Columbus times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1864-1865, March 18, 1864, Image 2

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m emu*** mm. J. W. WlB» Ei ' - - - Editor. Friday Morniug. March 18, 18fii tiov. Brown's Message— Suspension oi the Habeas Corpus. Inthe consideration of this question tl Governor shows no disposition to 111,11 c ters. iTe boldly takes the “bull by the horns ” and deelares that Congress m sus pending the writ of habeas corpus violated the Constitution and dealt a deadly blow at the liberties of the people. Let us examine tie grounds of the Governor’* reasoning. Hts whole argument upon this subject ts based on the assumption that the power given by the Constitution to Congress to suspend the habeas corpus is an “implied power.” If we remove this ground-work, therefore, the whole super structure of reasoning and denunciation, which the Governor has so elaborately con structed, tumbles to ruin. For, if it l,e not an “implied power” then it is not to be re stricted and “limited by the express declara tion in the Constitution" of a seeming con trary import. Each will have an equal right to stand, and both must be construed together, so that if possible both shall stand. . Now, what is an “Implied power ? will let the Governor answer, which he does in another portion of his message. Implied powers are “such as arc incidental to, or necessary and proper to execute those that are expressly granted.” This is a good in deed a constitutional definition, Tried by this standard, is the power to suspend the writ in question an “implied power”? What power expressly granted in the Constitution is it incidental to, or to the execution of which it is necessary and proper The most diligent investigation will fail to discover either. Not the first element, or the remotest resemblance to it, of the definition of an “implied pow er” inheres in, or can be attached to it. With precisely the same force might it be insisted that the power to levy a capitation or . direct tax is an “implied power. ’ This, the Constitution declares, shall not be done “un less in proportion to the census or enumera tion hereinbefore directed to be taken. Here s an exaeption to the particular power to “lay and collect taxes,” and, if the paragraph were obliterated from the Constitution, Congress would still have the power to levey a tax per capita or in any other way. Another paragraph, in the same section with the above, declares that “no tax or duty shall be levied on articles exported from any State, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses.” Can it be contended that the power to levy a tax or duty on articles exported from any State is an “implied power” and derived from the above paragraph? By no means. The paragraph contains no grant ot power Whatever, but a restriction upon the power to lag taxes and to regulate commerce. But for the existence of this clause, Congress, under the power delegated to it to legislate upon these subjects, could have levied taxes or duties in the manner above prohibited, by a vote even of a bare majority. This para graph, then, like the other, does not convey, but limits power elsewhere granted. So ) likewise, with that in reference to the habeas corpus. The power to suspend it la ©lc»riy given in the power to establish and regulate Courts, to define their jurisdiction-, &c/, but the writ was so essential to freedom that the power of suspension was restricted to two contingencies. This view of the subject was clearly and forcibly presented by Mr. Ran dolph, in the Virginia Convention which ratified the Constitution of the United States. In the Conventions of none of the States at that period, called for the same purpose, was it even intimated that the power of Congress to suspend the habeas corpus, in the cases named; did not exist. The argument in favor of con ferring the power was that the worst enemy of the country might, in times of invasion or internal commotion, lay plans to ruin it, and yet so artfully as to escape detection by legal, proof. It was thought proper, under such •ircumstances, to place the public safety— salus populi —above even personal liberty, and who will say that they acted unwisely? We conclude, therefore, that the power to sus pend the habeas corpus does not belong to that class to which the Governor assigns it, but that it is among the powers delegated to Con gress by the Constitution. Another clause in the 9th Section of the Ist Art. declares, among other things, that “no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law.” Here is a prohibition which seems to strike at the exercise of the power to suspend the habeas corpus, and the Governor lias not failed to take advantage of it. But if the vietvs above pre sented be correct, we are compelled to con strue the grant of power to suspend the writ, and the prohibition of interference Avilh the liberty of the citizen, “without due process of law,” so that both shall stand: for it is obvious that, if the latter is to have an uni versal application, the former must of neces sity be a nullity. This apparent conflict can be reconciled in but one way. and that is by assuming that the*, grunt and the prohibition, respectively, had reference to a different subject matter, or differing circumstances. In other words, that the habeas corpus might be suspended in eases of “insurrection or in vasion and that the citizen should have the right to recover Iris liberty by legal process, in all other case s. Whether the late Congress acted wisely in suspending this writ —whether the public safety required its suspension rve cannot dis cuss with any hope of reaching a satisfactory conclusion. The reasons-which induced the action of Congress have not been made public, and we are thus without the means of form ing an intelligent opinion. That body, how ever, acted wisely and well in other matters, and we are willing, for the nonce, to presume that it did well in this. War. Debt of the North.—Thurlow Weed, In a letter to Governor Morgan, says: “We shall, when the Avar terminates, find that it has cost at least four thousand millions of dollars, three-fourths of which amount will re main as a National Debt, and he asks, “is it not time to gird up our fiscal loins and slather strength to bear the heavy burden"afely thiough tv crisis equal if not greater than England eA r er encountered ?’’ Brigadier General Barry, inspector of Uni ted States artillery, has been ordered to iotn Gen. Grant. [Communicated.] The First Congfre»§ under the Permanent Government of the Confederate States. The first Congress, elected under the permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, assembled at Richmond on the 13th day of February, 1362, and their term of service expired on the 18th of February, 1864. Their term of service was two years. They have now filled up the full measure of their official existence under the Constitution and have retired to private life ; and all of their official acts have become “fixed facts,” and hereaf ter must form a portion of the history of this G°b federacy. And if the Confederate States shall survive this great struggle and take their stancT among the nations of the earth, as an independent power, then this first Congress, with all the records of its actings and doings, both secret and public, must be open to public inspection and the fair criticism of their cotemporaries and the just judg ment of posterity ; and, of' necessity, must form an important part of the history of this great Rev olution. But on the other hand, should the Confederacy fail to maintain the declaration of its indepen dence, either for want of wisdom in council or courage in the field—-should they be finally whipped into submission — subdued—subjugated ; then the. Confederacy will have no history and will deserve no historian. In that event, the acts of the first Congress and of the Provisional Gov ernment and of all the Congresses, and all the deeds of all our armies and of all our generals and soldiers dead and living, and all the sufferings and sacrifices of our citizens ; all of them will have no distinct history,—will have no historian and prob ably will deserve none—all, all of these things will become in the eyes of other nations and of posterity as a distorted, confused and chaotic mass —a mere jumble of the spasmodic efforts of a weak and degenerate poople—the disjecta membra, of a huge rebellion, put down and crushed out by su ! perior skill, courage and manhood. All these | things together will but serve some Headley to or nament and adorn a history of the “Great Rebel ; lion and our struggle will have been just enough J to give eclat to tho superior valor of our enemies— to show off in blazing light our folly and weakness as contrasted with tho wisdom, intelligence and military prowess of our adversaries. Such will be our condition and such will be our history if we fail. But I have no doubt about the final triumph of our cause. I believe the Confederacy will survive this struggle-—that wo shall establish ow indepen dence—that we shall be recognized by other na tions as a sovereign and independent people—that we shall deserve and shall have a historian—that we are now making and shall have a history ; and that when this history is full} mode up, it will I stand out in the annals of the world, as one of the most stupendous struggles and one of the most brilliant achievements recorded of men, within an cient or modern times. If we fail in this great contest, it will, in my opinion, be owing either to a want of wisdom and firmness on the part of those who direct the affairs of the Government, or to a want of union and pa triotism on the part of the people at home, or to a want of endurance, courage and manhood among the soldiers in the field—and speaking for our sol diers in the field, there is to be found in their vo cabulary no such word as fail ; and I think I may be allowed to speak for the people at home and saj r for them, that, although there may seem to be many weak-kneed and timid croakers, aud some ambitious hair splitters and Constitutional abstrac tionists/ yet the patriotic million will be true to their cause, to their friends, to their country, to their flag, and to their God. Whence then, if we fail, shall we trace the cause of our failure ? Certainly not to any want of endurance, courage and manhood •>*> iiie parr of our ine Held ; they have already been tried as by lire. A hundred battle-fields will attest their valor. The thousands slain in battle—yea, the tens of thousands of our braves who have made a graveyard of the Confederacy, will rise up and put the brand of infamy upon the forehead of the wretch who should impute our failure to a want of courage on tho part of our soldiers. The voice of our gallant soldiers who have-gone to the front comes back to the people at home— “Jeed and clothe us ; though our clothing be plain and our rations simple, feed and clothe us, with the best you can get, and pay us, if you are able, Eleven dollars per month. Quit your complaints, croakings and criticisms ; give a scanty support to our wives and little ones at home during our ab sence, and we will light your battles, and by the blessing of God will win your independence.”— Such is the language of our soldiers. We may trust in thorn—they stand between us and utter ruin. Wc ha ve trusted in them, and we may and will do so still. The people—the great masses at home—wilj they do their duty ? Will they heed the voice of the veterans in the field ? Will they feed and clothe the soldiers and see that their wives and little ones at home suffer not for food or raiment ? M e believe they will ; we take what they have dono in the past as an earnest of what they ■will do in the future. We believe they will still continue to do their duty. The world can scarcely produce a parallel to tho union, the harmony, the patriotic zeal and self-sacrificing spirit exhibited by the great masses of our people since the commence ment of this great revolution. Parents have sent out their dear boys to suffer, to fight, to die for ilieir country. The widow has given up to tbocountry and its cause her last prop —her only son. that fair-haired hoy whom she loved so much. These ardent youths hav e gone to the trout, and many of them hare not as yet, and uecer will 'return. These parents, with the blessings of Providence upon them, have dedic-a ted these youths to tho cause of their country ; nor have their sacrifices and Providential afflictions extinguished their zeal or weakened their patriot ism : but Avitii a more firm reliance upon the God of their fathers ihc-v day by day renew their patri otic urdor and swear afresh to stand by their country and if* cause until the day of triumph shall come. We repeat it then, that tho army will in the fu ture aa in the past, do its part iu this struggle; and that the people, the masses at home, will come up to the l'ul! measure of their duty. What then is the conclusion? What else is wanting to our success ? Our country is large in exi-nt, strong in a military point of view, with a productive soil, with a population of seven or eight millions, black and white, with still great re sources and iunneuse productive energies if proper ly directed. We can only fail then, if fail we must, on the ground that our rulers have been wanting in the sagacity, wisdom, firmness and patriotism prop erly to concentrate and direct the great natural | esources and energies of the country in the pros ecution of this great struggle for life and indepen" dence. The first Congress, then, of the Confederate States, stands before the tribunal of public opinion with all its acts, as a subject for impartial criti cism. j I propose then, Mr. Editor, a brief and candid rev iew of some of the most prominent acts of this Congress, to see, if possible, what place they occu py in the history of this stupendous struggle. Lobby. The sum of $10,000,000 is asked from the Federal Government by the States inter ested in the Ohio river for the improvement of its navigation. [From the London Post, Feb. 11.] American Aflfetlrs in Europe. BRITISH OPINION OF MR- ADAMs’ RETEN TION OF seward’s DEMAND. It appears that Mr. Seward’s dispatch, which Lord Derby described as “peremp tory,” and Sir Hugh Cairns as “peculiar,” has never been delivered to Ibarl Russell, to whom it was addressed. In the exer cise of a disoretion which is also somewhat peculiar, Mr. Adams, it would seem, ab stained from reading this document to the Foreign Secretary, and leaving with him a copy, as he was directed to do. The dispatch has been laid upon the table of Congress, but as it has not been commu nicated to her Majesty’s Government it eonld not be concluded in the papers laid before Parliament. Some curious mem ber of the Federal Legislature may be able to elicit further information, but the Gov ernment of this country have, as we un derstand Earl Russell and Mr. Layard, no official knowledge of the existence of such a dispatch. There is a little mystery about the matter in regard to the subse quent dispatch from Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, to which Lord Derby adverted; but in whatever manner the American Minister here and American Minister at Washington may have settled what con cerns themselves and their own Govern ment, the distinct affirmation of our For eign Secretary, that no such dispatch has been delivered to him, is sufficient to ac count for its omission in the correspon dence which has been published, and to satisfy the country that it has only not been replied to because it has not been re ceived. Reasonable people will, we apprehend, be inclined to agree with Lord Russell, that it was not worth while to get up a wrangle with the American Minister about a dispatch that gentleman thought proper to keep to himself. Mr. Adams probably said he had got the missive in his pocket, and he was perhaps a little vexed that it should have been sent to him. There can be no doubt that he strained his ministe rial discretion to suppress it, and that he acted wisely in so doing is beyond all question. It may be that the letter was written rather for the American Congress than for the English Government. That, however, is no affair of ours. We can understand the pressure of political neces sity, and we know that greater men than Mr. Seward have been constrained to ac knowlenge the force of circumstances.— Still, it is very much to be regretted that a dispatch of such an irritating character should have been made public by the Government whose Minister retrained from presenting it. If Mr, Seward was as well acquainted with the present tem per of the people of this country as Mr. Adams is, he would as soon have thought oflighting his segar in a powder magazine. Coming, too, at a time when our Gov ernment is earnestly endeavoring to pre vent any infringment of the laws which regulate the national neutrality, and is do ing so,it cannotbe concealed,without regard to public favor this gratuitions exhibition of ill feeling is calculated not to impede, but certainly to embarrass its action. * * * We have ceased to hope that our conduct and demeanor in carrying out the neutrality we have de ter tin in pfl to observe will be appreciated by either of the belligerents. While, how ever 1 we are sorry that a course of action which we believe to be in strict accor dance with the laws of nations has failed to secure to us the respect which might possibly have been commanded by the adoption of a less impartial policy, we are pursuaded that our intentions will receive a more favorable construction in history, and that when the angry passions which this fratricidal contest has engendered have snbsided, the Americans themselves will admit that we have been both just and forbearing. If we had consulted our commercial interest; if wc had consented to take part with France in an interven tion to bring about a pacific settlement of the quarrel; if we had listened to the sug gestions of public opinion; or if we had taken offence when offence was evidently intended, the Confederate States would erenow have been recognised by all the Europran Powers; There are among our foremost statesmen not a few who think some steps in that direction. There are many who insist that the Confederate States have themselves a nation. But our Government has steadfastly re-* fused to depart from the principle it laid down for its guidance when the struggle commenced, and by that principle it is, as Mr. Adams well knows, resolved to abide. We desire to live in peace with both belligerents but they must not mis take our meaning, nor attempt to impose upon our good will. We can afford to disregard the absence of courtesy, grati tude we do not expect, and we can make large allowance for emotional ebullitions. There is however, a language which no country can permit to be used in address ing its Government; and if we are averse from war, it must not be inferred that we are prepared to accept peace on any terms that aie inconsistent with our honor. IMPORTANT DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT. 11l the British Parliament, on the 13th in3t.. Lord Derby attacked the Queen’s speech on the ground of ir* omission to make any refer ence to the American war and other subjects. In relation to one affairs, Lord Derby said : It appears, notwithstanding the concessions which the noble Earl lias made to the Federal States of America in carrying out what he calls neutrality, but what I am afraid f must call one-sided neutrality, he has received from these States not thanks, because I believe that papers which have been laid before the Sen ate of tl»e United States show that we were met by demands and menaces, which I should be much astonished if any one calling himself a British Minister must not have felt a diffi cult in receiving when the dispatches contain ing them were placed in his hands. Since then we are not only told that the American Government will hold us responsible for any damage which their commerce may have sus tained by the acts ut the Alabama ; but if I have not misread the paper laid before Con gress, they state that if we do not put a stop to the sale of vessels of this kind in this coun try, the result must be that the Federal Gov ernment will take the law into their own hands; that the cruisers will follow these ves sels into British ports, and will in British waters maintain their own interests. My Lords, I hope the noble Earl will be able to show that he has answered that dis patch, in a manner which will put an end to such monstrous demands lor the future. [Hear, hear.] But. if 1 am not mistaken, the last dispatch from Washington was written about August, and was received here toward the latter end of August, and early in September the noble Earl took the strong step of seizing the so called Confederate rams in the Mersey upon tbivt very suspicion as to which, a year before, thq Attorney General iuformed Parliament that the Government would not be warranted in interferring. {Hear, hear.] Well, then, my Lords, if yon have not satisfied the Fede rals neither have you satisfied the Poles, and you have offended Russia. In conclusion, the speaker recapitulated the existing differences between her Majesty’s Government and most of the European Powers, and denounced the policy that had produced such embarrassments as a source of national danger. Lord Russell defended the course he had taken on ground that intervention generally failed of its object, and aggravated the evils it sought to prevent. He did not admit Lord Derby’s principle, that England was bound to accept whatever France proposed. As to Mexico, her Majesty’s government had stated from the beginning that England had no in tention of regulating the internal affairs of that country. We acted to obtain redress of our grievances, Bot to set up any particular form of Government. As to the French pro posal in reference to the States of the Amer ican Confederacy, Lord Russell said: “I think, that, though on some Questions which arise the Emperor of the French may pursue a different policy frellx that which we follow, he gives full weight to this considera tion that the policy which may suit the French nations may not be the policy which the Brit ish nation prefers. I believe that the Empe ror is too just to attribute, such a difference of opinion to anything but a regard for the policy which we think right, and which we think the country calls upon us to pursue.— [Hear, bear,] Then, the noble Earl says that wo differ from France about the recogni tion of the Southern States of America. Now, no such proposal was ever made to us. There was a proposal that we should offer our good offices in order to reconcile the North and I§outh; but it was tolerably obvious that if the proposal was made by the two Powers, say England and France, it would irritate the Northern States, would fail of effect, add that there was much better chance of a reconcilia tion between the North and South in our ab staining from such a proposal. I believe that the noble Earl approved that decision. I cer tainly am convinced that the whole country concurred in the policy which we then pur sued.” In the house of commons, Lord Palmerton, in reply to a simiiar attack by D’lsreali,said: I should much have preferred to have heard the opinion of others members beside the right honorable gentleman, who is always listened to with the deference which his abilities and position entitle him to ; but as it appears that the gentlemen on that side of the House have given him an unlimited proxy, I shall take leave to deal with the speech which he has delivered. The great complaint of the right honorable gentleman seems to be not as to what the speech contains, but as to what he thinks it ought to have contained, and I think that I shall have no difficulty in explaining to the House the reason why eome, or many, or all of those topics to which the right, honora able gentleman alluded, were not introduced into her Majesty ’s speech. In the first place, be complained that no mention has been made of the civil war in America. Why, wo have over and over again lamented, and still con tinue to lament, the continuance of that war, and have declared more than once that her Majesty's Government profess to act, and in tend to continue to act, upon a principle of strict neutrality in regard to that contest. — Unless the House had thought that her Maj esty’s Government was going to that course, of which there is no indication whatever, it would have been matter of sur plussage to have filled the speech with a re petition of the statements made on former oc casions, and which are still binding upon her Majesty’s Government. [Hear, hear.] TEIECS- EAPHIC. Reports of the Press Association. Entered according to act of Congress in the year by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerks othee ot the District Court of the Confederate States for the Northern District of Georgia. Demopolis, March 17. —A dispatch from Canton reports that a large number of Sherman’s troops have gone up the river on furjough from Vicksburg.— McPherson is left in command of that place. Sherman and Hurlburt have gone down the river with a .large portion of their army on forty-two boats; said to be going up Red river to Shreveport. McPherson reports that the Spring campaign as inaugurated by Sherman. Banks, Thomas ami Smitb.is a failure. Gen. Forrest says seven-eights of Smith’s cavalry have'gone to Nashville. Another dispatch says Sherman went to New Or leans and returned to Vicksburg on the sth. On the 6th|large numbers of re-enlisted men went up the river on furlough. From 15 to 20 boat loads of troops have gone down the river. On the Ist inst„ seven boat loads of troops passed Tunica going up stream, One-fifth of Sherman’s troops it is said have gone up the river on furlough; one-third have 4 been left at Vicksburg under command of McPherson, the remainder have gone up Red river. Dalton, March 27. —The Nashville Times of the 12th contains a horrible account of the hanging of 23 Union soldiers by the rebels at Kinston. N. C., who had fled from conscription. They met their fate like men; even the Confederate soldiers were moved to tears at the spectacle. They threatened to hang five of Col. Foster’s men wlio had never been in the rebel service. A Washington telegram makes the horrid dis closure that during the recent raid on Richmond the Libby prison was mined and 200 kegs powder placed under it- • . , All quiet in front. Nortaiern Intelligence. Chase beats Lincoln iu Maryland. A Wash ington dispatch.to the Philadelphia Inquirer, says ; Henry Winter Davis, in the recent Ma ryland elections carried the delegate conven tions lor Secretary Chase for President, and the radical platform over the Blair conserva tives, who ran tickets headed “A. Lincoln.” A meeting in Western Virginia has declared for Chase. One of the resolutions says : “We believe either Hon. S. P, Chase, Major Gen. Fremont, Major Gen. Butler, Major General Banks, or Major General Grant, to be far j,re ferable as a Presidential candidate to Mr. Lin coln ; but our judgment is in favor ot a civil ian rather than a soldier.” Another of the series declares explicitly for Chase. The Tascuinbia, a monster iron-clad at St. Louis, had broken tier back by her own weight while laying at the wars. She is, llierefore, useless. T. Barnard, for many years agent of the Associated Press in Washington city, died on the 15th inst. The State conventions of Connecticut, lowa, and Indiana, have nominated Lincoln for re election. • The Maryland Legislature has voted to buy in conjunction with New Itork, the battle-field of Antietam. Gov. Goodwin, of Arizona, organized a gov ernment for that Territory on the 29th of De cember. | Artemus Ward was: recently captured by the Indians, near Salt Lake, but afterwards released. The work of constructing a huge submarine tunnel beneath the lailp to supply Chicago with fresh water, has commenced. Kentucky has enlisted but seven hundred men of her quota under the new call for five hundred thousand. The New York Herald of the 3d, expresses the opinion that the j /“heavy work of the Spring campaign will not be commenced by the array of the Potomac in Virginia, but in die army of Gt n. Thomas in Georgia.' The New York Herald , in announcing that Grant bad been appointed Lieutenant Gene ral, says : “His next promotion will make him Commauder-in-cfiief of the army and na vy, and occupant of th£ White House.' Per haps. CITY MATTERS T. J. JACKSON, Local Editor. For Chattalioocliee. The steamer Jackson, Fry Master, will leave,for the above and all intermediate landings. Sunday morning at 9 o’clock. The Nightingales.— This colored troupe gave a concort Wednesday evening by permission of the City Council, which was not very well at tended. Some portions of tho music was really excellent, for instance the songs “Minnie Lee,” and “Darling Blue Eyed Nell.” These were sung in fine tune and time, and sounded very sweetly. The instrumental music was also good, and evinced a taste and familiarity with tho divine art, that was remarkable, all things considered. Graniteville Goods. —It will be seen by ad vertisement, that the Graniteville Manufacturing Company, will have another auction sale of their goods on the 24th of March inst. Tho stoek em braces Shirtings, Shcotiugs, Osnaburgs, Ac. Let the public bear this sale in mind. Imported Goods at A potion.— J. H. Taylor, Auctioneer, gives notice that he will sell on Wed nesday, March 23d, in tho city of Augusta, a very handsome lot of freshly imported goods, and that any description of Confederate bills will be re ceived in payment for the same. For further par ticulars see advertisement. The Weather. —According to our estimate Thursday morning was among the coldest morn ings of the winter. Yesterday afternoon, however, gave promise of a very favorable change in ibeteiu pature of the atmosphere. Wanted. —The Daily Sun gives notice that one or two steady compositors are wanted immediately in that office. Maj. Humphrey's —Gives further notice that all liabilities in his department up to the first of April, will be liquidated in present Confederate currency. In making impressments of food supplies iu East Tennessee, Gen. Longstreet required his commissaries in all cases to leave fifty pounds bacon and five bushels wheat to every adult member of a family, black and white; and half the quantity to children between the ages of two and fourteen years, 001. Jack Brown. —A private dispatch to the editor of the Macon Telegraph , from Rich mond, announces the arrival there of Colonel Jack Brown, of the 59th Georgia, who was wounded and taken prisoner at the battle of Gettysburg. [For the Times.] Resuigaoi. an ANSWER FROM MARYLAND.—INSCRIBED TO JAMES R. RANDALL. {These tinea bear a date of months ago, when per haps .) List 1 a breeze from the southward comes mournful ly stealing, And it wafts on its wings, a wild song to mine ear 1 »Tia tlie voice of far, far distant loved ones appealing; They call me!—Virginia,— sweet hear ! I hear thee; —though cold, yet ’tis not the death chillnes3 J M> - heart beats response, though my lips may not speak. And the muteness I hold,—’tis an agonized still ness ; There is blood on ray breast!—there are tears on my cheek! Ah! canst thou not see how these manacles gnllme? That I feel with deep angqish my dishonored fate? And canst thoq not hear, that the powers which thrall me, Waken low-muttered groanings, and cursings, and hate ? I have daughters who don in their life’s rosy morn ing, For the South’s fallen hero?, a widow’s sad weeds; And my maidens gaze on my oppressors with scorn ing, As the moonlight gleams cold, on a murderer’s dark deeds. Then think not I smile on my Tyrant! ah! never! His touch on my pulses, waked throbs of wild woe, And the hate in my bosom would fain crush for ever This serpent coiled ’round me!—This fiend-heart' ed foe! Then give me thy hand and I’ll break from these minions! I will rise anew star, which thy banner has won ! As an eagle soars up on his cloud-cleaving pin ions', To the fount of the lightning, the home of the sun. Yes; still, absent children, I am true, though I’m silent; Return thenforsake ’not thy love-hallowed home! And leave me not thus to the Vampire!—the Ty rant ! Come rescuejhy Maryland ! Wanderer, come! Too strong are tho chains which aye woven around me,— Ah! scorn me not! —Pity me [—Prostrate I lie! Too long have these fetters so cruelly bound me! Oh ! come to me once again !—Help me !—I die! May, 1863. MAY BEE. The Nassau Herald, in its commercial report, of 26th February, says business at that place has been more limited than at any period within the last two years—the restrictions to trade with the Northern States, and tho new prohibitory laws enacted by the Confederate Congress having had a depressing effect on trade. A great desire was manifested by holders of liquors, segars, etc., to insure shipment before tho Ist of March, it beiug understood that after that date such articles will not be admitted int > any Confed erate port. \ Housing Baby.— Petersburg has had a won derful sensation, in the exhibition, at the Old Mar ket, yesterday morning, of a child, aged litteen months, and weiging one hundred and eleven pound*, son of Francis and Adeline Bishop, of Prince George county. The parents came up to market with pro duce to sell, and brought their infant with them, in order that he might hav T e their constant care. But his appearance at Market was a signal lor general remark anil astonishment. The report of his pres esencc soon spread abroad, and the people rushed around to get a view of him. Persons from the lower portion of the city flocked to the Market Square to see the prodigy, and such wa3 the pressure upou the parents and the baby, that they were com pelled to remove him to a house near by, where 25 cents admission was charged to see him. People willingly paid the sum, antra handsome amount was realized. At the age of fifteen months the child is possessed of the weight and flesh almost of a full-grown man. His age is vouched for by parties fwho know the family. He is intelligent, but ha3 not yet learned to talk; and his only locomotion is the crawling process. His arms and lege are as large round as the limbs of a man of two hundred pounds weight, while his face and neck are specimens of accumu lated fat. The father of this infant is about fifty years of age, and ths mother about thirty-five.— Richmond Ex aminer, 1 2th. From the Charleston Courier, 15th, Siege of Charleston. TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTIETH DAY. Fort Moultrie and the batteries on Sullivan’s and James’ Island opened fire Monday afternoon upon a working party of Yankees at Gregg. The latter re plied, and the firing was kept up about an hour.— The enemy were also engaged hauling ammunition to Gregg. Some officers and a number of ladies were observed visiting the enemy’s batteries at Cumming’s Point, and, with glasses, viewing the harbor. Our pickets report considerable activity in the movements of the enemy’s steamers plying between Folly and Cole's Islands. The number of tents upon the latter Island have increased within the las! few days. , w , One Monitor went teouth Monday, leaving only four inside the bar. The Wabash also sailed South Monday afternhon. „ ...... The wooden vessels have been furnished with pro jecting beams, and placed on the sides to guard against torpedoes. There was no firms on the city. Funeral Notice. The friends and acquaintances of Mr. and Mrs. John S. Allen, are invited to attend the funeral of their daughter lids afternoon at 4 o’clock, from their residence. AUCTION SALES. By Ellis, Livingston & t o. ON SATURDAY, 19th’March, at 11 o’clock, we will sell in front of our store, 3 Shares Fugle Manufacturing Company, 2 Shares Lamar iniportiugaud Exporting Company. 13 Shares Georgia Home In surance Company. marlS $7 By Ellis, Livingston A Cos, ON SATURDAY. 19th}March. at 11 o’clock, we will sell in front of our store, n BOXES FINE CHEWING TOBACCO, mar 18 $3 50 By Ellis, Livingston & Cos. ON SATURDAY. 19th March, at 11 o’clock, we will sell in front of our store, $3,000 Confederate Interest Bearing Notes, $4,700 Confederate 8 per cent Bonds due 1808 $4,600 Confederate (15,000,000 Loan) Bonds S4OO Georgia 8 per cent Treasury Notes, $750 Georgia G per cent Treasury Notes, 10 Shares Muscogee It. R. Stoek, 10 Shares Macon & Western R. R. Stoek. mar 17 td ,slt> ■(;R4Ym;ni.i.t: goo®*.’ THE WILL 'SELL AT AUCTION ON THITRSBAY, HI ARCH 84 t THF.TR ENTIRE ST. Civ OF DOMESTIC GOODS, Consisting of Upwards of 200 Rales. Bales 3-4 Shirtings; Bales 7-8 Shirtings; Bales Drills; Bales 4-4 Sheetings ; Bales 8 oz-Osnaburgs Sale to take place at Graniteville, S. C., aad commence at ten o’clock. WILLIAM GREGG, Treasurer. Graniteville, S. C., March 12, 1864.—0 t PUBLIC SALE IMPORTED GOODS. BY JAMES H. TAILOR, - On WEDyESDAI, March *l3. A TlO o’clock, will be sold, without reserve, in my A Store, Corner of Campbell and Broad Streets, Augusta, u. very handsome line of freshly imported Goods, consisting in part of 1 bale Regatta Stripes, 20 pieces Black and White Ginghams, 1 ease Melton Cloths, 1 bale Grey Flannels, 7 cases 23 1-2 inch English Prints, 5 cases 23 1-2 inch English Prints, Cbllies’, 26 doz French Felt Hats, ■> 50doz Calf Skins, Trench 200 gross Lead Pencils, 30 doz cotton Undershirts, “as are,” 11 bags Rio Coffee, prime, 48 pieces No. 16 black Taffeta Ribbons, 75 pieces No. 12 black Taffeta Ribbons, 5 cases Bleached Cbttons, Collies’ C, 5 cases Bleached Cottons, Collies’ If, 5 cases Bleached Cottons, Collies’ X, 2 pieces Scarlet Cloth, 1 piece Beaver Cloth, 180 M Needles, 5 to 10, 20 cases Wool Cards, 1 case Felt llat3, 21 2-12 doz, 7 doz White Cotton Shirts, fancy bosom*, 2 cases Men’s Calf Shoes, 5 bales Gunny Bagging. 1 barrel Turlington’s Balsam, 1 bale Fancy Tweeds, 1 bale Melton Tweeds, 600 pair Cotton Cards, 2 cases Playing Cards, 2 cases Mixed Pins, white, 1 case Legal Cap Paper, 2 cases Hair Pins, 1 case Melton Cloths, 5 pieces white and red Flannel, AliSO, 1 hhd English prepared Chickory. 1 bag Alspice, 3 casks assorted Hardware, 3 eases assorted Hardware, 5 cases assorted Shoes. Conditions cash, in any Confederate Bills, mar 17 td JAMES H. TALYOR. Southern Mechanics’ Union. A Regular Meeting of tho Southern Mechanics’ Union will be held this (Thursday) Evening, 17th at the meeting room of tho Columbus Fire Company, No. 1, at 7 o’clock, P. M. By order of the President. JOHN R. RIGGERS, mar 17—It Sec’y. Carpcntfi’s Wanted. T'WENTY CARPENTERS to work on the new Boat below the Navy Yard, for which the highest ' MP JOSEPH HANBEBP, mar 15 ts Wanted. rpUN good able-bodied negro men wanted for twe months, Good wages will be given. Apply to H. S. SMITH. Jr., mar 17 Iw* or J. K. REDD. FOR SAFE. Flour and .Meal, fresh ground. Nails, assorted sizes. Tobacco of all grads Ostia burgs and Yarns. Coperas and Extract of Logwood. Snuff—Maccaboy and Georgia Rebel —in packages. Cigars, Needles, Pins, Writing Paper, En velopes, Yarns, Osnaburgs, and a variety of Dry-Goods. For sale by ’ H. FISCHACKER, mar 15 lw 104, Broad Street. For Sale, A NO. 1 CAVALRY HORSE for sale. Apply to J. R. IVEY, mar 15 4t Office Subsistence Departeext. f Columbus, Ga„ March 15, 1864./ All parties holding claims against this department due, are hereby notified to present them for pay ment at this office on or before tho 25th inst. Amounts now due will be paid only in the present currency. A. M. ALLEN, mar 16 ts Maj. C. S. QUARTERMASTER’S DEPARTMENT, ) Columbus, March 14, lsol. / All creditors of this Department are notified that their accounts and all accruing debts to the 31st March, will be paid in the present Confederate currency. F. W. DILLARD. mar 15 till 31gt inst Quartermaster,