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J. w. - - - «*»■*• Tufsduy Mornin«. March 15,18 M. Governor Brow« « Mes»a?e. We conclude this morning the public ation „f this long and interesting document, and shall proceed to occupy what space may be allowed us in considering its most prominent ,in,l important features. These relate to the Currency and Military bills, and the bill pro viding for the suspension ot the writ of Habeas Corpus, in ecitain cases, passed at the late session of the Confederate Congress We no tice these in their order. The Governor is of opinion that Congress erred in compelling a large portion of the currency to bes unded m four per cent, bonds, and thinks that the'prop er way to have met the financial crisis was by heavy taxation. We confess that this view' ot *the subject formerly commended itself to our judgment, but we have seen, acknowledged and repented of our error. It were simply impossible by an ad valorem tax upon the property of the country alone, to have re duced the volume of currency to that point to which it was imperatively demanded that i t should be brought. Three hundred millions is the utmost limit that could be raised- by such a tax, and to do this would have bi ought great distress, perhaps bankruptcy upou many people. Estimating the volume of outstanding currency on the first of March inst. at $700,- 000,000 and assuming that the whole of the supposed tax would have been paid in by the Ist of August next, we would have, at the' latter date, iu circulation $400,000,000 plus the amount of treasury notes that would have been issued up to that time since Ist of March. The latter'itein would have nearly, or quite, reached the amount yielded by this tax, so that on the Ist of August we shall still have a currency of $700,000,000 with another year ahead of expansion, inflation, famine prices, &c. (Jan any sane man imagine any other contingency as the result of this state of things than an inevitable and universal financial wreck, involving in its possible consequences the ruin of the cause. The treatment which receives the Governor’s sanction would have answered admirably as a ••preventive, but was powerless to cure. Congress tinkered with the currency until it got almost beyond the reach of remedy, and the only sagacity it ever displayed was in the expiring moments of both. While each was in the agony of diso lution, Congress gave a spasmodic hick and flirted the Currency on its feet. The Governor says that the compulsory funding, in four per cent, bonds, of notes ex pressing on their face a promise that they shall he funded in eight per cent, bonds, is an act of had faith, and a repudiation of one half the debt. We admitit audyetvindicate the wisdom of Congress, “Ahalf loaf is boiler than no loaf at all,” and the plan of the Governor, as a remedial measure, would have ended in total repudiation. It was an act of better faith to hol ders of those notes to compel them to fund in four per cent bonds, or submit to the one third tax, than it would have been to have al lowed them to continue to fund iu eight per cent bonds, to have subjected them to no tax at all, or a moderate one, and thus necessiated the further issue of hundreds, perhaps t hous ands, of millions of dollars. The former policy will preserve and make good at least a portion of the debt; tlie latter would have conducted irretrievably to a repudiation of the whole. We must defer remark upon other-subjects embraced in the Governor’s message to an other issue. GOV. BROWN’h MESSAGE CONCLUDED. The Confederate States oan, therefore, with confidence, submit their acts to the judgement of mankind; while with a clear conscience they appeal to a just Cod to maintain them in their course. They were ever true to the compact of the union so long as they remained members obit— their obligations under it were ever faith fully performed and no breach of it was ever laid at their door, or truly charged against them. In exercising their un doubted right to withdraw from the Union when the covenant had been broken by the northern States, they sought, no war— no strife —they simply withdrew from fur ther connection wtth self-confessed, faith less confederates. They offered no injury to them—threatened none—proposed none —intended none. It' their previous un ion with the southern States had been ad vantageous to them and our withdrawal affected their interests injuriously, they ought to have been true to their obliga tions. They had no just cause to com plain ot us, the breach of the compact was by themselves--the vital cord of the un* ion was severed by their own bands. After the withdrawal of the (!onfeder ate States from the Union, if these whose dereliction of duty had caused it, had reconsidered their own acts and of fered new r a: arances tor belter faith in future, the question would have been ful ly and justly put to the seceded States, in their sovereign capacity, to determine whether, in view of their past and future interest, and safety, they should renew the union with them or not,- and upon what terms and guarantees; and if they had found it to be their interest to do so, upon any terms that might have been agreed upon, on the principles assumed at the be ginning, that it was for the best interest of all the States, to be bound by some Com pact of union, with a Central Covernuient of limited powers* each State faithfully perlolining its obligations, they would doubtless, have consented to it. But if they bad found it to be their interest not to do it, they would not, and ought not to have done it For the first law of nature as applicable to State sand communities, as to individuals, is self-protectiou and self-preservation. Possibly anew government might have been formed at that time, upon the basis of the Germanic Confederation, with a guaranty of the complete sovereignty of all the separate States; and with a central agent or government, at* more limited pow ers than the old one; which would have been us useful tor defence against foreign aggression, and much less dangerous to the sovereignty and the existence of the Slide; tli.n Iho old one, when in the bands of abolition leaders, bad proved ies.di' to be The length of time for which the Ger manic Confederation hud existed, has proved that its strength lies in what might have been considered its weakness, the I generate Sovereignly of Hie individual ! members* and the very limited powers ot the central government. In taking the step which they were forced to do, the Southern Stat&j were caveful not tp provoke a conflict of arms, or any serious misunderstanding with the States that adhered to the government at : Washington, as long as it was possible to avoid it.° Commissioners were sent to Washington to settle and adjust all uiat , ters relating to their past connection or j joint interests and obligations, justly, hon i orably.and peaceably. Our Commision ers were not received—they were denied the privilege of an audience—they were not heard; but, they were indirectly trifled i w ith, lied to, and misled, by duplicity as j infamous as that practiced by I h uipol j Spain, towards the peace Commissioners j se nt by Elizabeth to England. They ! were detained and deceived with private I assurances of a prospect of a peaceful set | tiement, while the most extensive prepara tions were being made for war and subju | gation. When they discovered this they j withdrew, and the Government at Wash ington continued it vigorous preparations to reinforce it garrisons and hold posses, sion of our forts, and to send armies to in vade our territory. Having completed this preperation for war and refused to hear any proposition for a peaceful adjustment of our difficul ties, President. Lineold issued his procla mation declaring Georgia and the other seceded States to be in rebellion, and sent forth his armies of invasion. In rebellion against whom or what? As sovereign States have no common arbiter to whose decision they can appeal, when they are unable to settle their difference amicably they often resort to the sword as the arbiter and as sovereignty is always in dignity, the equal of sovereignty, and a sovereign can know no supeiior to which allegiance is due one sovereign may be at war with another, but can never be in re bellion against another. To say that the sovereign State of Georgia is in rebellion against the sover eign State of Rhode Island, is as much an absurdity, as it would he to say that the sovereign State of Russia was in rebellion against the sovereign State of Great Brit ain in their late war. They were at war with each other, but neither was in rebel- I lion against the other; nor indeed could be for neither owed any allegiance to the other. Nor could one of the Sovereign States be in rebellion against the government of the. United States. That government was the creature ol the States by which it was created; and they had the same power to destroy it at pleasure which they had to make it. It, was their common agent with limited powers, and the States by which the agency, was created, had the undoubt ed right when it abused these powers to withdraw them. Suppose by mutual con sent all the States in the Union had met in convention, each in its separate sov ereign capacity, and had withdrawn all the delegated powers from the federal government, and all the States had re fused to send Sauators or Representatives to Congress or to elect, a President, will any sane man question their right or deny that such action of the States would have destroyed the federal government? II so the federal government was the creature of the States and could only exist at their pleasure. It lived and breathed only by their consent. It ah the parties to the compact, had the right by niutal consent, o resume the powers delegated by them to the. common agent, why had not part of them the right, to do so when the oth ers violate the compact —refuse to be bound longer by its obligations, and there by released their copartners? The very fact that the States by which it was for med, could at any time by mutual consent disband, and destroy the federal govern ment, shows that, it had no original inher ent sovereignty or jurisdiction. As the creature of the States’ it had only such powers and jurisdictions as they gave if; and it held what it had at (heir pleasure. If therefore a Stale withdrew from the Confederacy without just cause, it was a question for the other .sovereign States to Consider, what, should be their future relations towards it; lmt it, was a question of which the federal government, lmd not the shadow of jurisdiction. So long as Georgia remained iu the Union, if her cit- zens had refused to obey such laws of Congress, as it had constitutional jurisdic tion to pass, they might have been in re; hellion against the federal governua.ent { because they resist t lie authority over th cm which (Georgia had delegated to that government, and which with her consent ;it still possessed. But if Georgia. for just cause, id which she was (lie judge, chose'to withdraw from tho Union and resume the attributes of sovereignt y which she had de ated to the United States Government, her citizens could no longer .be subject to the laws of the Uuion, and no-longer guilty ay rebels if they did not obey them. It-eoiil.i be as justly said that the principal, who has delegated certain limited powers to his agent, in the (ran aedon of his bushier , which iii- lias afterwards withdrawn on ac count o. their abuse by the agent, is in tab. Il ian against the agent; or that the master is in rebellion against his servant; or the land lord against his tenant, because he has with drawn certain privileges for a time allowed life in, as that Georgia is in rebellion a-euim-t her tonner agent, the government of the Uni ted States. These 1 understood to be the great funda mental doctrine of our republican form of gov ernment: so ably expounded in the Virginia and Kentucky lesolulions of 1798 and 1799 : which have ever since been a text book of the true republican party ot the United States. Departure from these principles, has destroy ed the federal government, and been the pro lific cause v»i all our woes. Out ot this cl«-- pin t m e has sprung the doctrine of loyalty and : disloyalty of the States to the federal govern- j m«mu, from which come ostensibly this war ] against us; which is itself at war with the \ first principles ot American constitutional lib- j vrty. It involves tin* interests, the future! safety and welfare of those States now deem ed loyal, as well as those pronounced disloyal. . It is lb.- doctrine of absolutism tevived in it? j worst turn. It strikes down the essential j principles of self-government, ever held so j sacred in onr past history ; and to which all j the States were indebted for their unparalleled j career, in growth, prosperity, and greatness. . so long a? those principles were adhered to j and iti tin* lined inviolate. if carried out. and estnldished, its end can be nothing but centralism and despotism. Ii ami its Krai corollary- the policy, of forcing j sovereign States to the discharge of their con- j stitutiomil obligations, were foreshadowed by j I'resident Lincoln in his inaugural address. .Now at ihe time of the delivery ol this in augural address it was well known to him, that the faithless dtates above alluded to ; iiud to whose votes in the electoral college he was indented tor his election, had tor y- ar . been in open, avowed and determined viola tion of their constitutiona l ob igatioaS. . 1 life he well knew, and he also knew, that the seceded States had withdrawn from the Tuion be, .use of this breach ot filth on the par o the abolition States, and other anticipated ; violation more dangerous threatened the j 3.0 - quarter. Yet without a word ot re buke, censure, or remonstrance, with them, for their most flagrant disloyalty the consti tution and their disregard ol their most sacred ; obligations under it. lie then threatened and now wages war against us, on the ground ol j our disloyalty, iu seeking new safeguards for onr security, when the old ones failed. And j the people of those very States,, whose disloy- j al hands had severed the lies ot the Union j breaking one of the essential parts ol the ; compact have been, and are his most furious j myrmidons, in this most wicked and unjust j crusade against us, with the view to compel the people of these outraged States to return to the discharge ol their con stitutional obligations ! It may be gravely doubled if of the world can furn ish an instance of grosser perfidy or more shameful wrong. But while the war is thus waged, profess edly under the paradoxical pretext ot restor ing the Union that was a creature of consent, bv force; and of upholding the Constitution by coercing sovereign States, yet its real ob jects, as appears most obviously every day, are by no means so paradoxical. The Union un der the Constitution as it was, each and every State being bound faithfully to perform and discharge its duties, and obligations, and the central government confining itself within the sphere of its limited powers, is what the au thors, projectors, and controllers, ol this war never wanted ; and never intended, and do not now intend to maintain. Whatever differences of opinion may have existed at the commencement, among our own people as to the policy of secession, or the objects of the federal government, all doubt has been dispelled by the Abolition Proclama tion of President Lincoln and his subsequent action. Maddened by abolition fanaticism and deadly hate for ‘the white race of the South, he wages war not tor the restoration of the Union—not for the support ot the Con stitution —but for the abolition of slavery and the subjugation, and as he doubt 1 desires, ultimate extermination of the anglo-Normau race in the .Southern States. Lleai'ly.beloved by him as are the African race, his acts are prompted less by love ol them, than by Puri tanic halo by the Ca\aliers, the Huguenots and Scotch Irish, whose blood courses treeh through the veins of the white population of the South. But federal bayonets can never reverse the laws of God, which must he done before the negro cun be mad." the equal ot the white man of the Mouth. Tim freedom sought for them by the abolition party, if achieved, would result in their return to barbarism, and tlieir ultimate extermination from the soil where most of them were born, and were comfortable and contented, under the guard ian care of the white race; before this wicked crusade was commenced. What have been the abolition achievements of the administration? The most that has been claimed by them, is that they have taken from their owners and set free IOO,t)00 negroes. What has t his cost the white race of the North and South? More than half a million ot white men slain 'Or wrecked iu health beyond the hope of recovery, and an expenditure ol not perhaps less than lour thousand millions of dollars. What will it cost at this rate to. liberate nearly 4,000,000 more of slaves? Northern accounts of the sickness, suffering and death which have, under Northern treat ment, carried off so large a proportion of those set free, ought to convince the most fanatical of the cruel injury they are inflicting upon the poor helpless African. The real objects of the war aimed at from the beginning, were and are, not so much the deliverance of the African from bondage, as the repudiation of the great American doc trine of self-government; the subjugation o t tn<- pt-opie of these States, and the confisca tion of property. To carry out their lull purpose by misleading some simple minded folks, within their own limits, as well as ours, perhaps, they passed in the House ot ltepre entatiyes ui the. Federal Congress a short time since these famous resolutions : Were solemn mockery, perfidious baseness, un mitigated hypocvicy, and malignant barbarity, ever move conspicuously combined, and presented for the just condemnation of a right and think ing world, than they are in this resolution, passed by the abolition majority in the Lincoln Congress? Think of the members from Massachusetts and Vermont, voting for the most vigorous prosecu tion of the war, until the Constitution and laws shall be enforced and obeyed, in parts of the Uni ted States. Think of tho acts of the Legislature of Massachusetts, passed in 18 Id and 1859, still standing upon her statute hook, setting at defi ance the ConsttThtioii and laws. What would be come of their members themselves, who have up held and sustained tlu-se violations of the Consti tution and laws, which is the chief reason why ihc\ held their seats, by the votes of their constit uents, if the war should be so waged? How long would it be before they would ground their arms ot rebellion against the provisions of the Constitu tion which they’ have set at naught, and give lip their royal support? What would become of their President and their Cabinet; and all who from the beginning of the war, and before that time, have been trampling the Constitution under their feet ? Were the war waged as they thus de clare it to he lheir purpose to wage it, they would be the first of the sword, were first turned, as ii ought to he. against the first defenders. — This they know full well. Obedience to tin: Con stitution, is tin: last thing they want or intend. Hence the mockery, baseness, 'and hypocrisy, of Mich a declaration of puupfse. On their part, it is a war of most wanton'and savage aggression ; on our’a, a war of defense of inalienable rights ; in defense of everything for which freemen should live, unit for which froemen may well lie willing ! i<> die. “.That a >.;ir country and the very existence of the 1.0. i g.uenminit ever instituted hy man, is im|icriied, hy the most causeless and wicked re bellion; that the only hope of saving i heir coun try and presen ing this government is hy the pow er of the sword, wo are for the most vigorions pros ecution of tlm war, until the constitution and laws shall he enforced and obeyed, in all parts of the armistice, >.r intervention or mediation, or propo sition for pec ae, from any ipiartev. so long as there shall be found a rebel in arm - agonist the gov- I moot and we ignore all party name lines and is | iocs, and recognize hut two pur tie s in this war— : patriot-’ and traitor 0 .” The inestimable rights of self-government and State anvere'e-nty for which their fathers and nur fathers bk-d and suffered together, in | the struggle with England tor independence. ; are tilt 1 same for which we are now engaged, iu tlrls most unnatural and sanguinary strug gle with them. Those rights are as dear in !ihe people ol'.these S.ates ns tluy were in ! those who achieved them, and **n account ot the great cost of. the achievements, they are the more pieciously cherished by those to whom thev were bequeathed, and will never )w surrendered or abandoned at less sacrifice ! It no proposition for peace or armistice is i to be received or enlertaiued, so long as we hold arms in our bauds to defend ourselves, j our homes, our hearthstones, our altars, our birth -light, against such ruthless and worse j than vandal invaders ; l»e it so! We deem it due, however, to oursplves, to the civilized world, and t<> those, who shall come after us, j to put upon record what we are lighting for, ; and let all know who may now or hereafter 1 leei an interest in knowing the* real nature of - conflict, that the heavy responsibility of i such suffering, desolation ami carnage, may j rest where it rightfully belongs. It is believed that many of the people of the : Northern S;aie-\ labor under the impression that no proposition for peaceful adjustment ; have ever been made by us. President Lincoln in his letter to the “Un- j conditional Union ’ meeting of Springfield lass j summer, stated m substance, that no propo sition fur a peaceful adjustment of the matters in rile, had e\ er been inluie to him by those . who were in control o! the military forces of the Confederate States, but if any such should be mude, he would entertain and give it his consideration. * This was doubtless said to make the impres sion on the minds of those not well informed, that the responsibility q{ the war was with ua. This declaration of President Lincoln stands iu striking contrast with that above quoted from the republican members ot the House of Representatives When this statement was made by Presi dent Lincoln, it was well known to ram that our commissioners, seui to settle the whole matter in dispute peacably, were refused a hearing! They were not even permitted to present their terms ! This declaration was also made soon after it was well known, throughout the Confederate States at least, that a distinguished sou of this State who is a high functionary of the govern ment at Richmond, bad consented, as military commissionary, to bear a communication in wilt ing from President Davis, the Commamler-iu -1 chief, of our armies, to President Lincoln him | self; with authority to confer upon matters herein : set forth. This Commissioner sent from the head | u s our armies, was not granted an audience, nor ; was the communication he bore, received. That | communication, us was afterwards known, related { to divers matters connected with the general con ! duet of the war, its nature however, or to what it ! referred, President Lincoln uidjnot know when he j refused to receive it. But from what is now known j of it, if he had heard what terms might have been j proposed for the general conduct of the war, it is reasonable to conclude that the discussion of these and kindred topics, might have led to some more definite ideas of the aims and objects of the war i on both sides, from which the initiative of peace ful adjustment might have sprung; unless his real purpose he; as it is believed to be, nothing short of the conquest and subjugation of these State-'. His announcement, that Ids offer of terms of adjustment Jhad never been made madejjto him, is believed to be an artful pretext on his part, to cover and hide from the people over whom he is I assuming such absolute sway, his deep designs I first against our liberties, and then against their’s. how risccu shoved be sought. In view of these difficulties, it may he asked, when and how is this war to terminate? It is im possible to say when it may terminate : but it is easy to say how it will end. We do not seek to conquer the Northern people, and if we are true to ourselves, they can never cenquor us. We do not seek to take from them, the right of self-gov ernment, or to govern them, without their consent. And they have pot force enough to govern us with out our consent, or to deprive us of the right to govern ourselves. The blood of hundreds of thou sands may yet bo spilt, and the war will not still be terminated by force of arms. Negotiations will finally terminate it. The pen of the rilaiesmun, more pot€»t than the sword of the warrior, must do what the latter has failed to do. But I may be asked how negotiations are to commence, when President Lincoln refuses to re ceive commissioners sent by us, and his Congress resolves to hear no imposition for peace? 1 re ply, that in my opinion, it is our duty to keep it always before tfie Northern people, and the civ ilized world that we are ready to negotiate for peace, whenever the people, and government of the Northern States are prepared to recognize the declaration of Independence, maintained by our ancestry —the right of seif-government and the sovereignty of the States. In my judgment it is the duty of our government after each important victory, achieved by our gallant and glorious armies, on the battle-field, to make a distinct pro position to the Northern government for peaco upon these terms. By doing this, if the propo sition is declined by them, we will hold them up constantly in the wrong, before their own people, and the judgment of mankind. If they refuse to receive the commissioners who bear ibe proposition, publish it in the newspapers, and let the conduct of their rulers be known to the people ; and theje is reasonable to hope that the time may not he far distant when a re turning sense of justice, and a desire for self-pro tection against despotism at home will prompt the people of the Northern States to hurl from power those who deny the fundamental principle upon which their own liberties rest,and who can never be satiated with jhmnan blood. Let us stand on no delicate point) of etiquette or diplomatic core niony. If the proposition is rejected a dozen times, let us tender it again after the next victory—-that the world be reassured from month to month that we are not responsible for the continuance this up devastation and carnage. Let it be repeated again and again to the North ern people that all we ask is that they recognize the great principle upon which their own govern ment rests, —the sovereignly of the .Stales, and let our own people hold our own government t<> strict account for every oncroactameiit upon this vital principle. Herein lies the simple solution of all these troubles. If there beany doubt, or anv question of doubt, as to the sovereign will of any one of all the States of this Confederacy, or any border State whose institutions arc similar to oars not in the Confede racy, upon the subject of their present or future alliance, let all armed force be withdrawn, and let that sovereign will be fairlyvcxpresml at the ballot box, by the legal voters of the State j and let all parties abide by the decision. Let each Slate have and freely exercise the right to determine its own destiny, in its own way.— This is all that we have been struggling for from from the beginning. It is a principle that secures ‘‘rights, inestimable to and formidable to tyrants only.” Let both governments adopt this mode of set tlement, which was bequeathed to thorn by the great men of the Revolution, and which has since been adopted by the Emperor Napoleon as the only just mode for the government of States r even province, and the ballot box will soon achieve what the sword cannot, accomplish—restore peace to the country and uphold the great doctrines of Stale sovereignty and constitutional liberty. If it is a. quest km or strife whether Kentucky or Maryland, or any State, shall cast her lot with the United States, or the Confederate States, there is no mode of settling it so justly with so little cost, and with so much satisfaction to her own people a to withdraw alt military force from her -limits, and leave the decision not to the sword, but to the bal lot box. It she should decide for herself to abol ish slavery and go with the Kuril), the Confederate government can have no just cause for complaint, for that government had its origin in the doctrine that all its ‘'just powers are derived from the con sent >.f tho governed,” and we have no right to in sist on governing a sovereign State against her will. J?oi if she should decide to retain her insti tutions 4 ud go with the South, as we doubt not she will when the question is fairly submitted to her people at the polls, tlie Lincoln government must acquiesce, or it must repudiate and trample upon the very essential principles on which it was found • ed, and which* were carried out in practice by the fathers of the republic for the first half ceil try of its existence. What Bmithcrn inau can object to this mode of settlement? It is all that Souih Carolina,-Vir ginia, or Georgia, claimed wimp .-.he seceded from the Union. It is all that either has at auy r time claimed, and all I hat either ever can justly- claim And what friend ofiSouthern Independence fears the result ? What jlias the Abolition government done to cause the people of the Southern States to desire to reverse hi-tfdecision, and turn ingluriously to its embrace? Ate we afraid llie people of any seceded State will desire to place the State back in the Abolition union, under the Lnc-oln despot ism. after it has devastated Ilnur field \ laid wa-tc lheir country, burned their cities, .slaughtered their sons, ami degraded their daughters? There is no reason for such fear. But l may be told that Mr. Lincoln has repu diated this principle in advauca, that i! is idle I atfuiu to tender a settlement upon these terms. — i This ip no reason we should withhold the repeated ! renewal of the proposition. Let it be made again I and again, till the mass of the Nmrlieru people ' understand it, and Air. Lincoln cannot continue to j stand before them and the world, stained with the i blood of their husbands, and lheir fathers, andin : sist, when:? proposition so fair is constantly ten ’ tiered, that thousands of new victims shall still j continue to bleed tjo gratify' his abolition ianati , eism, satisfy his revenge-, and serve his ambition to govern these States, upon tho decision of one ten ih ot the people ii,i his favor, against the other ; nine-tenth'*. ' Let the Northern and Southern min.l he brought : to contemplate this subject in all it- magnitude; ami while there may ,be extreme men on the North ; era side, .satisfied with nothing less than the subju gation of the South, amt the confiscation of our prop i ert.s : and like extremists on the Southern side, whose morbid sensibilities are shocked at the me tion of the negotiation or the renewal of an offer by us for settlement upon any terms, 1 cannot doubt that the cool-headed thinking men on both sides of 1 the line, who are devoted to the great principles of j self-government and State sovereignty, including the sear-coved veterans of the army, will finally set , tie down upon this as the true solution of the great problem, which now embarrasses so many millions of people, and will find the higher truth between the two extremes. If, upon the sober second thought, the public sen timent North sustains the policy of Mr. Lincoln, when he promises, by the power of the sword, to place the great doctrines of the Declaration ofln dependeneuce and the Constitution of his country under his feet, and proclaims his purpose to govern these States by militiry, when he shall have ob- I turned the consent olf one-tenth of the governed, ' how-can the ..me.pu|blie sentiment condemn him, • if, at the head ol his Vast armies he shall proclaim j himself Linpet ur of the whole country; and submit | the question to the vote of the Northern people, and when lie has obtained, as he could easily do. the vote of one-tenth in his favor, he shall insist on hi? right to govern them as their legitimate sovereign? if he is right in the ope ease, he would unquestion ably be right principally in the other. If he may rightfully continue the war against the South to sustain the otic, why may he not a ■ viylitlully luin j hi.* itrinics asrin'u*t the to jii.-li tno other . , But the timid among ms may say. how arc wc lo meet and repel his armies, if Mr. Lincoln shall con - tinue to reject these terms. :iud shall be sustained by the sentiments of the North? as he claims not only the right to govern us. but he claims to take from usall that we have. The answer is plain, bet every man do his duty. ! and lot us as a people {dace our trust in God, and ; we shall certainly repel lus assaults and aehieveour | Independence, and if true to ourselves, and to po.- j terity, we shall maintain our Constitutional liberty I also. The achievement of our Independence is a great object, but not greater than the preservation of Constitutional liberty. The good man cannot read the late proclamation of Mr. Lincoln without being struck with theresem bianco between it, and a .-imilar one, issued several years ago by Ben had ad, king ot Syria. That wick ed king denied in others the right ot seli-goveru ment, and vaunting himself in numbers, and put ting his trust in his chariots and horses, he inva ded Isroal and besomed .Samaria with an over whelming force. When (lie king ot Isreal, with a small band, resisted his entrance into the eitv. the Syrian king sent this message "Thou shall deliver me thy silver and gold and thy wiv es. and thy chil dren: yet I will send my servants unto thee to-mor row about this time; and they shall search thy house and the houses of thy servants; and it shall be. that whatsoever is pleasant in thine eyes, they shall put in their hands and take it a way.” The king of Isreal consulted the Elders, after receiving the arro gant message, and replied; "This thing 1 may not do.” Benhadad enraged at this reply, and confi dent of his strenffth sent back and said: "The gods do so to me, ami more also, it the dust of Samaria shall suilioc, lor handfuls, for ail the people that follow me." The king of isreal answer ed and said: "Tell him, let not him that girdeth on his harness, boast himsell as be that putteth it off.” The result was that a small band of Israelites, guided by Jehovah, attacked the Syrian armies and routed them with great slaughter; and upon a sec ond trial of strength the Syrian armies were distroy ed and their king made captive When Mr. Lincoln, following the example of this wicked king, and reiving upon his chariots and Ids horsemen, and his vast armies, to sustain a cause equal I v unjust, proclaims to us, that allwekuvois his, and that he will send his servants whose num bers are overwhelming, with arms iu their hands to take it, and threatens vongence if we resist, let us —"Tell him, let not him that girdeth his harness boast himself as he that putteth it oft. '.The race is not to the swift,por the battle to the strong. God is the judge he putteth down one and setteth up another. ’ Not doubting the justice of onr cause, let us stand in our iillotted places arid the niiineol Hi in who the hosts of Heaven and the armies of Earth, let us ehntinue to strike for- liberty and independence, and our efforts will be ultimately crowned with triumph ant success. J- E. BROW N. TEIEGP.APHIO. Reports of the Press Association. Entered according to act of Congress in the year IStiu, by J. S, Thkashkk, in tlie Clerk’s office of the District Court oi l tie Confederate States lor the Northern District of Georgia. Richmond, Marli 14.—Vague rumors of a speedy recognition of the Confederacy, .under which the Confederate Loan a valu ed to off, were current in London on the lffth ult. The London Bust men tioned the rpport on the 2-lth and reiterated it on the gotfi. Up to the time of the departure of the last steamer the report had not been contradicted. lon, messenger from Minister Dayton, arrived in New York on the Bth. with dispatches and proceeded immediately to Washington. He stated to friends that the Emperor had announced his conclusion that something should lie done with a view of termina ting the civil war, which had waged long enough without any definite results. The reported recognition excited very little at tention in this community; scarcely the topic of con versation. Orange C. IL, March 1-1. —Washington Chronicle of the lffth contains Seward’s celebrated letter of July 11th, to Minister Adam. . It says the United States Government will be satisfied with the decision in the Alevandria ease, if it be affirmed by the high est Courts. If it is affirmed it becomes Parliament to pass laws to prevent tlie fitting out of similar ves sels; if this is not done the United States vessels will be compelled to pursue vessels of this character even into British Ports. This may lead to a war with Great Britain, who alone will be responsible. Davis, of Ky„‘introduced in the scnatc£a resolu tion that no negro or person, whose mother or grand mother, is a negro, shall be a citizen eligible to office and that Main and Massachusetts constitute one .State, to be called East New England, and that Ver mont, New Hamsliire and Rhode Island constitute another .State to be called West New England. Harrisburg. March 14. —We have Baltimore pa pers of the 10th. The Washington correspondent of the Philadel phia Enquirer says a special messenger from Day ton, Minister to Prance, had arrived. Nothing was known officially of the dispatches, but lie told his friends that France had determined to recognize the Southern Confederacy, The report was generally belied in Baltimore and occasioned great rejoicing among the friends of the South in that city. Dalton, Narch 14. —Northern papers state that Adjutant Gen. Thomas is at Nashville pushing forward the work of organizing negro troops. Several re-enlisted regiments ha ve passed through Nashville returning to the field. • Sherman’s command was at Vicksburg on the Bth preparing for another grand movement; Chattanoo ga will probably be their .destination. The Yankees are much alarmed in regard to Longstreel’s whereabouts, one account represents him en route for Lee, another for J dinston. Much alarm is l'elt at the threatening aspect of England and -France. Mobile, 14. —Telegraph communication has been re-established to Jackson, and North to Senatobia and Waterford; South to Brookhaven. An arrival from New Orleans reports the death ot Mrs. Gen. Beauregard. Meridian; March 14.— Advices from Jackson re port Gen. Sherman moving down the river from Vicksburg with troops. It is supposed that he is going up Red River. Gov. Clarke has ordered a meeting of the Legisla ture at at Macon on the 21th inst. Telegraph working as formerly in Mis.- i -.-ippi. Ail damage done the line by the Yankees has been re paired. A large force is at work on the railroads repairing and going forward rapidly. Reutova i. The Agency Bank SUife Georgia has been re moved to the tjflico lu-retofupe occupied by the Agency Bank Savannah. J. M. WATT. marls 3t Agent. (U JA RT Ell M AST EK \S DEI' A BTJ/KXT, { Columbus, March 11, iStif. i All creditors of this Hep .jtment are 'notified that their accounts and all :p;. i qiny debts (o f !*p .‘list 3/arch, will be paid in tiio present Confederate currency. F. W. DILL Alt D, mat la till Jlst inst Dunitei master. CVi r i>eii t e »** Wa as ie<i, TWENTY CARPENTERS to work on the new 1 Boat bi. low. tho Navy Yard, for which the hr.he t wages will boyiven. Apply to JO.SFI'H HAN SERB, niariotf TO PRINTERS! I am prepared to furnish a superior article of HOLLERS made of the BEST CO M POSITION, if ifIOVJLDK anil STOFMv.S are sent me, and ship them neatly and safely packed. Or 1 can furnish COMPOSITION in quantities which only requires to ’he MELTED AND POURED to insure good ROLLERS. All bills are cash on delivery here, un less shipped by Express, then C. O. I). ALFORD ZORKOWSKi. marlotf i* £ nt: M auiiihHor y. THE IIXDEESIUNED i sprepared to fill all order o for €3r Xa 'O’ 23 of a superior quality. All orders must be ad.ires, ed to the undersigned wifhtthe money enclosed, unless ordered by Exprc c -\ w hen orders will be nlied and j with V. O. D. | ALFORD ZORKUWSKI. ma- 1 15 ts CITY MATTERS. T. .1 JU liSO\, IMifoi I'or ( lifflßiUuuclicc. The steamer Jackson, Fry Master, will leave|fur the above nod all iutcimediate landing Tuesday morning at ff o’clock. Con Er.Oh.nATK M lxstiu: i.s.— -4 be mu Ac-loving portion of our citizens will be pleased to ascertain that this popular troupe will again appear on run boards to-night. Me learn that the corps lms made some line improvements since their lu.-t ap pearance. and will be able to present a perfect treat in the way ol song, wit and burlesque. They have secured the services ot" Mr. H’Biien, one ol tlie finest singers in iho Confederacy to assist them >ui this occasion. As this gentleman has sung to crowded houses in Richmond, Augusta and Macon, we opine that his appearance with the Coniude rates to-night will be a decided feature in the En tertainment. The inimitable “Bones" will also appear who is a regular host in himself, il.o crowded state ofour columns precludes a move ex tended notice at present. An Important Salk. — At the important .dock sale of Ellis. Livingston A Cos., on Saturday lust the following prices were realized : 2 shares Southern Cotton A Steamship Company, L. Murrett, Agt., per share, $1 400 a shares Central It. R. stock, " “ t,(| o 10 shares S M r R R stock, 11 sharer. Aug 1 Sav R R stock, “ 10 shares A & Gull R R stock, “ “ ‘ ll ' l l SIOOO bond, $15,000,000 loan, 1 6 shares M&GIt It stock, “ “ 120 45 shares Muscogee Rll stock, " " 20 shares M&W R R stock, “ “ st 's 8 shares Eagle Mfg Cos, (SSOO each), 20 shares Georgia Home Ins Cos, per share, 2 200 50 shares Great Southern lus Cos, “ 100 shares Home Ins Company, “ “ 1250 $45 000 7 per cent Con. bonds, (SIOO each), IU $5 000 8 “ “ “ “ “ “ 121 sff 000 Georgia 15 par cent Treasury notes, 180 $3 600 8 “ “ “ “ 200 *2 shares Lamar Ex & Imp U p stock,per share, 2 22a 50 shares Eufuula Home lus Cos stock, 100 50 shares Bank of Columbus stock, per share, Iff s4o 000 Interest bearing Confederate notes, 11,5 SIOO Bank bilis, S3OOO Cedar Keys & Fla It R stock. 1 000 <U ♦ Confederate tax payers are particularly referred to the advertisement of Col. Lee. the Collector. Those who expect to pay their taxes in the present currency will have to do it during the present week, as the office will be closed for a while after Monday next. Sales To-Day.—Ellis, Livingston & Cos. will have an important sale to-day of Negroes, Bacon, Lard, Leather, Tobacco, Whiskey and numerous other articles too numerous to mention. Printers and others interested in the manufac ture of glue are referred to the advertisement of Mr Zorkovvski. js&gp*llead advertisement ot Mr. Fishaclier, who has on hand a good supply ot dry goods and gio eeries. Joseph llauscrd wants to hire 20 carpenters to work on tlie new steamboat at the Navy Yard. ♦ —* — : **Maj. Dillard gives notice that all indebtedness of the Quartermaster Department up to the ."Ist inst., will be paid in present currency. Conkederate Nightjngai.es. —Edward Terry, agent of this troupe has deposited with us the sum ol $205, the proceeds of the Concert recently given for the benefit of Benning’s Brigade. M r e should like to hear from some of the friends of the Brig ade how it can be best appropriated. Gen. Cueatham. —We learn that this distin guished officer of Gen. Johnston’s army arrived in Columbus last evening. [Comm uxicated.] Oiu* Soldiers. Soldiers ! Husbands ! Brothers ! Friends ! By thejalUbaill hereafter of this great Confederacy, we hid you, hail ! Our noble sisters of Columbus have led the van : we follow in their glorious path. Long and anxiously have we watched waited and prayed for your decision. It has been made, and to-day we stand upright before high heaven, ready to face a world in arms ; touched by tha t electric Hash which has vivified the almost nerveless frame, and evolved with the tenfold force of former years the latent energy within us, Our suldiers have re-enlisted for the yyar ! [.ike Minerva from the head of Olympian Jove, wo spring, full-armed, into the arena, resolved to stand or fall with you ! Oh ! soliLiers ot tho South —brave Paladins of the nineteenth century ! would that the mountains and valleys, the wood lands and fields, the rivers ami brooks were one vast auditory nerve, to convey to you our pro found admiration and our unfaltering confidence in you. Oli ! think not you are unappreciated. The air is vocal with our prayers for yon, and this day we enter into a solemn covenant to labor for you as you fiyht for us. Every member, every limb, every muscle, every nerve shall be taxed *o its utuio-t strength, to aid you in our glorious cause. V\ o are strong to endure, mighty to sufier, if need be, 'Muthe lari syllable «and reooadcd Line, rather than yield to our vile invaders. Forever onward!” be your war-cry. With the shield of the Hod of Battles above you, bound together, man to ln.tu, by the su preme love of country ; armed with the right eousness of our cause, every regiment will become a Macedonian phalanx -invulnerable to attack:— omnipotent i.> defend. Each umu gull st.uke with the force of u thousand uieix and make the hordes of Lincoln "feel the might that slumbers in a Leemaii’ arm.” From the lonely' cottage: from the lordly .li.iil • h our the rural plains; H orn the loi'Uy hill top-, ; from the shores >.t the resounding ocean ; * from the interior ot the primeval forest; Horn ev ery homo and hearth and heart, one universal prayer iirccuds like a /-loud of inetnee to heaven. Hod file:- and protect our soldiers! PALMETTO STATE. I’EHIPEHAITGE HALL Tuesday Aight, March 15. FIRST NIGHT OF THE CONFEDERATE MINSTRELS AND SOUTHERN BURLWE ttI’KKA TROUPE. Admission $2. No Half Tickets. Tickets to be obtained at tlie Book Stores, mar 15 It FOR HA 1,1;. Flour and Meal, fresh giound. Nails, assailed sizes. Tobacco ot all gratis. Osnaburgs and Yarns. Coperas and Extract of Logwood. Snuff—-Maccaboy and Georgia Rebel—in packages. Cigars, Needles, l'ius, Writing Paper, En velopes, Yarns. (Knnburgs, and a variety of Drr -Goods. For sale by H. FlflCll ACKER, Mar if* Ivv 104, Broad Street. For Sale. AND. 1 CAVALRY HORBE for .-.tie. Apply to J. R. IVEI. mar 15 4t