attention to an editorial published in the New
York Express, a leading Fillmore p*per, and one of whose
editors, 1 think, was the Fillmore candidate for Governor
in that State. In tho article, the editor is undertaking to
show that Mr. Fillmore is a better Free Soiler than Mr.
Fremont. He saya to the Republicans:
“Wh£ ask this question ? What reason affords Mr. Fill
when iv[,resß..tmg thu ITrle JlSTietSiew'York' ” Contra!?
them with r remonl’a, when only seventeen working days
in the Senate. Mr. Fillmore is the only President under
whose administration free territory has been annexed to
the Union. Louisiana, Texas, and Florida, were slave
Territories; but California, under Fillmore, came into the
Union free. Why doubt]’’
Next, 1 will read from the Hon. Hiram Kelchum, a
prominent politician of New York, and a leading supporter
of Mr. Fillmore in the recent election. He suys :
‘T attached myself in early life to that party which was
always and ever opposed to the extension of slavery, and
I say h,.re to night that the Whig party of the North has
always had that creed, and these Republicans can’t take
out a patent for it, for many a long year. And l say that
Millard Fillmore has been true to that party, and has
nover had any other principle but that which would prevent
the further extension of slavery.”
This in an extract from a speech which is reported at
length in the New York Express. And further, sir, allow
me to read from the New York Commercial Advertiser,
another of Mr. Fillmore’s organs in that State, and which
paper is endeavoring to prove also to the Republicans of
that State that Mr. Fillmore is a better Free Soiler than
Mr. Fremont.
Mr. H. Marshall. The gentleman does not discrimin
ate between an anti-slavery man and a Frec-Soiler.
Mr. Cftwlord. I mean anti-slavery man ; and now for
the article:
“As between Mr. Fillmore ar.d Mr. Fremont for the
Presidency, no comparisons are admissablo. Even on this
very slavery question, it is unwise ot the Republicans to
provoke a comparison. The only vote -r public act of
Mr. Fillmore that can be perverted iato a seeming favoring
of slaveiy, was the signing of the fugitive slave law.”
“The reader has only to look at the votes of each gen
tleman when respectively in public life, to find that Mr.
Fillmore is immeasurably a better anti slavery extension
man than John C. Fremont .”
And notwithstanding the utter inability of the gentle
man’s party to agree upon anything touching slavery, wo
are to be held up before the country as entertaining differ
ent opinions as to our construction of the Nebraska act, as
he has undertaken to show. In dismissing this part of my
subject, I would admonish that gentleman not to forget
the material out of which his own house is built before he
again throw’s fitoues at ours.
I come now to the main point I had in view in address
ing the House, and that is to show that the President is right
in declaring that the people in the late election ‘ have as
serted the constitutional equality of each and all the State*
of the Union And although my friend from Kentucky
insists that nothing has been settled, I will show, in answer
to hi* question. “What are the principle* which their vic
tory has established I” that the popular verdict ha 9 decided
the most important measures that have disturbed this coun
try for the last quarter of a century.
The American Democracy went into the recent canvas
upon issues that were plain, practical, and uummtakable ;
what were they 1
“Non-interference by Congress with slavery in State and
Territory, or in the District of Columbia.”
Further:
“That we recognize the right of the people, of the Ter
ritories, Kansas and Nebraska included, to form a consti
tution with or without domestic slavery,and be admitted
into the Union upon terms of perfect equjlity with the
other States ‘ ’
The friends of Mr. Fremont on the contrary declared.
“That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign
power over the Territories, and in the exercise of this pow
er it is both the rigiit gnd the Imperative duty of Congress
to prohibit in the Territories those twin relies of bar ha
rism, polygamy and slavery.'’
Those great questions, as contained in the platforms of
the respective parties, were presented fairly and distmc ly
to the American people ; the public press, the public men,
and the private citizen*, thoroughly di-cussed the principles
of each party, and after months of deliberation thereon,
the popular verdict fwas given'in favor of the principles ns
proclairne! by the American D mocracy It planted itself
upon the great doctrine of self government, not only in the
State? but in the Territories ; whilst their opponents held
the opinions that it was the right an'd duty of Congress to
regulate and control the institutions of ma.t*r and servant,
as well as husband and wile; and they, with equal propri
ety, might have proposed to include those of parent and
child, guardian and ward, for they stand upon the
footing of reason and justice.
The Kansas bill contained the by which
the Democratic party was willing to stand. It was not a
theoretical or epeoulative act to be pauet in the future,
but it was a law of force, whloh all could see and deter
mine, and either approve or condemn its great lending
feature, which was, that the people of a Territory might
form and regulate their institutions to suit themselves ;
and the only restraint upon them, was, that it should be
done according to the Constitution. 1 say, they settled,
then, in this victory, “that principle, and approved the
doctrine asserted by the Democracy, that the people of
the TerritorieSj and not Congress , shall regulate these
matters.
But, says the gentleman from Kentucky, the Demo
cratic party are not agreed as to the time when the peo
ple o! the Territories bhall exerc se this right. This is
true, sir ; and that is the only remaining question to be
settled, and it is one which the people could not settle
by this election ; it is one that is not settlwd by the bi 1
itself, but expressly subjecting the exercise of this pow<r
to the Constitution of the United States, and it can only
be done in accordance with its provisions. It is not
strang?, therefore, that there should be a diversity of
opinion, not only Norih but South—not only among
Democrats, but among the members of the American
party, as to the powers possessed by a Territorial Legis-
I laturj uuder the Constitution, iu regard to this question.
1 hold, sir, that to be a question wh eh Congress has no
power to settle by law. Suppose that the power bed
bf-en given in the Nebraska bill, so the Territorial Legjs
lature to prohibit slavery, and i: had done so, and th*
question had been made upon the power thus exercised,
and submitted to the Supreme Court, and it had been
decided that the Territorial Legislature, under the Con.
b'.itution , had passed a l*w which was unconstitutional :
your act authorizing it to be done, would be a mere nui
hty. Or, suppose you had provided in the bill that th*
territorial Legislature should not prohibit slavery, and,
notwithstanding your law, they had gone on and passed
*n act over your heads prohibiting it, and thus the ques
tion should be made before the Supreme Court, arid it
was decided that the Territorial Legislature could not
constitutionally pass such a law : your act in that case,
also, would be nugatory. You can, therefore, licit her
add to nor take from the pow<rs wh ch may be exercised
under the Constitution by a Territorial Legislature, by
any act whien you may pass.
Mr. H. MARSHALL —I desire to ask the gentleman
t question.
Rr. CRAM FORD.—I cannot yield the floor, as I
• nve only ten minutes left me. Iq this connection I
have only to say that the Territorial Legislature either
has power under the Constitution to exclude slavery, or
it has not ; if it has tlu power, you could not take ii
away by act of Congress ; and, if it has not, then you
could by no act of yours confer it. Upon such a qaes
t.on, I do not think it strange that inen should differ ; but
1 have the satisfaction to kuow that men’s opinions can
uot alter ihe Constitution.
In conclusion,! wish to say that Ido not agree with
my friend from South Carolina, [A/r. Orr,] nor my friend
from Tennessee, [Mr. Smith,] who, denying the power,
seem to think timt tho right to prohibit slavery by a
lerritorial Legislature is of no very great practical impor
tance, as laws are needed for it-protection, which, if a
tnaj rity be opposed to the institution, will not be passed
and thus it will not go win re the proper securities arc
withheld. On the contrary, I hold iiis important that a
Territorial Legislature shall noi exercise a power which
s both unjust and unconstitutional The only time at
which sorereign power can be exercised by the people
of a Territory is iu the formation of a State government,
and at no other. Congress itself, does not possess that
sovereign power, and, of course, it cuunol delegate that
which it has not.
Ihe Republicans hold that Congress has power to pro
hibit slavery in the Territories, and iu support of that
view, call to their aid the or didance of 1787. That was
passed by a Congress of confederated sovereignties, and
is in the nature of a compact between Virginia and her
co*sovereignties, and was the exereit-e of a right which
was not denied by her own constitution nor the articles
of Confederation ; her own will, therefore, was her only
law. How- different are the powers of this Congress,
controlled, fixed and limited, by a written Constitution,
which is our only charter either of authority or existence,
permitted to exercise certain granted power*, and such
others as may be necessary to carry them into effect !
And this is the extent of Congressional power. All
others, by the instrument itself, “are reserved
to the States respectively, or to the people and so
tenacious were the Slates that rights not granted might
be escrowed, that the Constitution was amended by ad
ding that “The enunciation in the Constitution of certain
rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others
retained by the people.” If, therefore, all the legislative
power which we posses* is provided for in the Constitu
tion, and we find that no reference is made to this, then
it cannot exist. At the formation of the Constitution
slavery existed in twelve out of thirteen States; txpress
provision was made for its protection in each State, by
requiring that a fugitive slave escaping into another, bt
delivered up ; and it was also provided that no Stute in
to which a fugitive might thus escape, should pass a lair
or make any regulation so as to discharge a slave (ri in
his condition as such. Provision was made for its repre
sentation, |and the States were liable lor its taxation
to that extent, as properly. Here, then, it will be *b.
derved that, in this threefold aspect, is reference made
/rectly to the subject : “first, as property ; second, as a
domestic relation of service or labor under the law of a
Suite ; and, lastly, as a basis of political power.”
How strange, therefore, it dots appear tiiat any one
who will look at the subject, should conclude that Con**
jjjTess can create or destroy slavery anywhere, particular-
Visions IOOR lO lIS pi vlovlivn. YrJ .otpdiujK hll
these, it is boldly asserted that Codgress has tne im
plied power to abolish or prohibit it iu the Territories.—
The Republican party claims this power for Congress,
and insists that slavery is sectional and anti slavery na
tional ; and that, therefore, legislation should keep it
from the Territories. If these men mean that slavery
exists o >ly in a certain section of the Uuion, then they
are right ; but if they mean to say that is iu made sec
tional by the Constitution, then they are wrong ; and to
prove this, it is only neoessssry to reply that slavery may
exist iu all the States or none, and that, too, without any
alteration of the Constitution ; and so well was this pro
vided for, that all the guarantees which slavery x needs will
inure at once to the slaveholder, upon the adoption of
that institution by any of the States. New York might
determine to-morrow, to establish slavery, and il she did,
ail the rights which the slaveholders of Georgia possess
would be at once secured to those of that State, and she
would be entitled to three fifths representation on this floor.
Ail can see at once, therefore, the utter absurdity con
tained in the doctrine tiiat slavery is sectional. Under
our Constitution it may exist throughout the country, or
nowhere in it; but should il exist, no matter where, the
Constitution recognizes and protects it. And the great
principle lying at the foundation of this whole subject is,
that sovereignty alone, has the power to create or de
stroy it, and this attribute is possessed by neither Co/t
----gres s, lior the Territorial Legislature , which is but the
creature of our will. And, sir, when I speak of sove
reign power I mean such as ihat Virginia exercised in
the ordinance of 1787, and which she possesses to*d;iy
over this subject in the Territories , lo the extent of the
interest , which she ms a Slate holds therein.
VV hen, therefore, ii is claimed that Congress, under
an implied power, can pass a law to deprive the citizens of
one-half the States of tho enjoyment of their property
upon territory which'is held by the Government for the
common benefit of all, I deem it a draft up ;n the rtupid
ity and ignorance of the ptcple which they will never
honor.
7/iiving endeavored to show tiiat Congress has no pow
er, I think it equally clear that the Territorial Legislature
has none, and tiiat the proper solution of this question,
winch has so long disturbed the country, has at last been
found in the K jnsas bill, which has been submitted to the
American people, and by them approved. The differen
ce* of opinion ns to tiiat law furnish no jus*, ground for
ts repeal. Shall we eonedmn it because we differ as to
its construction ? Upon that rule we might condemn
every act which Congress has passed ; and more, sir, we
might discard the great Book of Inspiration itself, us
worthless, because there were different constructions put
upon its sacred teachings.
The gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Nichol*,) who has
just t&ken bis seat, showed to us a cal) made for e Dem*
ocratie meeting in the North, in which the friends of
Buchanan. Breckinridge and free Kansas, wert invited to
attend. That very many inen who voted for Mr. Bucha
nan in the North, are in favor of Kansas being a free
State, I have no sort ot doubt ; but still, it is equally well
understood that they want the people of the Territory to
determine this question for themselves, and that they shall
be left perfectly free to act upon the subject without any
interference by Congress.
So far a* I am concerned, [ here declare that I do not
ask ot a Northern Democrat, that he shall endorse the mo
rality of slavery ; ail that I want him to do is to give me
the full measure of my rights under the Constitution—no
more. And these I believe they are ready to grant, as well
ns to aid in preventing those associations spoken of by the
President, from interfering with the domestic institutions
of the States, “which to them and the States of which
they are citizens, the only path to its accomplishment is
through burning cities and ravaged field? and slaughtered
populations.”
The Smiths—From what has hitherto been discovered,it
appear.- tiiat the great and formidable family of Smiths arc
the veritable descendants, in a direct line, from Shem, the
son of Noah, the father of the Shemirish tribe, or tho tribe
of §hem ; and it‘is thus derived— Shemit, Shnnt,
Smith. Another learned pundit, in the Philadolph a.Ga
zette, contends for the .universality ol the uame of John
Smith, not only in Great Britain and America, but among
all kindred and nations on the taca of the earth. Begin
ning with the Hebrew, the name stood simply Siiem or
Shemit; but in other nations Johu Smith is found in full,
one and indivisible. ‘Thu?, Latin, Johannes Smithius; Ita
lian, Giovanni Smithi; Spanish; Juan Smithies; Dutch,
HansScmidt; French, Jean Smets; Greek, lok Skmiton;
Russian, JorffoffSkmJttowski, Polish, Iran SchmiMeweis
ki; Chinese, Jehou Shimmitt; Icelandic, Jahn Smithson;
Welsh, Jihon Schmidd; Tuscarora, Ton Q* Smittia; Mex
oan, Jontli F'Smitti.
Marriage Extraordinary. —We learn from the Weston
(Mo ) Argus, ih At Mr. John Pate and Miss Sarah Smock
were married on the 19th ult. John took it into hi* head
that two P ites were better than one, and Sallie doffed
the Smock. —N. O. Pic. #
Mortality from Scarlet Fever —The number of
deaths in Philadelphia for the year past, to the 28th ult.‘
from scarlet fever, was nine hundred and forty six. ‘1 his
i? a greater mortality from that terrible disease than was
ever kuown there before.
[TERMS, $2 00 IN ADVANCE.
j From tho M’ashington Union.
5 # Mr. Buchanan’s Policy.
It ia an entire mistake to assume that the policy of Mr.
Buchanan as President is lo bo inferred from the opinions
which may be expressed by any Journal or by any indi
vidual. The following judicious and pertinent remarks of
ihe Lancaster Intelligencer furnish a full and satisfactory
answer to the comments of those journals which have
fallen into this mistake :
From the Lancaster Intelligencer.
Mr. Buchanan’s Policy.-— Some of our friends at Rich
mond, and in other parts of the South, seem to be unneces
sarily excited in reference to what may or may not be the
policy of the incoming administration as it regards slavery,
-quatter sovereignty, &c. ‘The speech of Senator Bigler,
in which, by what we conceive to be a forced and unnatu
ral construction of his language, he is represented a.-* advo
cating heretical ‘principles; and a receut article in the
Pennsylvanian euUgi.-tic of Col. Benton, are made the
subject of an elaborate criticism in the Enquirer of Tues
day last; and fears are entertained by the editors that Mr.
Buchman endorses those views of Senator Bigler aud tho
Pennsylvanian.
Now, without assuming to speak for Mr. Ruchanaan.or
to promulge his views on the topics treated of m the En
quirer, wc nevertheless venture to assert that Gov Bigler,
and nobody else, is himself responsible for what he said on
the floor of the Senate; and, further, that net titer the Penn
sylvanian, nor any other newipaper, speaks by authority of
the President elect. Mr. Buchanan isnow, what he has
been for the last thirty year? or more, a thorough-going
State rights democratic statesman of the
Jeffersou and Jackson school,and iu his administration of
the government, will be actuated, we have not a doubt, by
a determination to do equal ana exact justice to every por
tion of the Union. His course of policy will know no
North, no South, no Ea?t, no West. The constitution
will be his compass and his chart. By it, and it afoue, will
he seek to guide the ship of State; and of his skill as a pi
lot at the helm, and the lofty patriotism with which he
will be actuated, no one who is personally acquainted
with the man can have a solitary aoubt. ‘The Enquirer
may, therefore, well reiterate its expression of “implicit
confidence iu the President elect.” This confidence, we
venture to anricipate and predict, will not be?hken during
the next Presidential term by any act of his. Mis cour.-o
of policy, we doubt not, will be alike satislactory to his
friends and the lovers of the Union in Virginia and Penn
sylvania, in Georgia and Indiana. But that policy has not
yet been adumbriated, except in his endorsement of the
Cincinnati Platform, and in his letter accepting the nomin
ation.
We, therefore, respectfully advise our southern democra
tic friends to keep cool. ‘I he President elect has always
stood by their constitutional rights when availed by aboli
tionism of every hue and grade; and, we firmly believe, he
will stand by them to the end. He is, there lore, entitled to
their genervius confidence, even in advance of his inaugu
ration. as Chief Magistrate of the republic. Let them not
permit the opinions of A, B, or C, who, we again aver,
speak of their own responsibility, to weaken their faith in
the integrity of the President elect. If Providence spares
his life until the 4th of March next, he will then take the
oath of office an 4 enunciate the principles and policy
which fie intends carrying out in his administral on, and
when he does that we have every reason to believe the En
quirer will be abundantly satisfied.
So far as Senator Bigler is concerned, we know him to
be a true hearted conservative Uniou-loving democrat, w ho
will stand by the constitution and the rights of the States m
every emergency. He is a well tried and faithful demo
cratic statesman, and we have do fear that he will prove
recreant, in word or deed, to the great principles which
have always been his guiding star, and which are so dear
to every democrat throughout the broad expanse of our
glorious Union.
In connection with the foregoing, we have the approval
of Mr. Buchanan in saying that the following extract from
the Southside Democrat states correctly his position:
“Asfor Kansas, Mr. Buchanan has never expressed mi
opinion either one way or the other, in favor of its com
ing in as a free or slave State. He has prudently conceiv
ed that it is a matter with which he has nothing to do, and
with w hich lie does noi moan to meddle. It is a question
exclusively with the people of the Territoiy, with whom
he is content to leave it for solution. He will see to it that
the principles of the Nebraska law are carried out in letter
and spirit, impaitially,and without fear, favor, or affec
tion.”
Facts for Consideration.
In 1789, prior to the revolution, St. Domingo export
ed 76,835,219 Ibj. ol cuff e, aud 140.000,000 lbs. of su-
C had talk n lo gfi ftttit ■
r- - . ‘ t .ol sugar hod ceased entirely, and
ib now imported into tne isfunrj. J &
In 1834, the year of the emancipation of tho slaves,
Jamaica exported lo Kngluud 15,265,853 iba coffee aud
195,625,309 lbs sugar ; in 1839, five years after, those
exports had decreased to 9,423,197 lbs coflee and 70,507,-
800 ib. sugar.
The whole number of slaves imported into the Eng
lish West Indies was 1,700,000; in 7834, only <660,000
remained lobe emancipated, being 1,040.0001e5s than tftc
number imported, or n decrease of over three-fifths.
Ihe trlioie number of slaves imported into the United
States prior to the prohibition of the slave trade, ISOS,
was 375,000. By the census of 1850, the slaves in tho
United States amounted to 3,204,313 ; add to this the
free blacks, 434,495 —total of the negro race whs 3,038,-
608, cr nearly nine for every one imported.
The free black population in the New England States,
in 1810, was 19,479. In 1850, a period of 40 years, it
had increased to 23,021. or eighteen percent.
The siava population in the United States in 1810,
was 1,191,368. In 1850 it had increased to 3,204,313,
or 2.64 per cent, neatly fifteen times the ratio of the in
crease of the free black population.
Fr in the above facte tho following conclusions mav
be drawn :
Ist. That in coneeqence of the revolution in St. Do
mingo. and the emancipation of the viaves in Jamaica,
those islands are fast relapsing into deserts.
2J. That slavery iu the United Stales is a very differ
ent institution from what skivi-ry was in the English
West Indies; that in the United, owing to their kind
treatment, the slaves had increased nine-fold, while on the
contrary, in the English Webt Indies, they had decreas
ed three filths.
3J. That the negro race increases nearly fifteen times
ns fast in their state of slavery iu the Southern States,
under the care of their masters, as in their stale of free
dom, in New England, when dependent on th* ir own
resources and the charity of the white race.— N. Y. Day
Book.
‘‘Died Yesterday.”
Every day is written this little sentence —“Died yes-*
terday,” so and bo. Every day.a flower is plucked from
some sunny home ; a breach made iu nine happy circle ;
u jewel sioleu from some treasury ol love. Each day
from the summer fields of life, some harvester disappears
--yea, ev ry hour, some sentinel falls from h:s post, and
is thrown from tiie ramparts of time into the surging
waters of eternity. Even us we write, the funeral of
one who “died yesteiday” winds like a winter shadow
along the street.
“Died yesterday.” Who died ? Perhups it was a geu*
lie bube, sinless ns an angel, pore as the zephyr’s hymu
—one whose laugh was as the gush of summer riils
loitering in the bower of roses—whose lit.le life was a
perpetual litany, a May time crowned with the passion
flowers that never fade. Or, mayhap it was a youth,
hopeful and generous whose path was hemmed by flow
ers with not a serpent lurking underneath—one whose
soul panted for communion wuh the great and good, and
reached forth with earnest struggle for the guerdon ia
the distance. But that heart is still now, he “died yea
terday.”
“Died yesterday.” A young girl, pure ns the orange
flowers that clasped her forehead, was stricken down ns
she stood at the altar ; and from the dim aisies of tho
temple, she was borne lo the “garden of the slum here re.”
A tall, browned man, girt with the halo of victory, and
at the da\’s close, under his own vine and fig tree, fell
to dust eveu as the anthem trembled upon bis Mps; aud
he, too, whs laid “where the rude forefathers of the ham
let sleep.” An angel patriarch, bowed with age and
cures, even ash looked out upon the distant lolls for the
coming of the angel host, sank into a dreamless slumber ;
*nd on hi* door-post was written, “Died yesterday.”
“Died yesterday.” Daily, men, women and children,
are passing away ; and houtly, in some graveyard, the
soil is flung upou the dead. As often in the morn, we
find some fljwel* that blushed sweetly in the sunset has
withered up forever, so, daily, when we rit- front the
bivouac to stand against our pt*ts, we mi*s some brother
soldier, whoso cheery cry in the sieges and struggles of
the pa*t has been as fire from Heaven upon our hearts.
Etch day some pearl drops from the jewel thread of
friendship—some lyre to which v * have been wont to
listen—has been hushed forever. But wise is he who
mourn* not the pearl and music lost, for life with him
shall pats away gently as an eastern shadow from the
hills, and death be a triumph and gain.
Atrocious. —The following is the latest emanation from
Terrell, the inveterate punster ot the Lafayette (Ind.) Jour
nal.
A tattling correspondent of the New York Herald , wri
ting from Lancaster, pretends to give the guage of a drink
he had witnessed the President elect take, one frosty morn
ing* ihe sideboard at Wheatland, recently, lie irrever
ently ei-tmates it at a “couple of inches,” and expresses the
opinion that the depth of tne “SageV’ potations visibly in
ciea?e with his years. There is nothing wonderful in this,
for hasn’t it passed into a proverb, “ The older the Buck
the differ the Horn /”
Honi soil qui mal y pens*.
Number 2,