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[From the Republic.] THAT LETETBs rrhe people want to see that letter written to the Toombs’ Convention by Mr. Howell Cobb, and pocketed by the Hon. Hamilcar ! Let the letter be produced. “IT. C.”[ “Who’ll be Governor, Howell? Speak or die!” Shall Charley yet again, as twice before. Run the vaunted champion off the track— That champion, Upon whom Federal Whiggery (With eyes, whose glance saw naught in him, But vile pandering to Northern aggression,) In it* last dying gasp turns with imploring Up-raised hands and humbled in the dust— “ Help Howell, help! we love thee—we adore Thy love of office—thy thirst for power! Thy Conduct in the Speaker’s (’hair! Thy Northern face and truckling spirit! All, all! rivet the chains of our affections. ‘Tis true we once were deadly enemies to thy rising! But now —when Hope had w ell nigh, We feared, forever left our party! Fortune has thrown thee on the wave, And drowning men straws, Are but the reflection of ourselves! We love thee Howell! We love thy loving friend Whoso “Banner” once bore that hated motto ‘‘States” Rights and Satte Sovereignty”—but who now, Hoping, [perchance, to ride into place and power, Ha* followed thee! Thrice welcome are ye both 1 We deeply sympathize with thy “Tugaloo’d friend, And should that Amizon, With deadly weapons armed. Again sek his life, may we be there! Athens and her gallant Marshal shall then see How soon she we’ll transform the “Grey Eyed Jane” Into her proper sphere-dooming a pair of “Bloomers While Holsey dons the Petticoats Jane casts away. Thus relieving Nature Peace will descend And we Dar.say the ‘City’ will again resume Her trade in Chinquapins and “sich.” Mc’s friends in Georgia are waking up! His old “bugle’s” blast K echoes wide the welcome notes! And Howell! we fear the race! Had they but entered an untried horse. We should have no misgivings of thy *j>ecd and bottom; But see the steed! whose four mile jvowers. Have never yet been fully tried! Tls tme he ran in ’4l ’gainst a “Creek War” horse, Who, sanguine of success, “tore the ground mightily” At the start! That “Sugar and (Toffee tax,” however, Was too much “Weight,” and breaking down in Chero • kee, Me cantered home ns fresh ns ever! Thus, Howell, ’twos with “Old Croz;” And we fear much, that when our rank and file lanuti who thou art,"and your dead weight, That curs’d “Proviso” —then we’ll behold Another would be GovKßNon lnid upon the shelf! That Letter, Howell! Let it come! Show your hand! Are not your dearly bought Federal friends strong enough in Georgia To give you 60,000 extra votes? What boots it then. If it is filled with Northern Federal doctrines? Has not the Patriot Hnmilcar endorsed you? Has not the “Pale Star” given you his own right hand? When these glorious exemplars of our party speak, What dog shall dare to ope his mouth ? Then, Howell! stop the yelping of these “fire katino curs,” And let us have “That Letter ” ! I,ct Holsey announce the precious document, I ’ (hr,fearithe glory may be too much for run , - •'* -whisper them— fipc-* hut two , r „ le f “Young”—“Tugaloo!” (the gas wrn And Holsvy will nc himwelt *otv ! ) How<-U! before we part—a word or two By way of exhortation—’tiw thine! Be watchful! Be vigilant! or Ere thou knowest it--that cursed “Proviso'’ Spoken of before— wm ,provide a quietude For you, not bargained for by the “Regency” Nor will your other Frek-Soil acu Gain you friends! Therefore—“lie darkly” and “keep low” Or. all such poiuts just now ! But when yon ris Strain every vocal nerve and muscle to cry “Union” Veal Union U-n-i-o-n—U-u-u-n-i-o-n-n-n If you should faint with great exertion— Let the Pile star’s thrilling voice but reach Your eur! and titter his war cry— “p-h-y-o-h-t” Thus electrified—returned feeling will convey To your every sense the humiliating trutli That you are also yourself again- E. UNIBUS PI.I’RUM | Kilcraneii, Ga., 1831. [From the Griffin Jeffersonian.] UNION AND SECESSION. The following is the order in which Hip thir teen States ratified the federal constitution:— ! 1 Deleware, December 7, 1787 a Pennsylvania, “ 12, “ 3 New Jersey, “ I*, 4 Georgia, January, a, 1788 5 Connecticut, “ f*< 6 Massachusetts, February ti, “ 7 Maryland, April, ‘JB. “ 8 South Carolina, May, 23, it New Hampshire, June, 21, 10 Virginia, June, 2ti, 11 New York, July, 2(i, 12 North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1780 13 Rhode Island, May 2!, 1700 | North Carolina existed as a seperate. State j or nation, for upwards of eight months after the j federal government commenced its operations utlder the present constitution, and Rhode Is- i lane for near fourteen months, and both had they seen fit, might have continued to do so up to the present day. They came into the Union when they got ! ready, but did not come in for any specified time'. On the contrary, New York, Virginia. Rhode Island, and Delaware, expressly reserv ed the right to secede again at pleasure. If I the right was reserved to any, it was reserved ! to all; otherwise the respective States did not j come into the Union on an equal footing. But, say the Submissionists, this is- not a ! question before the people, of Georgia, and why j agitate it ? To this we. would make a Yankee | reply, and ask if disunion is a question before the people of Georgia, yet what question is ag itated more fiercely? Now while the question of disunion was settled by the Convention in December last, and therefore is not before the | people, that of secession remains open, and is of! equally vital importance. Settle the question that a State has the right to secede from the Union whenever a majority of her people will it, and you at once do away all necessity, all de sire, all wish for a disruption of the. Union. The seceding State withdraws peacefully from (he confederacy, and there is an end of the whole matter. But this is not the wish or de sire of our opponents. They must hafe a great ado over it; disruption and revolution or rebellion on the one side, and coercion by Uni ted States troops on the other. They will ad mit of no peaceable withdrawal of a State, when she has been wrouged by unjust laws, and op pressed by superior numbers. No, no; she must be whipped back like a hound puppy into her kennel, and taught to wear the collar and the chain. This is the open and avowed prin e'.ple of thefreesoilers and abolitionists at the North and the Union Constitutional party at the South, and those who do not believe in tWXWtjine had best withdraw from the , par vrly as possible. The State Rights men mtrary, say, the respective States came igknion voluntarily, their respective cit -4 ‘ g the rights of freemen in the act they joined for no specified time; they are free men still, and have a right to leave * whenever they think proper; they contend that the people of the respective States possess their liberty still, are as free ns they ever were and enjoy as much liberty ns they ever did; that they have as good and valid a right to withdraw from the Union as they had to enter it. This is a ques tion of the very first importance to the people of the Southern States. Is it so, or is it not? [From the Southern Ilerald.? SOUTHERN POLITICAL SCHOOL. SECO.N I) FRIDAY—AFTER NOON. “Well, Jacob, my son, I hope you are ready to recite that good lesson. 1 rather expect your catechism is more difficult to memorize as you advance. But, however, as your father wishes to make a‘marvellous proper man’ of you, his desire, is, that you should understand well the minor principles of polities before you are put under the tuition of the lion. Mr. (*'obl>; and as he intends also, that you should understand military tactics in their highest and most perfect order, he wishes that you may have a know ledge, so far as I am able to tench, of the tech nical terms, and finally, to graduate under the auspices of the veteran —Colonel Ilolsey, as West Point is so distant, and he is not able to send you there. You will now, in the first place, explain the nature of a COMPROMISE.” “Well, sir, Howell Cobh and Col. Ilolsev were aspiring to the Gubernatorial Chair— Howell claiming it on account of his statesman ship; and Hopkins for the all-sutiieient reason that he had'fought, bled and died for his coun try.’ As they could not fully agree who should have it, they finally made a cowprumise. of it— Howell to he the Governor, and llopkins to have the honor and praise, while the Banner shall waft from the mast of the ship of State in triumph, and the people proclaim their fame in song, to the tune of Hail Columbia !” “Well, Jake, the next question. What is the first principle of warfare?’’ “It is to have valiant soldiers.” “Can von name anv one who is a valiant sol dier.'” “Yes, sir.” “Well, who is it.'” “Col. Holsey.” “Why do you think so?” “Because he is ready to sacrifice his life on the ‘altar of his country.’” “Can you describe this process of sacrifice?” “Yes. sir.” “Well, proceed.” “It is, sir, to erect an elevated mound of the stones from the ruins of the. self-styled ‘Consfi- , tutional Union Party’ and to build a tiro there on of the timbers that its ‘Platform’ was made of; and then to tie one-of its first offerings with , one of the cords which binds us to the Union, i and cast him into the flames thereof, and let ; him be consumed to ashes, to be wafted bv the j four w inds of heaven. That is sacrificing on the i ‘altar of the country.’” “Why should the Colonel make himself an ottering?” ‘•Because M demoise'le Voting attempted to ; assassinate him on account of his powerful in fluence on the public mind, that he might be ■ got out ot the way. in order that South Caroli , pa,may move on in her work of &eeesrion —and y'lso to promote the glory of Tiignlo.” Jacbb, you may now retire. I roallv do not. think tra^Vi^McH, Uubb wdl ever regret being your tutor; and Col. Hulsey ivlii be made to feel proud that he is a military man ?” Jake went homo so well pleased, and so high ly elated, that he begged his father to go to town on the following day and buy him anew ‘ straw hat and a set of marbles. CHARLES, j _ ! [From the Savannah Georgian.] letter from Gov. Troup to Col. Jackson. We understand that the to Col. j Jackson's election was made at different, points of the District, because of his vote upon the ! Bill making proposals to Texas for a sale to the j United States of a part of her Territory. In this 1 vote, we are pleased to know. Col. Jackson j stands fully sustained by his friend Gov. Tnour. The Colonel addressed a letter from Washing- 1 ton City to Gov. Troup in September 1850, : asking for his opinion—saying that if varying from his own, lie would doubt, but if his own j action were confirmed by Gov. Troup's appro- j bation, he should feel that he was still in the path of duty to the South. He received the fid- i lowing letter from the aged and venerated Statesman in October : and has recently been permitted to give it to the Public.— Gov. Troup to Col. Jackson. Laurf.ns Cos., Ist Oct. 1850. My Dear Colonel. —ls I had been in Congress • and could have voted for a Compromise at all, ; l would have voted as you did. If it had real ly been a Compromise, that is to say, mutual concessions and equivalents in good faith 1 would have voted for the Texas branch of the system. If California had been remitted or divided at I 36 —30, I would have voted for it, (the Texan j members voting for it, and a prospect of Texan ratification.) lint I never could have voted for it under the circumstances which must have in duced you to vote against it. Ist. The original fraud and falsehood of the Executive movement, finally consummated by the Legislature, by which we. were, robbed of the whole of California. 2nd. The spirit in which the Territorial Bills were trained, which equally excluded us from those Territories—it having been declared frank ly by the most, friendly of Northern men, that if we had not already been excluded by Mexican laws, as well as by the. laws of nature, Wilinot Proviso or any other inhibition would have been applied. Their language, was, ‘-they never would yield another square foot of territory to the slave interest,” 3rd. Every concession made, by the South to the North, and no concession by the North to ! the South. They have got all the territory.— The forbearance of the Wilinot is no more a concession than the forbearance to steal your horse at mid-dav would be concession. The Fugitive Bill is only the sacred duty of an honest man to fulfil his recorded obligation, and for the ‘ non-fulfilment of which in past time he ought now to be rotting in prison. 4th. When the concession was thus all on one side, I never could have, thought of making the condition of the injured party yet worse by | taking from that party more territory, for the purpose of making the one w eaker and the oth ! er stronger—more especially could I not have done so when the. great robber had foolishly and wickedly provoked a war, and called upon me, a Southern man, to give him money to buy territory to buy a peace, that territory soon er or later to be used to rob and plunder more, now and in all future time, not only of territo ry, but of every thing which we hold and which they covet. Texas has a. right, if she pleases, even to the detriment of the eo-States having identical in terests, to sell her territory, and with the cer tainty of that territory being used for our an noyance j but you and lof Georgia are under no obligations to aid and abet Texas in W*, however it may redound to her interest, ds |jgl of harm and injury to us. Affectionately; fjwß frhmd * <;.- iM. TKttCP. J •B. Pardon me lor giving reasapj,, ,Mi you have been surfeited with them :yf WashjnK ton, but they are only iq ilUistranmtpJgfeSWY meaning. G. [From the Savannah Georgian.] ‘ MS “State Rights and State Remedies.” ” Messrs. Editors: Apropos to the artiolJtvSi • are publishing under the above caption, penwt j me to furnish you the following views of (i<®- j ernor TkoPp. adfhesisg.d in 18.30.t0 some ! Rights men in Talbot I'mnty,' ’ AVfi lIK'. j deserve, a place alongside the election ! Campaign paper. W&’ \ Yours, &.c. flßvn SOUTHERN RlGH'#,f Gentlemen —The, States are sovi'reiq/i.NOy. they are not. We. prove the affirmative by the Declaration of Independence, and the artielfesjftf ‘ j Confederation—let the Federal party provp the negative, if they can. If a State is sovereign, | can do any thing—it can nullify an act of C|m j gross or seceded: is subject only to the lajv of I nature and nations, which it is hound to respfet. > This exercise of its sovereign power has n'ntljr ing to do with the Constitution, much less with , revolution—it is above the Constitution, bcemfiws ! it has the law of nations for its Constitution, and it van have no connection with rovolu!imi~ because of all acts of human power and autho rity it is most commanding, peaceable, legiti mate and sacred. Our lipponents involve mem- : selves in inextricable difficulty. The/ Federal ists say that the powers of sovereignty have ; been divided between the. Sate and Federal ‘ governments—it'.so, the higher powers having . j been given to the latter, it possesses the great- , er sovereignly, and on that account must be the ! | judge of its own powers, which makes it altso- ; lute. And yet the Federalists admit that, sev- ! e.reignty resides in the people, by which they j : mean tin*, whole people’, of the. United States; when or how they become one-people., they can not explain. The weaker among them are divided in opin ion, some, saving it resides in the United States ’ without being able to show a substantive, dis tinct and independent being called the United, States, and capable of receiving sovereignty; and others, that the Government is sovereign, because the people have vested their sovereign I powers in the Government, as if a Government a mere agent, were capable of receiving sover ! eigu powers. Thus inconsistency follows in- . consistency, and contradiction, contradiction.— If sovereign powers could vest in a Government. 1 that Government, could transfer them to any subject capable of receiving them in virtue .of that very sovereignty. Carolina had a perfect right to do as she did; hut as wo do not .-Sways wisely what we have right to do, I ’aroliim for not acting in : concert with those States having identical inter- i ests—if she had done so, a certain and complete i triumph of the constitution would have been i the result. You perceive, therefore, that (lie denial to a State of absolute .sovereignty, is a surrender of the whole question, as in any aspect of it. the, j Federal Government having the higher attributes ! of sovereignty, can, in no event be checked or restrained or limited by a power possessjugrinly the minor attributes. ‘ L -. Very respectfully ‘j < hI ‘ r- JrVr.u, I)i’ i;i— A challenge JWI Tuesday last, from J. YV. Frost. :of the Crescent, to Dr. Thomas Hunt. ItMAs ! accepted, ami the parties met, on Wedm Kiy> ; on the Metairkvßidge. near the Halfway I, Muse. ! The weapons ehoson were double-barrele Jpdiot • guns, each barrel loaded with a ball—dii ■nice, | forty paces. Before carrying their design I into | execution, in that instance, they were aims ted • by police officers who arrived oil the. ground i whilst the seconds were measuring off the ldis i tance. They were brought before Kecojder | Caldwell, and gave hail for their appearamj* in | his court the following day. Y esterday niyru- S ing they appeared and signed the required lnfyds Ito keep the peace. The result shows that it | was not their intention to suffer the matter to 1 drop then;, for they soon after, accompanied by | their seconds, physicians, and oue friend each, : proceeded down to the ground immediately‘'in j the rear of the U. S. Barracks, to carry out tboir ! original purpose. Their appearance in the Recorder’s office in 1 the morning, lulled all suspicion, and the al opinion was that tin* affair, for the present, bad terminated. What was the astonishment i of our citizens, as flit*, news Hew through/] the city at two o’clock, with almost telegrapluj ra ! pidity, that the parties had fought in theWl/R-e 1 already indicated, and that at the seeotfj fire Mr. Frost had fallen mortally wounded? As j we walked out, about that hour, we. notiedi eiti • zens every where collected in crowds. Tie fa ! tal event was every where the subject of ! their discussions. For some time it was thought the j intelligence, might be premature, but its anllu|i i ticity was soon established beyond a doubtM YVitliont reference to the cause ot the mkl.vii clioly affair, all seemed to regret deeply the; fa tal termination of it. f ( It is unnecessary to dwell at any length! on the subject. We will state, however, a few of the incidents that marked the close of the tpg ic scene. Both parties fired, in the first instance, with out effect. No proposition tor an amicable ar- • ! rangement came from the friends of Mr. Fn.—* j none, of course,could come from the friends of ! I)r. Hunt, as he was the challenged party. The | barrels just discharged were re-loaded, and at j the second fire, Dr. Hunt’s shot took effect; j his ball entered at the right arm-pit of Mr. Frost, I passed through the lungs, and lodged under the I scapular of the left shoulder, lie fell, | wounded, and in some ten minutes expiSSl— j The body was carried off and placed in a rs-om of the barracks. j Mr. Frost leaves an amiable orphan dauglf/A er, some fourteen years of age, to mourn a pat ent’s premature death. —[ A. O* Delta. There were 161 deaths by cholera in St. j Louis during the week ending on the 30th ult. From the 4th April, when the first case occurred j up to the 30th ult. there were 549 deaths hv elm- : lera. From the Ist January to 30th June the j whole number of in St. Louis wits 1902. Fire on- the Cars. —About one o’ clock this ; morning, as one of the workmen employed in the baggage, ear of the Express Passengers TVjrin from Augusta, was attempting to fill a fluid lamp while lighted an explosion took place, binning the matfvery severely and setting fire to the. hag cage. The train was stopped as sooh as puss, lido and the fire extinguished before, it had time'’ : to cause any very material damage. —Manta ■lvtelligencr , July 10. Com. Stockton on Slavery.— Coin. Stockton delivered a speech at Elizabethtown, N. •)., on the 4th inst., when he said, in allusion to new territory : “That the citizens of the South had a perfect right to carry their all such acquisi tions, and k' ov eminent to dm guar J| Till-: TOhnißfS TIMES. (“WEDNESDAY MORNING'JULY lti, 1851. P SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS. 1 “ - *'£*r’ | ” FOR GOVERNOR, Charles j. McDonald. -Of COBB COUNTY. V : FOR STATE SENATOR, B K. HARRISON. K„. OF STEWAKT COUNTY. AIK. COBB’S DEMOCRACY. The nominee of the Federal Administration fori fflbvernor of Georgia, claims to lea Democrat . l!is speech in Columbus, through a large part of it,sounded . as if he was addressing Democrats and nobody else, J ! and some of bis allusions and reminiscences were j I anything but agreeable .t<the multitude of Whig ears that beard him. It is too late in the day for Mr. Cobb j. to fasten hiinsolftbr support upon Democratic sympa thies. Mr. Cobb's own course separates I him from i the Democratic party, sometime before the new is siy y were raised in Georgia on the compromise ques ; tiori. So long ago as the last session of the Georgia I Legislature, it was a topic of serious discussion in the j .Democratic party at Milledgeville whether Mr. Cobb’s Northern arrangements and affinities had not gone to v sirdi a point as to lose him the confidence of the Dcm- J’fVidc party of Georgia. There were members of the party theEJb who believed he was “gone out” from the. Democracy, and who favored an expression j of tb • opinion of the party to limit effect: and who; were in favor of cutting hi (ft and his friends off, as; rnen mi longer to be trusted. John H. Lumpkin (tlie gentleman who has since characterized Southern ■Rights men as “reptiles") was one of these friends.— IfepvaH then a candidate before the Legislature for I Judge. His election hung by a thread. We were present at the time. We then defended Cold) and Lumpkin. IVe thought the suspicions against their Southern fidelity, unjust and far-fetched. We argued that while we thought Mr. Cobb as a Southern man : ought to have signed the Southern address, that bis re fusal to do so was not conclusive of his purpose to take the cour.se which it was then predicted he had started ! in. These views prevailed and Judge Lumpkin & oth- ’ ers of Mr Cobb's sympathizers & friends were elected. I The result proved that the old heads who foresaw the defection of Mr. Cobh and his clique were wiser than j ours. It turned out just as was predicted. Mr. Cobb j soon became so entangled with his Northern alliances, that lie forfeited the entire confidence of the Democ racy of Georgia. He refused even to go with Toombs and Stephens and the large number of Southern ; members in the establishment of a Press at Wash ington to sustain and defend the Rights of the South. He would do nothing —not even help print a Southern newspaper that would east the least suspi- j frion on the integrity of his Northern arrangements. But Mr. Cobb did not stop hery^. n u V'Casiiiugton whicffVirtmil 1y icr uT) a new party, t.** which he rlnttwelf. He raised a test in this new by j necessity, separated him front the Democracy of the South. Jfe therefore voluntarily atmndoned the Do- i mocrafie party of the South to enter into a broader, and as he hoped stronger. National union organiza tion. Wt* allude, of course, to the famous “ union ( pledge” signed at Washington by sixty-eight mem- f hers of Congress. This pledge was known as the ‘ Mutant Assurance Company,'’ and into this com- j pauy, with Clay and YVebster, Foote, Toombs and Stephens, Mr. Cobb embarked his political fortunes. To show that this was not a movement of the Drain- j erotic party , it is only neeessa.iy to glance at the names of the signers. They were fifty nine Whigs and Xinr Democrats. This pledge was a declara tion of war on all men, parties and candidates who 1 did not believe the compromise to be, in the later lan guage of Mr. Cobb, “wise, liberal and just.’’ Now, seven-tenths of the Democratic party of (ieorgia were bitterly opposed to the compromise. They held it to be unwise, illiberal, unjust, unconstitutional and de structive of that principle of equality between sov ereign and independent States united for specified purposes, which was the only bond of a lasting union. Mr. Cobb, then, of his own free will, stepped out of the Democratic party into this new National party. Since that time,the YVhig party at the South lias ; been in fact dissolved—self-dissolved—the Demo cratic party as a mass largely reinforced by a gallant btirfd of Southern Rights Whigs, has become the South ern Rights Party. Mr. Cobb has therefore a party claim on neither Whigs nor Democrats. He has a Idaho nowhere, except on those who believe the com- j promise “wise, liberal and just,”—and if he gets on- j ly the votes of these, lie will be the worst beaten man that ever fell between two stools—for even the Geor gia convention that agreed to acquiesce, expressed its ; -disapprobation of the compromise, and only acquiesced ! as a measure of peace, and on the express condition I that it was to be the very last inch that they were to ■ yield to aggression. Now the past is passed. Georgia has decided.— We cannot recall or upset that decision, however un- 1 wise wo may have deemed it. While we cannot ap- ; ] prove it, we are obliged to acquiesce in it. But the j t eotnes up to Whigs and Democrats— will i youjttand by that decision of Georgia / Will you, 1 by your votes, maintain the pledge of Georgia, to stand no more wrongs, and give the North distinctly so to understand; or will you by electing Mr. Cobb, ; ! tell the North in so many words, we submitted before j for the sake of the union, and we will suhmit again, ! and we give you the pledge of it, by returning for If Governor a man who boldly‘proclaims that under no •toimstanee lias a State a right (we do not spook >f J Wvo lulionn) but a right, to escape from the most in tolerable outrages by peaceably going out of a union that inflicts them. It so happens, in the strange mu tations of party affairs, that the Southern Rights party in this contest, is actually fighting up the “Georgia >-ligform”—is striving to keep the men that made up to their own murk of resistance, and laboring qjfclefeat Howell Gobi), who while he pro - it. virtually repudiates the only ■ .. . 7jp® JsJlhLe of State action, and State re sistan<^|^nHK^^i ,>g ,lm ” “ va P ill ft ! j ’ stjOcctioris <q : f-hraUxNv Union Pi.ej><je. “ The undersigned, members of the 31st Congress of the U. S., believing that a renewal of sectional controversy upon the subject of slavery would be both dangerous to the Union ,antl destructive of its objects, :tnd seeing no mode by which such controversy can he avoided, except by n strict adhe rence to tlui settlement thereof effected by the Compro mise, declare their intention to maintain the said settlement inviolate, and to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid, unless by the general consent of the friends of the measures, and to remedy such evils (if any) as time and ex perience may developc. And for the purpose of inoki ng this resolution effectual, they further'declare that they will not support for the office of President or Vice President, or Senator, or Representative in Congress, or as a member of a State Legislature, any man of whatever party, who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the re newal, in any form, of agitation upon the subject of slavery.’ //enry Clay, 7/owell Cobb, C. S. Morehead. //. S. Foote, Robert 1.. Rose, William Duer, William C. Dawson, James Brooks, Thomas J. Rusk, Alexander //. .Stephens, Jeremiah Clemens, Robert Toombs, James Cooper, M. P. Gentry, Thomas (3. Pratt, //enry \V. //illiard, William M. (i win, F. E. McLean, Samuel A. Klliott, A. G. Watkins, David Outlaw, //.A. Bullard, C. //.Williams, T. S. //nymond, * J. Phillips Phoenix, A. //. Sheppard, A. M. SYhermerhorn, Daniel BrecT,- 4 John K. Thurman, James I. Johnson,’ D. .A. Hnkee. I. IVThompson, Cicorgeji. .Andrews, J. >l. Anderson, W. P. Mangom, Jo'/m It. Kerr, Jeremiah Morn , J. P. Caldwell, 11. I. Howie, Edmund Deberry, K: C. (’Hbell, Humphrey Marshal, Alexander Evans, Allen F. Owen. £-3?” Extract from 11 private letter:—l \v:i nt 1 .iiwmlrs anil Thomas courts. In those counties il'l ;ini not very much nt fault the vote for Col. Jxek.son will In*, donth to the hopes of the orivit ('oiistitiitiimsl Union Humbug Party in the District. Our friends claim 100 majori ty in Lmvnde.s nnd -’OO in Tlnnnas. Theircal ciilntion nccording to ;iiqii'.iranecF, is a very reasonable one for the Southern Rights cause there. \Vc lose no Democrats worth counting', and gain largely from the Whigs. In Thomas fully fine-third, perhaps more. Tn at I.iittki;.—The At hr m Bnnrirr undertakes to explain the contents of .Mr. Cobb's suppressed let ter—says it was not addressed In tile rnnrrntinii. and that there is nothing had in it. Then, why don’t you piih/inh it’ No explanation of the letter is better than the letter itself. Explanations won't do, lot us have the letter. If you do not publish it, the country will ,1 raw the inference that it contains opinions not tit for the public eye. A oriEniEsrE —What it Means.—“We have been much puzzled to understand how the tire-eaters after all that they have said against the compromise, could sav that they i wen* ready to acquiesce in the. compromise and support of the fieontia platform. The Columbus Times of yesterday, however, explains it to our satisfaction. It says: •it < tiie>o\jwg|orii Rights Party) is prepared to stand up to tli# disnijiioii plnnkcfclie Georgia I’latfurp) fvAAI —- That wft spjos- iwowgaßßT which niiXfcrthhm win ynmt up to, and in future we will know whitUlicy mean when they apeak of acquiescing in Ihe Georgia Platform.—[Allimta Republican. \A'-11 sir; do yon stand up tn tin- “disruption plank” ol‘file Georgia l’kitform ? or do you only stick to its riibmisaion partis anil repudiate all of it that even savors of a manly rlofettecof tin; lights and honor of yoiif com l lry ? As for ourself, we have never approved of the Geor gia I’latform, It was in our opinion craven stilmiission i to uronos that can never be exceeded in enormity, 1 covered over by brave words >f future resistance, which those who made them never intended to make good. The fi .regoing paragraph pr. >ves it—every submission paper we take up. proves it, Mr. Cobh’s harangues all prove it. The Union party is the submission par- t ty, and intends to submit tit “ all hazards andto the last extremity.” l’arty is superior to patriotism’ j strong. t than religion, and dearer than home. NEW .MEXICO. Wo are indebted to the politeness of our for- : titer follow citizen. James S. Calhoun, now Gov ernor of New Mexico, for a copy of his mes sage to the first territorial Legislature of that 5 country. It is printed in English and Spanish. It is a plain, business-like document, anil furn ishes somei interesting information on the con dition and prospects of the territory. The begislat tire is composed 11 Senators i anil Representatives. The population, ac cordin'; to the census just taken is 56.084, ex- ; elusive of Indians. The appropriations by the last Congress for the use of the Territory | amounted to $59,700. The Indian relations of ■ the Territory are treated in the message as an in- ; tcresting and critical subject of Legislative, con- ; sideration. The Governor earnestly recommends the ex clusion by law, of free negro population. POLITICS AND BLOOMERS. Our corrospoiiflent “Nelly'” has not read tlio news papers of late, or she surely would not think we hail ii<l much about tlie illooinors—wc mean compara tively ; for it lias been the standing ami absorbing theme of our brothers of the quill ever since the first pair of ankles were exhibited toanad.Nyiring public.— \\ e have felt rather as if we had been wanting in our attention to a topic that has cost so much thought, ink wit and learning. Perhaps this indifference to so in teresting a subject, has grown out of the belief that there was not much danger of the spread of this new Dm in the South. It will be long, we fancy, before the fair matrons and daughters of the South dispense with their graceful, modest and flowing robes to trick out their persons in coats ami breeches. “Nelly” is Sever© on tlie u suhs” but it in the privilege of the fair he piquant. We are happy to he able to assure her* however, that the number of men who will le •erveto conic under her sentence, and wear the Bloom er curtailments, is becoming daily and “beautifully” less.” The old State Rights feeling of Georgia is and powerfully stirred. No one can take even a passing glance at the signs of the tunes without plainly perceiving the throes of a powerful re-action in the public mind. From every seetiqtr of the State, from Cherokee and the seaboard, from the east to the west, the middle and the wiregrass of Georgia, conics up the same tones of determined and! awakened resistance. Men nee that in the hour when they lay down their rights, passively and submis ■ fivcly at the feet of a Northern majority, and throw away the great shield and buckler of State Rights, that, in the self-same hour they take upon their necks the heaviest yoke that human liberties were ever crushed beneath. The dagger ofa Brutus may reach j the heart of a Cir*ar; the bow string of the serf may put an end to the tyranny of a Czar; n Charles Se i cond may be - brought to the block, a James deprived j of his sceptre, or the throne of a Louis Philtippe-be overturned and broken to pieces. But wliat power wto reach the desprtism ofa sectional majority ? Who’ ; can limit and control a tyranny ofmmibcrscompomid |ed of fanaticism and cupidity, animated by sectional j antipathy and flusfn*d with victory ? The New-York Journal of Commerce says that there are counterfeit gold dollars in I circulation in New York, against which mer chants would do well to ho on their guard. They are daily detected, by their specific grav | itv being much lighter than the genuine coin. The U. S. Treasurer announces that ; the public monies on the Ist July, subject to ; amounted to I*J vT ivWrtf 4 $304, lOA.a.i was in the sub-treasujy in Char* i lestdii. ; A letter dated St. Domingo. June 1 tth i says: “the Domineans are now prepared for the ! last battle which is to decide their,fate, or |)tit Port an Prince and Cape Haytien in ashes. If , there are any in the United States disposed to give help they will gain far more than by at tacking Cuba. The Government will deal lit)- ! erallv with all who choo.se to come.” Mortality in Cities.—The following state ment comprises the deaths in some of the At-, lantie cities for the week ending July 5, and ! their proportion to the population': Deaths. Population Proportion* Boston f>2 138,788 1 in 2228 New York 408 517,849 .! in. 1269 Philadelphia 274 350,000 1 in 1277 j Baltimore* 122 169,025 ’ ip 13& ( Charleston 17 43,014 1 in 2530 ; Savannah 9 16,009 1 in 1777 The Savannah Board of Health have /feso/iW. That in the opinion of this Board the City never was healthier than at the present time and that there does not exist ease, of Small I’ox, so far as this Board is informed. [For the Times.] Hunnysidk Ham., July 12th, 1851, Mr. Kditort—From the frequent allusions you make, to other with the nature ‘i jour remarks about the change and style of female r*ross, you have betrayed fears that your own rights might he invaded. And in order to quell that commotion in jour bosom, i am appointed as a delegate from the •* fV'Oman’s (Vmventioii” of <ieor>'ia, to, inform you m>fonsiicration of your vigor<Miggand fearless defenee you are to continue in quiet possession of your ‘’Vf as your conduct has plainly “ r TT^ l ir I/, t mn also to should the fm'sent campaign pr>> * voithe wishei*f the said convention, a regiment of Amazons v i'll be in rocki ness to seize every sulvmissionist who publicly acknowledges Ids willingness to comply with the tyrannical demands of the North, and cause them to he equipped from head to toe in female attire, and sent quietly home to darn the stockings and mind the babies, while the ladies in trowsers go out to retrieve the honor of their State. The convention have resolved that all who so humbly submit, are no longer capable of being the protectors of women; ho we, from thenceforth, declare ourselves to he free and independent. We are not much troubhyi with doubts as to the success of our plans, for he who how s sub missively before the artful cunning of the Yankees, cannot refuse to obey the nil-powerful command of woman, “ Forever since the world began, Its’always heett the way. Fordid not Adam, the very first man. The very first woman, obey ?” NELLY. Judicial Decision.—Jiirigf StrawE rid go at N. Orleans. has dnobled in the case of “tire cotton suit,” th.it a sale of Mcrchniulizo by a transfer on th warehouse books does not a*(>iiKribTte a delivery, for which it is mreeswyr there, should be the weighing, marking, anil setting apart. Under this ruling so much of theeotton as had been weighed, marked ami carted off’ was held by the merchants who had made the advances ; hut so much of the cotton as had not been so delivered is returned tu the vendors who had not been paid. Hon. .If.ffkkron Davis.— A correspondent of the New Orleans Delta, in mentioning the address of this gentleman at the recent Southern Rights Con vention in Jackson, says: “ By-the-by, this man Davis is a riddle to me.— He seldom, if ever, smiles, and yet, by a mesmeric influence as it were, lie sets his audience in a roar of laughter. No tear-drops bedew his tranquil yet piercing eye, and yet he can melt the heart of his im*t obdurate hearer; no perceptible emotion is ever seen to thrill his frame, or tremble in* his tones, and yet, anon is the very breathing of his auditors hushed into, silence, and the heart’s hot blood driven thrilling and electric through every* vein, and the flood gates of voice opened wide,till the enthusiastic shouts frighten tin. winged bat from his fresco aicsta. Apparently stiff,, starchy, and affected, he is yet beloved by the people ns the mother loves her son ; and, though prima facie you mistake him for an icicle, study and observation prove him a genial-hearted prism of the purest kind y iu which is displayed to the astonished beholder all the warm tints and gorgeons hues,of the Christian, the patriot, and the genius. “ I am informed that when lie married the gallant old Gen. Taylor's daughter, the General bitterly op posed the match. When, however, he had learned to apprtMdate the man upon the battle fields of Mexi co, where, with (Quitman and Mississippi's gallant sons, he had twined undying chaplets of fame around her brow, the old (Jeneral remarked, ‘my child wn.* right, the old man was wrong. I >avis was meet to be the husband ofiuy r daughter.’ ” Jennv Rind at Hartford.— A Row in the land nf “Steady Habits." —A dispatch from Hartford, dated the fith, announces Jenny’s concert at Fourth Church on Saturday evening in the following words: The tickets wore run up by speculators to $5 and $lO each. The* audience, nevertheless, filled th* church, and a crowd of 2,000 people, who could n<t get tickets, .assembled around the building. The vvTff- 1 down and blinds of the church wore closed, soils to prevent outsiders from hearing. Tliisexmm.il agn at tumult, and the mob shouted anil cheered so that it was almost impossible for (he audience to hear the singing. Some windows \v*r*> smashed, and oi/* or two kiuMk ‘towns oeourred in the crowd, which did not dis|H*rse for an hour after the concert closed.—. Every one curses the ticket speculator* and the man ner the tickets were disposed of. There is still much excitement; and while I write tl ere ia < r >wd of one * hundred cr more opposite the State House denouncing the swindling operation. The niobutmut tlie church