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By LOMAX & ELLIS]
Volume XVIII.
Cxmts anti Sentinel.
THETRI-WEErffll’m^SE^flNEL
is published every Y> THURSDAY and
S ATURD V Y lOVKMNW.
TH E WEEKLY TIMES & SENTINEL
h published every TUESDAY >!OKN!A.
Office on Randolph Street, opposite the P. O.
TERMS:
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every subsequent insertion
A liberal deduction will be made lor yearly advertise
ments.
Sales of Land and Negroes, hy Administrators,
tors and Guardians, are required by law to be held on the
first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in
forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in
the county in which the property is situate. Notices of
these sales mu~t be given in a public gazette lorty days
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Notice for the sale of Personal property must be given at
least ten days previous to the day of sale.
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published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or
dinary for leave to seil Lano or Negroes, must be published
weekly for two months.
Citations for Letters of Administration must be published
thirty days—for Dismiesion from Administration, moii.niy
six months—for Disrnis-iou from Guardianship,forty days.
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the lull space of three months—for compelling titles from
Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been giv
-2K by the deceased, the full space of three months
Publications will always be continued according to
these, toe legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered.
BUSINESS (JAIiDS.
pami'isre and book binding.
r WING connected with our Printing Offiet a foil
1.1 and complete assortment of Book Cinder’s took- and
toes., cud are, added to our PriL ting materials, we arenow
rep ere tto execute,in good style and with despatch .every
lind o! work :n either branch of the business, on tile best
arms.
. 81. iV li WOK li, of every description, with or with’
>ut minting, made to order, in the neatest manner.
WVdli HOUSE ;*!USTISii, Receipts, Drafts,
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oromptly, and bound in any desired style.
RAUBIOAD AND STEASIISOAT BLANKS,
of ail kinds got up,with accuracy and dispatch.
-Jill fnids, ’liras. Circular*, Hand Dills.
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eat notice and in the best style
‘lagizin .■ and Pamphlets pa* up in every style o
inding.
Books o all kind rebound strongly and neatly.
LOMAX v. ELLIS
Columbus, Apr ! IS !'•’
it. V. MARTIN. J. J. MARTIN.
MARTIN & MARTIN^
Attorneys at Law,
e©x.Trm3Btrs, &a.
OHico on Broad Street—OverGunby &. Daniel.
Columbus, Jan. 9, 1857. w&twlv*
BJJULTOni A PLANE,
Attorneys aid Counsellors at Law,
00 iUMBUS, CA.
nnHS above firm have renewed their Copartnership, and
1 will devote the most assiduous attention to the pro
fession in the counties of .Muscogee, Harris, Talbot and
Chattahoochee, in this State, and in Rueseli county, Ala.
Office, front room over Id Barnard’s Store.
January 28,1857. w&twtf.
M. B. WELLBORz JF.SE.N. WILLIAMS.
WELLBORN & WILLIAMS,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Cl -yton, Alabama
W r ILL give prompt attention to the collection of ell claims
entrusted to their care in Barbour county. * ct 4 wtwthn
MARION BETHUNE,
A TTOR .V E Y A T L A IV,
TALBOTTON, Talbot County, Ga
t Ictober 24th, 1856. wtwtf.
W. 3, JOHNSON,
ATT O U KEY AT LA W.
CUSS E T A,
Chattahoochee County, Ga.
t'rssMh rstire attentloßto the practice in Ohattahoocbee
adioining counties. apgd—wtwiy*
ROBERT N. HOWARD,
A T TORNE Y AT LAW,
CRAWFORD, ALA.
Sip.ember 1855. —twAwtf.
S. A. M’LENDON,
ATTORNEY AT LA W,
Fort Gaines. Ga.
y-ILL promptly attend to ail business entrusted to Ms
: r cart —parti cal rlv Collecting. nov#twly
PEYTON H. COLCiUITT,
ATTORNE * LAW,
G)LU3fBI!S, GA.
Office, up stairs,over Col. Holt’s ofiice, Randolph st.
may 26,1855 wJKwtl
EAUGH & SLADE,
ATTOHIIBYS AT LAW,
COL VM B US, GEORG IA.
\\T ILL oracticelaw in Muscogeeand tlieadjoir.iin.countU'6
of and Alabama.
Office over Bank of Col ambus. Broad Street.
ROB ft RT BAUGH. J. J. SLAB*.
Columbus,Ga. March 27 1857. wtwtf
WILLIAM GORDON,
A TTOR NE Y A T L A U
NEWTON, ALA.
\VILLi attend promptly to all business confided to his
’ ‘ care in ihe counties of Dale, Henry, Coffee and Pike.
February 27,1853 —w6m.
WM. M. CHAMBERS. WM M. ROBBINS. J A ROBBINS.
Chambers, Eobbms & Robbins,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
EUFAULA, ALABAMA.
WI!.L nracticein the counties of Barbour, Pike, Henry
Coffee. Pike, Dale and Russell feb I—wlv
THOMAS A. COLEMAN,
aPIOBNEY AT LAW,
CUTHEERT, GEORGIA.
WILL practice in the Pataula and Southwestern Circuits.
Refers to Hon. David Kiddoo, J. S. C. P. C. Cuihbert.
February 24, 1857. wly
EL AM & OLlv Ell,”
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
BUENA VISTA,
MARION COUNTY,GA.
trril.LpracticeinlhecoUßtlesof Marion. Macon, ‘.ewarl
■ V .'ay’-'ir, Chattahoochee, Kinchaioonte. ami any oi Lne
adjoining - .-unties when their services niav be required.
WM.I>. KI.VM. THADKI'S OLIVSR.
November EO. wtf
JOHN V. HEARD,
ATTORN F v at LAW,
Ooiquitt, Miller Cos., Ga-
January 20, 1857- wly.
T. J. GU NN,
ATTOR NIC Y A T LAW)
HAMILTON, GA.
WILL attend promptly to all busineess entrusted to him,
January 26, 1858—wly.
S.S. STAFFORD,
ATTORNEY AT LAN r ,
BLAKELY, EARLY COUNTY, GA.
wtr.
REDDING & SMITH,
Attorneys at Law,
PRESTOS, WEBSTER COUNTY, GA.
Will ;>r3ct.ic in Pataula Circuit and adjoining counties,
h. R. REUSING. A. J. SMITH.
Preston, February IH.sß —wCm,
©DIB,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
PJXESTON, Webster Comity, Ga.
Y\J ILL practice in the counties of Clay, Chattahoochee,
V V Webster, Early, Randolph, Stewart and Sumter.
Particnlar attention given to collecting and remitting.
January 27, 1857 —wtf.
~ PARKER & PARKER,
ATTO It N EY S A T LA W ,
COLQUITT
Miller Comity, Georgia.
WIIjL give their entire attention to the practice in Bouth-
TT western Georgia; will also give prompt attentton to the
collection of all claims entrusted totheii care in the ‘ollowing
counties’ Baker, < alhoun,<’lay, Decatur, Dougherty, Early.
Be*-, Miller, Mit boll. Randolph, Terrell and Worth.
February !, 1858 wtf.
E. G. HALFORD,
ATTfiXiAfDB'ST LAW:
C U SSETA,
{-liattahooche County, Ga.
Will give prompt attemion to the collecting ol all
aims entrusted to his care. janS—wly.
DUNCAN H. BURTS,
ATTOIt NE Y A T LA W,
a U S S E T A,
Chattahoochee County,Ga.
Will promptly attend to ail business entrusted to his care
September 1,1857. wly.
W. A. BYRD,
ATTO R NEY AT LA W,
CGTJIIIER.T—KaudoIph County, Ga.
j OTTFLL pract 5 .1 the Pataulaaod South weste r n Circuits.
; VV All bu.-iiues3 entrusted to his care will received prompt
j Mention. maAlO—wly.
GRICE & WALLACE,
BUTLER, GEORGIA.
TTTILL 2lve prompt attention all business entrusted, to
VV then).
j W b tjRICB. WM.B. WALLACE.
fiecHV.ber I —wtf
Bacon! Bacon! Bacon!
Y ,\7"E are now in receipt of a large lot of TENNESSEE
TV BACON, well smoked and neatly |trirnmed. We
also have in store a large lot of salted moat, all of which
we are selling low for Ca.-h; and farmers who have their
Bacon to buy will find it to their interest to give us a call,
at. the sign ol the flog, opposite the Broad Stieet House.
CLEMENCY A RICHARDS.
Columbus. March 16—wlm*
UPHOLSTERY.
THE undersigned would say to the public that he is
prepared to execute all orders in the above line. Spo
cial attention will be given to Upholstering Church Few*,
Tete-a-tetes, Sofas, and Chairs. Repairing done neatly
and at moderate charges.
Feb6-wtwtf J H. SIKES.
A Med 1 ’cine that never Debilitates
EU. SAND FORD’S
INVIGOIiATOR,
Oli LIVER REMEDY,
T3 N ARTICLE THAT EVERY BODY NEEDS WHO IS
JL nol in a perfect state of health, for the Liver is second only
10 thf heart iu onr tiura&u economy, and when that is deran
ged the whole vital machinery run - ’ wrong. T*. find a me-Heine
peculiarly adapted to this disease l as been the study 01 one
of she uroprietors in a large and extended praciico lor
the past twenty years, and Die result of his experiment is the
invigorator, as a never-failing remedy where medicine has
any power to help. Asa liver remedy it has no equal, as all
testily who use it.
\ lady writing from Brooklyn, says: “Woa’d that I could
express in this sho t letter toe value your invigorator has
been to me fn raising a large family ot children, lor it has
never failed to relieve all ail affections of the stomach, bowels
or attacks ot worms. If mothers had t! remedy p aced
within their reach,and were iaught how to use it, & ;ear!ui
and untold amount oi agony might be saved.
One of our prominent bankers sa>e, ‘‘Five or six years ago
1 found rnyseii running down with a liver difficulty; resorting
to your invigorator, was greatly relieved, and continuing
tor a season, was entirely restored.”
A clergyman called at our dice the other day and said he
bad given a poor woman a bottle, who was suffering verj bad
ly iron? the Liver Complaint, ami before she had taken the
whole 01 it she was al worn earning bread for her family.
A gentleman, recently from Re we6t.says, w hi leal < hie: go,
hew salt eked with a slow, lingering sever, that baffled the
s h i!l ot physicians, but the invigorator cured him in a few
days.
Oneof our city merchants said, while on a visit Ho Troy, a
few days sinee, he was attacked with bowed and st much
disorders, so as to coniine him to his room, he sent tothe drug
fctore for a bottle oi 1 nvigorator, took one dose, w Inch relieved
him so that he was ableto attend his business.
An scqaainlouce, * .lose . business compels him to write
most of the time, says he became so weak as to be unable at
times to hold his pen, while at others sleep would overpower
Id ci but the invigorator cured him.
A gentleman from Brooklyn called on us a we k or two
since, looking but the shadow ol a man, wtih hip skin
pi le ana deathlike. He bud een for a long time suffering
from Jaundice and Dyspepsia, and unabie to attend to his bu
siness. We saw him again to-day a changed man, and to use
his expression; he has not seen the bottom of the flrrt bottle,
and further abas, “it saved in y life, lor 1 was last going 10a
consumptive's grave.
Among the hundreds of Liver remedies now offered tothe
public, there aie none we can so fully recommend as Dr San
ford’s Invigorator, or Liver Remedy, so generally known now
throughout the Union. This preparation ifs truly a l iver In
vigorator, producing 1 e ir-ost hftppv results on all who use
it. Almost innumerable certificates have been given oi the
great virtue of this medicine by those of the highest standi) g
in society, and it is, without .doubt; the best preparation now
before the pubiic.
k INFORD <St CO. Proprietors, 345 gßroadway, New York.
8 * .1 by Pemberton, Nuckolls fit Cos. ami by Danforth &.
olumbus. mar .B—w&.tw3m
irm ayer’s
gjig/ . CATHARTIC FILLS
Jr®*’ (sugar coated)
ARE MADE TO
Cleanse the Blood and Cure the Sick.
Invalids, Fathers, Mothers, Phvsicians,Phi
lam liropis) 8 , read tlieir and
judge their Virtues.
FOR THE CUKE OF
Headache, Sick Headache, Foul Stomach!
Pittsburgh. Pa. Mayl, 1855.
Dr. J C. Ayer. Sir: I have been repeatedly cured of
the worst headache any body can have by a dose or two of
your Pills. It seems to arise from a foul stomach, which
they cleanse at once It they will cure others as they do
me, the ‘act is worth knowiug.
Yours with respect, E VV. PEEBLE,
Clerk of the Steamer Clarion.
Billious Disorders and Liner Complaints.
Department of tiie Interior, )
Washington, D. C., Feb. 7, 1856. $
I have used your Pills in my general and hospital prac
tice ever sinee you made them, and cannot hesitate to say
they are the best cathartic we employ. Their regulating
action on the liver is quick and decided, consequently they
are an admirable remedy lor derangements of that organ.
Indeed I have seldom found a ease of billious disease so
obstinate that it did not readily yield to them.
Fraternally yours, ALONZO BALL, M. D.
Physician to the Marine Hospital.
DYSENTERY, RELAX AND WORMS.
Post Office, Hartland, Liv Cos , Mich. Nov. lfi, 1855.
Dr. Aver: Yor I’ill.s are the perfection of Me dicine.—
They have done my wife more good than lean tell you.
She had been sick and pining away lor months. Went off
to be doctored at great expense, hut got no better. She
then commenced takmgyour pills, which soon cured her,
by expelling large quantities of worms (dead) from her
body. ’lbey afterwards cured her and our two children of
bloody dysentery. One ol our noighbors had : t bad, and
my wife cured him with two doses of your Pills, while olh
ers around us paid from five to twenty dollars doctors bills
and loi_much time, without being cured entirely* even
then. Sucha medicine as yours, which is actually good
and honest, will be highly prized here.
CEO. J. ORiFFIN, Postmaster.
Indigestion nnd Impurity of the Blood.
From Rev. Mr Hines, Pastor of Advent Church, Boston.
Dr. Ayer—l have used your Pills with extraordinary
success in my family and among those I am called to visit
in distress. To regulate the organs of digestion and puri
fy the blood they are the very best remedy I have ever
known, and I can confidently recommend them to my
friends
Sold by D. Young and Danforth, Nagle <St Cos., Colum
bus, Ga. Marchll— wtw3m.
GEORGIA->-Chattahooohee County,
‘‘the union of the states and the sovereignty of the states.’’
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 23, 185 8
Speech of Honorable James H Hammond,
of South Carolina, on the admission of Kansas.
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
march 4th, 1858.
The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, hav
ing under consideration the bill for the admission
of the State of Kansas into the Union—
Air. Hammond -aid :
Mr. President: In the debate which occurred in
the early part of the last month, I understood the
Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) to say that the
question of the reception of the Lecompton consti
tution was narrowed down to a single point. That
point was, whether that constitutUri embodied the
will of the people of Kansas. Atn 1 correct ?
Mr. Douglass. The Senator is correct, with this
qualification : I could waive the irregularity and
agree to the reception of Kansas into the Union
under ths Lecompton constitution, provided I was
satisfied that it was the act and deed of that peo
ple, and embodied their will. There are o:lier ob
jections; but the others I could overcome, if tiiis
pi tint were disposed of.
Mr. Hammond. I so understood the Senator.
I understood that if he could he satisfied that this
constitution embodied the will of the people of
Kansas, all other detects and irregularities could
be cured by the act of Congress, and that he him
self would ba willing to permit such no act to be
passed.
Now, -ir, the only question is, how is that will to
be ascertained, and upon that point, and that only,
we shill differ. In my opinion the will of the peo
ple of Kansas is to be sought in the act of her law
ful convention elected to form a constitution, and
no where else; and that it is unconstitutional and
dangerous to seek it elsewhere. I think that the
Senator Jell into a fund -mental erior in ins recoit
dissenting from the report of the majority of the
territorial committee, when he said that the con
vention which framed this constitution was “Ihe
creature of the Territorial Legislature;” and from
that error ha probably arisen all his subsequent
errors on this subject. How can it be possible that
a convention should be the creature of a Territorial
Legislature? The convention was an assembly of
the people in their highest sovereign capacity, about
to perform their highest possible act of sovereign
ty. The Territorial Legislature is a mere provis
ional government; a petty corporation, appointed
and paid by the Congress of the United States,
without a particle of sovereign power. Shall that
interfere with a sovereignty—inchoate, but still a
sovereignty? Why, Congress cannot interfere;
Congress cannot confer on the Territorial Legis
lature the power to inteifere. Congress is liot
sovereign. Congress has sovereign powers, but
no sovereignty. Cmigtess has no power to act
outside of the limitation of the Constitutim ; no j
right to carry into effect the Supreme YViil of any
people, and, therefore, Congress is not sovereign.
Nor does Congress hold the sovereignty of Kansas.
The sovereignty of Kansas resides, if it resides
anywhere, with the sovereign States of this Union.
They have conferred upon Congress, among other
powers, the authority of administering such sove
reignty to their satisfaction. They have given
Congress the power to make needful rules and
regulations regarding the Territories, and they have
given Congress power to admit a State— “admit.”
not create. Under these two powers, Congress
may first establish a provisional territorial govern
ment merely for municipal purposes; and when a
State has grown into rightful sovereignty, when
that sovereignty which lias been kept in abeyance
demands recognition, when a community is formed
there, a social compact created, a sovereignty born
as it were upon the soil, then Congress is gified
with the power to acknowledge it, and the Legis
lature, only by mere usage, sometimes neglected,
assists at the birth of it by passing a precedent
resolution resembling a convention.
But when that convention assembles to form a
constitution, it assembles in the highest known ca
pacity of a people, and has no superior in this Gov
ernment but a State sovereignty ; or rather the
State sovereignties of all the States alone can do
any thing with the act of that covention. Then if
that con veniion was lawful, if there is no objection
to tiie convention itself, there can be no objection
to the action of the convention; and there is no
power on earth that has a right to inquire, outside
ufits acts, whether the convention represented the
will of the people of Kansas or not, lor a conven
tion of the people is, according to the theory of our
Government, for all the purposes lor which the peo
ple elected it, The People, bona fide, being the only
way in which all the people can assemble and act
together. I do not doubt that there might be some
cases of such gross and palpable frauds committed
in the formationof a convention, as might author
ize Congress to investigate them, but I can scarce
ly conceive of any. And when a State knocks at
the door for admission,Congress can with proprie
ty do httle mure than inquire if her constitution is
republican. That it embodies the will of her peo
ple must necessarily be taken for granted, if it is
their lawful act. I am assuming, of course, that
her boundaries are settled, and her population suf
ficient.
If what I have said he correct, then the will of
the people of Kansas is to be found in the action
ot her constitutional convention. It is immaterial
whether it is the will of a majority of the people
of Kansas now, or not. The convention was, or
might have been, elected by a majority of the peo
ple of Kansas. A convention, elected in April,
may well frame a constitution that would not be
agreeable to a majority of tbe people of anew State,
rapidly filling up, in the succeeding January ; and
if the Legislature are to be allowed to put to vote
the acts of a convention, and have them annulled
by a subsequent influx ol immigrants, there is no
finality. If you were to send back the Lecompton
constitution, and another was to be framed, in the
slow way in which we do public business in this
country, before it would reach Congress and be
passed, perhaps the majority would be turned the
other way. Whenever you go outside of the reg
ular forms of law and constitutions to seek for the
will of the people you are wandering in a wil
derness—a wilderness of thorns.
If this was a minority constitution I do not know
that that would be an objection to it. Constitu
tions are made for minorities. Perhaps minorities
ought to have tlie right to’mnke constitutions, for
they are administered by .majorities. The Con
stitution ot this Government was made by a mi
nority, and as.late as 1840 a minority had it in their
hands, and could have altered or abolished it; for,
in 1840, six out of the twenty-six States of the
Union held the numerical majority.
The Senator from Illinois has, upon his view of
the Lecompton constitution and the present situa
tion of affairs in Kansas, raised a cry of “popular
sovereignty.” The Senator from New Y’ork (Mr.
Seward) yesterdav made himself facetious about i 1
and called it “squater sovereignty.” There is a
popular sovereignty which is the basis of our Gov
ernment and I atn unwilling that the Senator
should .have the advantage of confounding ,t with
“squatter sovereignty.” In all countries and in all
time, it is well understood that the numerical ma
jority of the people could, if they chose, exercise
the sovereignty ot the country, but for want of in
telligence, and for want of leaders, they have never
yet been able successfully to combine and form a
stable, popular government. They have often at
tempted it, but it has always turned out, instead of
a popular sovereignty, a populace sovereignty ;
and demagogues, placing themselves upon the
movement, have invariably led them into military
despotism.
I think that the popular sovereignty which the
Senator from Illinois would derive from the acts of
his Territorial Legislature, and from the infortna
tion received from the partisans and partisan pres
ses, would lead us directly into populace, and not
popular sovereignty. Genuine popular sovereign
ly never existed on a firm basts except in this
country. The first gun of the Revolution announ
ced anew organization of it, which was embodied
in the Declaration of Independence, developed,
elaborated,and inaugurated forever in the Con
stitution of the United States. The two pillars of
it were Representation and the Ballct.Box. In
distributing their sovereign powers amoDg the va
rious departments 'ot the Government, the people
retained for theHiselvesi;the single power of thebai-
lot-box ; and a great power i 1 was. Through
that they were able to control all the de
partments of the Government. It was not for
the people to exercise political power in detail; it
was not for them to be annoyed with the cares of
Government; but from liine to time, through the
ballot box, to exert their sovereign power and con
trol the whole organization. This is popular sov
ereignty, the popular sovereignty of a legal consti
tutional ballot-box ; and when spoken through that
box, the “voice of the people,” for all political pur
poses, “is the voice of God ;” but when it is out
side of that, it is the voice heard of a demon, the
tocsin of the reign of terror.
In passing I omitted to answer a question that
the Senator from Illinois has, 1 beiieve, repeatedly
asked ; and thai is, what were the legal powers of
the Territorial Legislature afier the formation and
adoption of the Lecompton constitution? That
had nothing to do with the Territorial Legislature,
which was a provisional government almost with
out power, appointed and paid by this Government
The Lecompton constitusion was the act of a peo
ple, and the sovereign act of a people. They mov
ed in different spheres and on different plans, and
could n. t come in contact at all without usurpation
on the one part or the other. It was not compe
tent for the Lecompton constitution to overturn the.
territorial government and set up a government in
place of it, because’that constitution, until acknowl
edged by C ogress, was nothing ;it was not in force
anywhere. It could well require the people ofKati
sas to pass upon it or any porti nos it; it could do
whatever was necessary to perfect that constitu
tion, but nothing beyond that until Congress had
agreed to accept it, Jn the mean lime the territo
rial government, always a government ad interim,
was entitled to exercise all the sway over tiie
Territory that it had been entitled to. The error of
assuming, as the Senator did, that Ihe convention
was tiie creature of the territorial government, has
ltd him into the difficulty and confusion of con
necting these governments together. There is no
power to govern in the convention until alter the
adoption by Congress of its constitution.
If the . enator from Id., whom I regard as the A
jax Telamon of this debate, does not press the ques
tion of bauds, I shall have little or nothing to say
about that. The whole history ofKansas is a dis
gusting one, from the beginning to the end. I have
avoided reading it as much as I could. Had f been
a Senator nefore, I should have felt it my duly, per
haps, to have done so; but nut expecting to be one,
I am ignorant, fortunately, In a great measure of
details; and I was. glad lo heat the acknowledg
ment of the Senator Irom Illinois, since it excuses
me from the duty of examining ihem.
1 hear, on (he other side of the Chamber, a great
deal said about “gigantic and stupendous frauds;”
and the Senator from New York, yesterday, in por
traying the character of his party and the opposite
one, laid the whole of those frauds upon die pro
slavery party. r l'o listen to him, you would have
supposed that tiie regiments of immigrants recruit
ed in the purlieus of the great cities of the North,
and sent out, armed and equipped with Sharpe’s
rifles, bowie knives and revolvers, to conquer free
dom lor Kansas, stood by, meek saints,innocent as
dnves, and harmless as iambs brought up to the
sacrifice. Genera! Lane’s lambs! They remind
one of the famous “lambs” of Col. Kirke, to whom
they have a strong family resemblance. I presume !
that there were frauds; and that if there were i
hands, they were equally great on all sides; and
that any investigation into them on this floor, or
by a commission would end in nothing but dis
g ace to the United Stales.
But, sir, the true object of the discussion on the
other side of tiie Chamber, is to agitate the ques
tion of slavery. I have very great doubts wheth
er the leaders on the other side of the house re
ally wish to defeat this bill. 1 think they would
consider it a vastly greater victory to crush out
the Democratic party in the North, and destroy
the authors ot the Kansas Nebraska bill ; and I am
not sure that they have not brought about this
imbroglio for the very purpose. They tell it- that
year after year the majority in Kansas \\as beat
en at the polls! They have always had a ma
jority, but they always get beaten ! How could
that be? It does seem, from the most reliable
sources of information, that they have a majority,
and have had a majority for some time. Why has
not this majority come forward and taken pos
session ol the government, and made a free-State
constitution and brought it here? We should all
have voted for its admission cheerfully. There
can be but one reason : if they had brought, as
was generally supposed at the time the Kansas-
Nebraska act was passed would be the case, a free
State constitution here, there would have been no
difficulty among the northern Deni’ crats ; they
would have been sustained by their people. The
statement made by some of them, as I understood,
that that act was a good free-State act, would have
been verified, and the northern Democratic party
would have been sustained. But its coming here :i
slave State, it is hoped,, will kill that parly, and
that is the reason they have refrained from going to
the polls; that is the reason they have refrained
from making it a free State when they had the
power. They intend to make it a free-State as
soon as they have effected their purpose f destroy
ing the Democratic party at the North, and now
their chief object here is, to agitate slavery. For
one, I am not disposed to discuss that question here
in any abstract form. I tnink the time has gone
bv for that. Our minds are ail made up. I may
be willing to discuss it—and that is the way it
should be and must be discussed—as a practical
thing, as a thing that is anti is lo be, and to discuss
its t-flevt upon our political institutions, and ascer
tain how long those institutions will hold together
with slavery ineradicable.
The Senator from New York entered very fairly
into this field yesterday. I was surprised the oth
er day. when he so openly said, “the battle bad
been fought and won.” Although I knew, and had
long known it to be true, I was surprised to hear
him say so. I thought that lie had been entrapped
into a hasty expression by the sharp rebukes of
the Senator from New Hampshire; and I was glad
to learn yesterday his words nad been well consid
ered—that they meant all that I thought they
meant; that they meant that the South is a con
quered province, and that the North intends to
rule it. He said that it was their “to
take this government from unjust and unfaithful
hands, and place it in justand faithful hands;” that
it ttoa theii iutetiLioti tu coiiseciutt; all the Tcuitu
rit sos the Union to free labor ; and that, to effect
their purposes, they intended to reconstruct the
Supreme Court.
Yesterday the Senator said, suppose we admit
Kansas with the Lecompton constitution, what
guarantees are there that Congress wilt not again
interfere with the affairs ofKansas? meaning, I
suppose, that if she abolished slavery, what guar
antee was there that Congress would not force it
upon her again. So far as we of the South are
concerned, you have, at least the guarantee of good
faith that never has been violated. But what guar
antee have we, when you have this government in
your possession, in all its departments, even if we
submit quietly to all that the Senator exhorts us to
submit to —the limitation of slavery to its present
territory, and even to the reconstruction of the Su
preme Court—that you will not plunder us with
tariffs; that you will not bankrupt us with internal
improvements and bounties on your exports; that
you will not cramp us with navigation laws, and
other laws impeding the facilities of transportation
to southern produce ? What guarantee have we
that you will not create anew bank, and concen
trate a 1 ! the finances of this country at the North,
where already, for the want of a direct trade and
a proper system of banking in the South, they are
ruinously concentrated ? Nay, what guarantee
have we that you will not emancipate our slaves,
or, at least, make the attempt? We cannot rely
on your good faith when you have the power. It
has been always broken whenever pledged.
As I atn disposed to see this question settled as
soon as possible, and am perfectly willing to have
a final and conclusive settlement now, after what
the Senator from New York has said, I think it not
imprope. that I should attempt to bring the North
and South face to face, and see what resources
each of us might have in the contingency of sepa
rate organizations.
If we never acquire another foot of Territory for
the South, look at her. Eight hundred and fifty
square miles As large as England, France, Austria,
Prussia, and Spain. Is not that territory enough
to make an empire that shall rule the whole world?
With the finest soil, most delightful climate,
whose staple productions not e of those great coun
tries can grow, we have three thousand miles of
continental shore line, so indented with bays and
crowded with islands, that when their shore lin-s
areadded, we have twelve thousand miles. Through
the heart of our country runs the great Misstssi : pi,
ihe father of waters, into whose bosom are poured
thirty-six thousand miles of tributary streams ;aud
beyond we have the desert prairie wastes, to pro
tect us in our rear. Can you hem in such a terri
tory as that ? Y'ou talk of putting up a wall of fire
around eight hundred and fifty thousand square
miles so situated ? How absurd.
But in this Territory lies the great valley of the
Mississippi, now tiie real, and soon to be acknowl
edged seat of the empire of the world. The sway
of that valley will be as great as ever the Nile
knew in the earlier ages of mankind. We own
the most of it. Tiie most valuable part of it be
longs to us now; and although those who have set
tled above us are now opposed to us, another gen
eration will tell a diff rent tale. They are ours by
all the laws of nature; slave-labor will go over ev
ery foot ofthis great valley wheie it will be found
profitable to use it, and some of those who may not
use it are soon to be united with us by such ties
as will make us one and inseparable. The iron
horse will soon be chattering over he sunny plains
of the South to bare the products of its upper trib
utaries to our Atlantic ports, as it now does
through the ice-bnund North. There is the great
Mississippi, a bond of union made by Nature her
self. She will maintain it forever.
On this line territory we have a population four
times as large as tnat with which these coloni s sep
arated from the mother country, and a hundred, I
might say a thousand fold stronger. Our popula
tion is now sixty per cent, greater than that of the
whole United States was ten years after the con- j
elusion of that war, and our exports are three times
as great as those of the whole United States then.
Upon our muster-rolls we have a million of militia,
lit a defensive war, upon an emergency, every one
of them would he available. At any time, the South
can raise, equip, and maintain in the field, a larger
army titan any power of the earth can send against
iter, and an army of soldiers—men brought up on
horseback, with guns in their hands.
In we take the North, even when the two large
States ot Kansas and Minnesota shall be admitted,
iter territory wifi be one hundred square miles
less than ours. Ido not speak of California and
Oregon; there is no antagonism between the. Sotiiit j
ana those countries, and never will be. The pop- j
ulation of the North is fifty per cent greater than I
ours. I have nothing to sav in disparagement ei- j
titer of the soil of the North, or the people of the j
North, who are brave and energetic race, full
ofiutellect, but produce, no great staple that the
South does not produce ; while we produce two
or three, and those the very greatest, that she can
never produce. As to her men, I may be allowed
to say they have never proved themselves to be
superior to those of the South, either in the field
or in the Senate. But the strength of a nation de-
I pends in a great measure upon its wealth ; and the
j wealth of a nation, like that of a man, is to be es
j timated by its surplus production. Y’ou may goto
: your trashy census books, full of falsehood and
nonsense. They will tell you, for example, that, j
in the State of Tennessee, the whole number of
house servants is not equal to that of those in
my own house, and such things as that. You
may estimate what is made throughout the coun
try front those census books, but it is no matter
how much is made if it is consumed. If a man
possess millions of dollars arid consume his income
■s he rich ? Is he competent to embark in any
new enterprise? Can he build ships or railroads?
And could a people ir. that condition build ships
and roads or go to war ? All men depend upon j
the surplus productions of a people. They may
be happy, they may be comfortable, they may enjoy
themselves in consuming what they make, but
they are not rich, they are not strung. It appears
by going to the reports if the Secretary oi” the
Treasury, which are authentic, last year the Uni
ted States exported in round numbers $279,000-
000 worth of domestic produce, excluding gold
aid foreign merchandise re-exported. Os this
amount $258,000 000 worth is clear produce of
the South; articles that are not and cannot be made
at the North. There are then $80,000,000 worth
ot exports of products ot the provisions, and bread
stuffs. If we assume that the South made but one
third of these and 1 think that is a low calculation
our exports were $158,000,000, leaving to the
North less than $95,000,000.
In addition to this, we sent tothe North $30,000
000 worth of cotton, which is not counted in the
exports. We sent her seven or eight million dol
lars’worth oftobbaco, which is not counted in the
exports. We sent naval stores, lumber, rice, and
many other minor articles. There is no doubt
that we sent to the North $40,000,000 in addition ;
but suppose the amount to be $35,000,000, it will
give us a surplus production of $220,000,000. The
recorded exports of the South are now gteater than
the whole exports of the U. States in any year be
fore 1856. They are greater than the whole aver
age exports of tne United States for the last twelve
years, including the two extraordinary years of
1856 and 1857. [They are uearly double the amount
of the average exports of the twelve proceeding
years. If Icm right in my calculations as to $220-
000,000 of surplus produce there is not .a
nation on the lace of the earth, with any numerous
population, that can complete with us in produce
per capita. It amounts to $16,66 per head, sup
posing that we have twelve millions of people.—
England, with all her accumulated wealth, with
her concentrated energy, makes under $16,50 of
surplus productii n per head.
I have not made a calculation as to the North,
with her $95,000,000 surplus. Admitting that
she exports as much as we. with her eighteen
millions of population it would be but little over
twelve dollars a head. But she cannot export to
us and abroad exceeding ten dollars a head against
our sixteen. I know well enough that the the
North sends to tbe South a vast amount of the
productions of her industry. I take it for granted
that site, at least, pays us in that way for the thir
ty or forty million dollars worth of cotton and other
■iiTtctus we send her. I util witling to admit that
she pats us considerably more; but to bring her
up lo $220 000,000 a year the South must take
from her $125,0000,000 ; ahd this, in additon to
our share of the consumption of the $333,000,000
worth introduced into the country from abroad,
and paid for chiefly by our own exports. The
thing is abstirb; it is impossible ;it can never ap
pear any where but in a book of statics.
With an export of $220,000,000 under the pres
est tariff, the South organized seperately would
have $40,000,000 of revenue. With one forth the
present tariff she would have a revenue adequate
to all her wants, for the South would never go to
war ;she would never need an army or a navy,
beyond a few garrisons on the frontiers and a few
revenue cutters. It is commercefthat breeds war.
It is manufactures that require to be hawked about
the woiid, and give rise to natives and commerce.
But we have nothing to do but to takeoff restric
tions on foreign merchandise and open our ports,
and the whole world will come to us to trade.—
They will be too glad to bringjand carry for us,and
we never shall dream ofa war. Why the South
has never yet had a just cause ol war. Every
time she has drawn her sword it has been on the
point of honor, and that point of honor has been
mainly loyalty to Iter sister colonies and sister
States, who have ever since plundered and calum
ninated Iter.
But if ther were no other reason why we should
never have?war. would any sane nation make war
on cotton ? Without firing a gun, without draw
ittg a sword, should they make war on us we can
bring the whole world to our feet. The South is
perfectly competent to go, one, two, or three years
without planting a seed of cotton. I believe that
if she was to plant but half her cott n for three
years to come, it would be-an immense advantage
to her. I tun not so sure but that after three total
years abstinance she would come out stronger
than ever she was before and better prepared to
enter afivsh upon her great career of enterpri-e.—
What would happen if no cotton was furnished
lor three years? I will not stop to depict what
every one can imagine, but this is certain, Eng
land would topple headlong and carry the whole
civilzed world with her, save the South. No, you
dare not make war on cotton. No power on earth
dares to make war upon it. Cotton is king. Until
lately the Bank of England was king, but she
tried to put her screws as usual, the tali before last
upon the cotton crop, and was utterly vanquished.
The last power has been conquered. Who can
doubt, that has looaed at recent events, that cot
tonis supreme? When the abuse of credit had de
stroyed credit and annihilated confidence, when
thousands of the strongest commercial houses in
the world were coming down, and hundreds of
millions of dollars of supposed property evapora
ting in thin air, when you came to a dead lock,
and revolutions were threatened, what brought
you up ? Fortunately for you it was the com
mencement of the cotton season, and we have
ttoured in upon you one million six hundred
thousand bales of cotton just at the crisis to save
you from destruction. That cotton, hut for the
bursting of vour speculative bubbles in the North,
which produced the whole of this convulsion,
would have brought us $100,000,000. We have
sold it for $65,000,000,and saved you. Thirty-five
million dollars we, the slave-holders of the South,
have put into the charity box for your magnificent
financiers, your cotton lords, your merchants prin
ces.
But, sir, the greatest strength of the Sbuth arises
from the harmony of her political and social insti
tutions. This harmony gives her -a frame of soci
ety, the best in the world, and an extent of politi
cal freedom, combined with an entire security,
such as no other people ever enjoyed upon
the face of the earth. Society precedes govern
merit; creates it. and ought to control it; but as
far as we can look back in historic times we find the
case different ; for government is no sooner created
titan it becomes too sttong for society, and shapes
and moulds, as well as controls it. In later centu
ries the progress of civilization and of intelligence
has made t he divergence so great as to produce
civil wars and revolutions; and it is nothing now
but the want of harmony between governments
and societies wh ch occasions all the uneasiness
and trouble and terror that we see abroad. It was
this that brought on the American Revolution. We
threw off a government not adapted to onr social
system, and made one for ourselves. The ques
tion is, how far have we succeeded? The South,
so far as that is concerned, is satisfied, harmonious,
and prosperous.
In all social systems there must be a class to do
j the menial duties, to perform the drudgery ofiitc.
| That is a class requiring but a low order of intel
lect and but little skill. Its requisites are vigor,
docility, fidelity. Such a class you must have, or
you would not have that other class which leads
progress, civilization, and refinement. It consti
tutes the very mud-sill ot society and of political
government; and you might as well attempt to
build either the one or the other, except on this
inud-siil. Fortunately for the South she found a
race adapted to that purpose to her hand —a race
inferior to her own, but eminently qualified in tem
per, in vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand tile
climate, to answer all iter purposes. We use them
for our purpose, and call them slaves. We found
them slaves by the “common consent of mankind,”
which, according to Cicero, “lex naturae est the
highest proof of what is Nature’s law. We are old
fashioned at the South yet; it is a word discarded
now by “ears polite.” i will not characterize that
class at the north by that term; but you have it;
it is there ; it is every where; it is eternal.
The Senator from New Y ork said yesterday that
tiie whole world had abolished slavery. Ay, the
name, but no the thing; all tiie powers of the
earth cannot abolish it. God only can do it when
he repeals th e fiat, the poor ye always have with
you ; for the man who lives by daily labor, and
scarcely lives at that, and who has to put out his
labor in the market and take the best he can get
for it; in short, your whole hireling class of man
ual laborers and, ‘operatives,’ as you call them,
are essentially slaves. The difference between us
is, that our slaves are hired for lile and well com
pensated ; there is no starvation, no begging, no
want of employment among our people, ami not
too much employment either. Yours are hired by
the day, not cared for, and scantily compensated,
there is no starvation, no begging, no want of em
ployment among our people, and not too much
employment either. Yours are hired by the day,
not cared for, and scantily compensated, which
may be proved in the most painful manner, at any
hour, in any street, in any of your large towns. —
Why, you meet more beggers in one day, in any
single street of the city of New York, than yon
would meet in a lifetime in the whole South. We
do not think th A whites should be slaves, either
by law’ or necessity. Our slaves are black, of an
other and inferior race. The status m which we
have placed them is an elevation. They arc ele
vated from the condition in which God first crea
ted them, by being made our slaves. Non of
that, race on the wnole tace of the globe can be
compared with the slaves of the South. They are
happy, content, unaspiring, and utterly incapable,
from intellectual weakness, ever to give us any
trouble by their aspirations. Yours are white, ot
your own race: you are brothers of one blood.—
They are your equals, of natural endown ‘ is of in
tellect, and they feel galled by their deg., date n.—
Our slaves do not vote. We give them no polit
ical power. Yours do vote, and being the major
ity, they are the depositories of all your political
power. If they knew the tremendous secret thai
the ballot box is “strong rthan army with banners”
and could combine, where would you be? Your
society would be reconstructed, your government
overthrown, yonr property divided, not as they
have mistakenly attempted to ini iate such pro-,
ceedingsby meetings in Parks with arms in their
hands, but by the quiet process of the ballot box.—
You have been making war upon us lo our very
hearth stones. How would you like for us to
send lecturers and agitators north, to teach these
people this, to aid in combining, and to lead
them.
Mr. Wilson and others. Send them along.
Mr. Hammond. You say, send them aloug.—
There is no need of that. Your people are awak
ening. They are coming here. They are thun
at our doora for homeateada, one hundred
and sixty acres of land for nothing, and southern
Senators are supporting them. Nay, they are as
sembling, as I have said, with arms in their hands
and demanding work at SI,OOO a year for six
hours a day. Have you heard that the ghosts of
Mendoza and Torquemada are stalking in the
streets of your great cities; that the inquisition is
at hand? There is afloat a fearful rumor that
there have been consultations for vigilant commit
tees. You know what that means.
Transient and temporary causes have thus far
been your preservation. The great west lias been
open to your surplus population, and your hordes
of semi-barbarian emigrants, who are crowding
in year by year. They make a great movement
and you call it progress. Whither? It is progress;
but it is progress towards vigilant committees. The
South sustained you in a great measure. You are
our factors. Y'ou bring and carry for us. One
hundred and fifty millions dollars of our money
passes annually through your hands. Much of it
sticks, and ail of it assists to keep your machinery
tog ther and in motion. Suppose we were to dis
charge you; suppose we were to take our business
out of your hands; we should consign you to anar
chy and poverty.
Y ou complain of the rule of the South; that has
been another cause that has preserved you. YY'e
have kept the government conservative to the great
purposes of government. We have placed her,and
kept her upon the Constitution; and that has been
the cause of your peace and prosperity. The Sen
ator from New Y'ork says that that is about to be
at an end; that you intend to take the government
from us; that it will pass from our hands. Perhaps
what he says is true; it may be—but do not forget
—it can never be forgotten; it is written in the
brightest page of human history—that we, Ihe
slaveholders of the South, took our country in her
infancy, and, after ruling hersixty out of the sev
enty years ot her exigence, we ehall surrender
P. H. ©DXiQ'OTTT, Editor,
her to you without a stain upon her honor, bound
less in her prosperity, incalculable in her strength,
the wonder and the admiration of the world. Time
will show what you will make of her—but no
time can ever dimmish our glory or your respon
sibilty.
Married Politeness.
[There is much of truth, as w ell as of that knid
of philosophy which comes into every day requsi
tion, helping to strengthen and brighten the lies of
social aliection. in the subjortted brief article taken
from the “Ladies’ Enterprise.”]
“YViil you ?” asked a p easant voice.
And the husband answered, “Yes, my dear, with
pleasure.”
It was quietly, but heartily said ; the tone, the
manner, the look, were perfectly natural and very
affectionate. We though', how pleasant that cour
teous reply, how, gratifying it must be to the
wife. Matty husbands of ten years experience are
ready enough wi h the courtesies of politeness to
Ihe young ladies of their acqumitavce, while they
spsak with abrubtness to ihe wife, and do many
rude little things without considering them worth
an apology. The stranger, whom they may have
seen but yesterday, to with deference,
and although the subject may not be ol tiie most
pleasant naHire, with a ready smile , while tbe poor
wife, if she relates a domestic grievance, snttbnd or
listened to with ill-concealed impatience. O! how
wrong this is—all wrong.
Does site urge some request? “O, don’t other
me ?”*cries her gracious lord and master. D es
she ask for necessary funds for Susy’s shoes or
Tommy’s hat? “Seems to me you a e always
wanting money ?” is the hand-.mo retort. Is any
little extra demanded by his masculine appetite, it
Is ordered, not requested.
“Look here,! want you to do so and so; just
see that it’s done ; ’ ana off marc .es Mr. Boor,
with a low n..d a smile of gentlemanly polish a. and
friendly sweetness tor every casual acquain ance
lie ntay chance to recognise.
When we meet with -itch thoughtlessness and
coarseness, our thoughts revert to the kind vo.ee
and gentle manner of ‘be friend wio said, “Yes,
my dear—with pleasure.” “I be., you. parrio ,”
conics as readily to his Ips when by anv little
awkwardness he has disconcerted her, as it would
in the presence ol the most fashionable stn kb r lor
etiquette. This is because lie is a thorough gen
tleman, who thinks his wife in all things entitled to
precedence. -He loves her best; why should be
hesitate to show it; not in sickly, maudlin atten
tions, but in preferring her pleasure, and h..noting
herjjin public as well as private. He knows ber
worth; why should he hesitate to attest it? ‘And
her husband, he praisetli her,” saith Holy Writ;
not by fulsome adultation, n<st bv pushing her
charms into notice, bit! by speaking, as opportu
nity occur-, in a manly way, of her virtues. Though
words may .vein little tilings, and slight attentions
almost valueless, yet, depend upon it, they keep
the flame bright, especially if they are natural.—
The children grow up in a better moral atmosphere
and learn to respect their parents, as they see them
respecting each other. Many a boy takes advan
tage of a mother he loves, btcause he sees often
the rudeness of his father. Insensibly he gathers
to his bosom the same habits, and tbe thoughts and
leeiittgs they engender, and in bis turn becomes
tbe petty tyrant. Only ltts mother, why should he
thank her? father never does. Thus the home be
comes the seat of disorder and unhappiness. Only
lor strangers are kind words expressed, and hypo
crites go out from the hearth-stone fully prepared
to render justice, benevolence, and politeness to
any one and every one but those who have the jus
test claims. Ah ! give us the kind glance, the
happy homestead, the smiling wife and courteous
children ol the friend who said so pleasantly, “Yes,
my dear—with pleasure.”
Hunting and Shooting.
There is an evil existing in this community, of
which some of who reside in the vicinity of Colum
bus, have much cause to complain, because some
of us suffer much from it. 1 mean the indiscrimi
nate hunting and shooting about and upon our
premises.
I know that there are a great many people who
think its not only illiberal but mean for the owners
of plantations to object to anybody’s hunting and
shooting as much as they please upon them, and
some people think they have the right to hunt and
shoot when and where they please. Admit that
the doves and tbe patridges on my plantation be
long to him as much as they do to me—they be
long to me at least as much as they do to him—
The most that he can make out of it is that they
belong to neither of us. Had he the right to go
upon my plantation without my consent and against
my will, ‘0 get what does n..t belong to him ? even
i! he could get it without fur her annoyance or in
jury to me. I think not. If, in order to get that
which does not belong to him, it is necessary to
annoy my family, to make my mules runaway with
the ploughs, and to endanger the life of my stock
and my negroes, I ask if any gentleman does not
feel that here is wrong in it? Does be not feel that
a proper regard for righl, and a proper regard for
what is due from one man to another, should of
‘h’-mseives r. strain him from the exercise of that
privilege. If in addition to that his course g'ves
license to others who, failing to secure a suffic. ent
number of birds to satisfy them, will not be very
scrupulous about shooting down and bearing off
my chickens, and turkeys, the case becomes a lit
tle stronger.
Since the birds are raised on my land, and fed
by tbe proceeds of my labor, it might be a qootiou
with a stickler ab tit. tbe nice distinction of right
and wrong, whether so long as they remain tip.-n
my premises I have not a better title to them than
others; but I waive that. I am willing lor any
body to have them who can get them with >ot an
noying and injuring me. Indeed I wish here was
not a bird upon my plantation, since I atn compell
ed to suffer so much disquiet and annoyance, and
have suffered no little injury from tiie efforts of
others to whom they do not belong to get them
away.
I take this method of bringing this before the
community believing that ail those who are willing
to no as they would be done by, will see it in its
proper Ugllt, and act accordingly. Ag dnst those
who do not recognize, or recog izing, do iot regard
them, ! .mist protect myself as best I may.
Oxe of the Sufferers.
[ Corner Stone.
T he Caoi.net Weighed.
The Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, it appears from
the following, which we find among the items of
an exchange, have been “weighed in the balance:”
“The President’s Cabinet is a weighty one intel
lectually ana physically. Gen. Cass the Premier,
weighs about two hundred pounds; Secretary
Cobb, two hundred and seventeen; Post Master
General Brown one hundred and seventy-seven;
Secretary Toucy one hnudred and eighty-six ; Sec
retary Thompson one hundred and forty-seven;
while Gov. Floyd of Va., weighs only one hundred
nd twenty-nine.
W. H. Chambers, Esq.
It is probably known to most ot the readers of
this paper, that lor the last four months, the engage
ments ot its nominal editor have made it impossi
ble for him to bestow the necessary attention upon
its management, or in fact to do more than con
tribute to its columns an occasional article. Du
ring lhat period, the p tblisher was fortunate enough
to secure the services of William 11. Chambers,
Est j., well known as a highly cultivated gentleman,
an experienced and able writer, and a sound and
reliable politician. In resuming the editorial charge
of the paper, we should be doing injustice not only
to hint, but to our own feelings, if we did not seize
the opportunity to put on record our high sense of
what its readers have not failed to notice.—the abil
ity and success which have marked his brief ca
reer as its editor. Their regret cannot exedfed our
own that his tates and engagement did not permit
his’ highly acceptable services to be permanent
instead of temporary, and that we are reluctantly
forced to occupv once more a place which has
been so much better filled by another, —Eufaula
Spirit of the South.
Number 12