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Wi\u Stub's* J. W. WARBBSj -- Editor. Tlmrsday Morning, May §, 1864. Review of Yice President Stephens Speech.; —We publish this morning from the Macon Telegraph, a review of the late speech of Yice President Stephens, delivered in Mil ledgeville. It is from the pen of an honored son of Georgia—oue of the ablest and most patriotic men in the State—and will repay a careful perusal. We invite the reader’s spe cial attention to it. (From the Macon Telegraph.) Tice Pres. Stephens’ Speech be fore the Georgia legisla ture. We propose a frank and candid review j of this speech, and shall do scwiu the spirs ! it of kindness which Mr. Stephens in vokes in the discussion of important is sues involved. Mr. Stcpherls does not leave the object he had iu. view a matter of doubt or inference. He says: • This brings tne to the main object of this address, a review of those acts of Congress to which your attention has been j specially called by the Governor and on * which your action is invoked, these are: ] The Currency, the Military, and Habeas j Suspension Acts ” This declaration is i followed by a labored arguement to show • that each and all of these acts are unwise, unjust and unconstitutional. Thus, the object of Mr. Stephens was to satisfy the Legislature of Georgia that the action of the late Congress was such as to demand at their hands such actions as would p.acc the seal of Georgia’s condemnation upon the action of the Confederate Govern*. uienU, aud, by the adotptiou of Governs or Brownes reccomendation, save the State and country from the effects of that legislation. When the Vice—President of the Confederate Government feels call ed upon thus to array the Legislature of his State in hostile antagonism to the gov ernment in which he holds the second highest office, we feel that the occasion not only justifies, but demands, an enqui ry on the part of every citizen, into the causes which have placed their Vice President in such an anomalous position. Considering these questions in the in which they are discussed in the speech before us we refer first, to his comments upon the Currency Bill. Mr. Stephens says: ‘‘As to the first of these ni urns, the Tax Act and Funding Act ku-.vu together as the Financial and Currency Measures, I simply say, in my judgment, thejsare neither proper, wise, or just. Whether, in the midst of con flicting views, iu such diversity of opinion and interests, anything better could not be obtained, I know not—perhaps not .” We submit to Mr. Stephens’ own sense of justice to say if it is a fair criticism upon the action of Congress to pronounce a measure “improper, unwise and unjust,” j when he is compelled to admit that he j does not himself know of anything better that could be done. When Congress j met, the whole country was clamorous for some financial scheme that would reduce the currency and resestablish confidence in the credit of the Government secure ties. xYfter much deliberation and the discussiou of many schemes a measure is adopted, than which no better was pro posed, and to this hour no better has been suggested and, because it is not perfect and not entirely free from faults, it is pronounced “improper, unwise, and unjust,” accompanied with the declara tion that those who condemn don’t know that anything better could be done—“per haps not ” It does seem to us* that if Mr. Stephen's had been as anxious to suss tain the action of the Government, with whip, he is so closely and officially con nected, as he was to defend the message and doctrines of Gov. Brown, he would, at least, h ive abstained from the fault finding and complaint, when lie was com pelled to admit that “perhaps” it was the best that could be done. The discuss'on of the Military Act by Mr. Stephens'is brief*, and without in tending to be offensive, we will add, pointless. • The Legislature of Georgia last session, had called into its mi litia organization all the men between 17 and 18 and 45 and 50. This was done at the instance of Gov. Brown and with the full concurrence of Mr. (Stephens himseif, so far as wo know or believe. At all events, he*did not feel called upon in a public way to express his disapproba tion. Now, the act of Congress simply does the same thing. The Militia bill of Georgia enrolled these men for State defence, the act of Congress does the same. They are not to be called into the field in either organization, unless the necessities of the State demand it. In both eases they elect their own officers, and the only earthly difference is: wheth er they shall be under tire comiiiandof the President Pavia or Gov. Brown. Congrci-s thought -and so—we are happy to see —our Legislature did also, that alt the military movements of the coun try had better be under one head, and therefore passed the bill for the organi zation of the [deserve Corps. The gist of Mr. Stephens’speech, is his discussion ot the act suspending the writ of habeas .corpus, which ],••> pronounces “the uiov>. e\ iUug, and by far.the most important question.' Ileieethi i he pro tence jlu Imd'hcen set. -up by Gov. Brown that the#<_hf Ui Ge'.iyu— to suspend the privileges -*f the writ, Was a;i implied pow er, ami, tliiweren't:. . subordinate io other expve-s* [ owe I’d of the o<>u-tit otion, he ad mits that the power is clear arid explicit, anil only says enough if at the power be ing implied, to cover, r.. gracefully as he could, the flummery of Guv. Brown’s Mes sage on that point This much Mr Ste phen’*, perhaps. fV!r due to his friend. Gov. Brown, as uoubtie-s the Governor had been -h-d into the error by some cas ual remarks of Mr. Stephens in tbe con sultation v. itieh preceded the preparation oi the Message, Admitting the power in Von t~ suspend, he attacks tbe mode, ami in an », r «f suspension, and the point uA a< nr ns moot .is to show that the 0i 1 '- :lv » n»ieousti t uuyntU, in V,f ” v.uji-H tiio privil eges ot toe ivm have becu susvnm ’’ed iLe argument oi .ii'. Stephens briefly.stated thus: “The privileges of the writ of IraOeas corpus, may be suspended by Congress, but in duing so, no man shall be deprived of his liberty, without due ! process of law, nor shall any man be sub jected to seizure, except on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation.” U will !be observed that, according to this argu | meat, no suspension of the writ of habeas corpus is constitutional, which provides for the imprisonment of any person “with out due process of law s and no suspend sion is constitutional which provides for an arrest, except for probable cause, “sup ported by oath or affirmation, This ar -gument is based upon the two following provisions of the Constitution: Ist. “No person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. 2d. “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and ef fects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shali not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by an outh or affirmation and particularly describing the place to be searched, anil the persons or things , to be seized.” “Due process of lawy according to the argument of Mr Stephens, means a judi cial proceeding. Therefore, all arre-ts, not based upon a warrant issued by souie judicial officer is unconstitutional, though authorized by an express act of C ongress Now, let us test the truth and correct ness of the argument, by the doctrines and practices, both of the Confederate and State Governments—Gov. Brown, Mr. j Stephens, and the balance of mankind.— Both Governments have resorted td im pressments of property for the public use; that is, they have authorized their officers to seize the property of the citizen, for the use of the Government. In uo case has it been done, either “by due process of law,” or “ upon the oath or affirmation” of any person, and yet the clauses of the Consti tution, relied upon by Mr. Stephens, re fer in every instance to property as well as person. He says that according to'the Constitution, “no person can be deprived of his liberty without due process of law,” that is, judicial proceedings. We an swer, that the. same clause of the Consti tution, with equal emphasis, declares “no ! person shall be deprived of property with* ! out due process of law.” Mr. Stephens says, “no warrants shali issue, (against any person) but upon probable cause, sup ported by oath or affirmation, and partic ularly describing the person to be seized.” We answer, the same clause of the Con stitution, in the same language, declares : that “property” shall not be seized but upon prob.ahle cause, supported by oath or affirmation.” In every instance in the Constitution, both are placed upon the same footing, and in the same paragraph. Will Mr. Stephens or Gov. Brown, point to any practice or law of either government which requires impressments to be made by “due process of law,” as expounded by them? and yet they will scarcely say, that all the impressment acts have been un constitutional because they did not so provide; no such objection has ever been urged, though upon other grounds some [ of these laws have been declared unconsti j tutional. In no ease, has any impress ! ment law required either “oath or affirma tion, ’ aud } 7 et it never entered into the head of the most astute caviler, to make the want of such provision, a ground of I constitutional objection to the law. Besides the clauses of tlio Constitution al- ready quoted, there is the additional provis ion, “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Here are additional guards thrown around the pro perty of the citizen, and which should com mand the watchful care and oversight of Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, as well as those already referred to. Let us test the correct ness of Mr. Stephens’ argument, in the light of ail these provisions of the Constitution, as illustrated in the official acts of Gov. Brown. Tiie Governor, by his own order, without any authority of law on the statute book, seized all die salt in Georgia. His avowed object was to reduce the price and relieve the neces sities of the people. There was no judicial proceeding in the matter, and yet the Consti tution declares no man shall be deprived of property “without due process of law.’’ There was no warrant issued on the oath or affirma tion of any person, and yet tiie Constitution says that the. people snail be secure not only in their persons, but in their houses and effects, against unreasonable seizures, and to guard tbe property of the citizen against such seiz ures. requires that, “no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath oi - affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the things to be seiz ed." Gov. Brown did not require the salt for public use, and. yet tiie Constitution gives no authority to seize private property, except for public use. He did not pay just compensa tion for his avowed object was to prevent the citizens from receiving the market price, which our Supreme Court has decided to be the just compensation, authorized aud requir ed by the Constitution to be paid, upon the seizures of private property for public use: and yet the Constitution declares “private property shall not be taken for public use, without just compensation.” If, then, the ar gument of Mr. Stephens*be correct, bis model Governor stands arrainged and condemned by that argument in this single act of seizing salt, of violating the Constitution he had sworn to support and about which he is so nervous and anxious, in less than five dis tinct points : Ist. In seizing the salt “without due pro cess of la w. 2d. In seizing it without a warrant. 3d. Tn seizing it withoukan oath or affirma tion. 4th. Tn seizing it not’for public use. ;>tb. In seizing it without just compensa tion. in the very message of Gov. Brown which Mr. Stephens was defending, the Governor was calling upon ihe Legislature to grant him still more power and authority.- He wanted power to seize, when in his judgment necessa ry. the railroads ot the State for the transpor t -.turn of pro', is ions to the needy and suffering iambics. He wanted power to remove judicial officers who did not properly discharge their • (ties. He wanted power to impress provis ions for the families of our soldiers. lie wanted power to seize the distilleries, &c. In none of these cases, however, did the' Gover . . i r otate that, it should be done by “due .: ' • of law"—that is by judicial proceed ings nor does he say a word about ‘••warrants • issued upon oath or affirmation.". Wo hope . ire Lygislatftre gave Ihe Governor the poweV ; he asfed for to provide lor the suffering fam iiies, nor do we object to'the otherrecounnea . daliens just reierred to. \Ve only notice - them to show that the very provisions 'of. the Con stltmicni vC.i lr Mr. (Stephens complains have been violated by the act of Congress suspend ;,u:-the Writ of Habeas Corpus, have been i more ti -.graotly violated by the Governor, whose message he so earnestly defends. The truth is, if Mr. Stephens is right in his argu ment, he ought never to have left that stand until he had called upon the Legislature with all the carnastuess of his nature to impeach the Get : mis* for his gross and unwarrantable usarnation of power. Here then, there were btf re 'fr. Stephens his two Governments — Confederate and State—both in his judgment i had been guilty of palpable violations of the j Constitution. The-Confederate, with which ii e i-> so-closely and officially connected, re ceives at his hands nothing but hard blows, whilst the Governor of the State»seems to be the object of his. kindest hod most tender con sideration. It is strange, considering the censorious spirit of Mr. Stephens at the time of making this speech, that he permitted all these outrages of Gov. Brown to pass unno ticed, and without a single word of disapprov al or warning. But we do not rest the argu ment. in reply to Mr. Stephens, simply upon the precedents aud practices to which we have referred. We meet him directly upon the is sue he presents. He admits the right of Con gress to suspend the privileges of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, and confines his o'.faction to the manner in which it his been done by the late act of Congress, aud as this is the lead ing and most plausible idea in his speech, we prefor to let him speak for himself. He says : “Literally and truly then the only effect of a Constitutional exercise of this power over the writ of habeas corpus by Congress, is to deprive a person, after being legally confined, of the privilege of a discharge before trial, by giving bail, or on account of insufficiency of proof as to probable cause or other like ground-: . This privilege only can be suspended , and not the writ itself. The words of the Constitution are aptly chosen to express the purpose and extent to which a suspension can go in this country. With this view the power is a wise one. It can-work no serious injury to the citizen and it sufficiently guards the public safety. The party against whom a grave accusation is brought, supported by oath or affirmation, founded upon probable cause, must be held for trial, and if found ■gpilty is to be punished according to-tlie na ture of his offence.. The monstrous conse quences of any other view of the subject are apparent. The exercise of the power by Con gress may be either general or limited to spe cial cases as in this instance. If it had been general under any other view, what would have been the condition of every citizen in the land? The weaker would have been com pletely in the power of the stronger without remedy or redress. Any one in the commu nity might seize for any purpose, any other, and confine him most wrongfully and shame fully. Combinations of several against a few might be formed for a like purpose, and there would be no remedy or redress against this species of licensed lawlessness. The Courts would be closed—all personal security and personal safety would be swept away. Instead of a land of laws, the whole country would be uo better thau a Whitefliars do main—a perfect Alsatia. This would be the inevitable effect of the exercise of the power, by a general suspension, with gny other view of the subject, than this presented. The same effects as to outrages upon personal rights must issue under a limited suspension con fined to any specified cases under any other view. No such huge and enormous wrongs can ever spring from our Constitution if it be rightly administered. So that the conclusion of the whole matter is well stated by the Gov ernor in his late Message, in the brief, compre hensive, but exact terms—“ The only suspen sion of the writ of habeas corpus known to our Constitution and compatible with the provisions already quoted, goes to the simple extent of preventing the release of persons whose arrests have been ordered, under the Constitutional warrants from the Judicial Authority,”, • It will be observed that the uueonstitution ality of the late Act. of Congress, is placed upou the ground that, under that law, the arrest must be made by order of the Presi dent of the Confederate States, the Secretary of War, or the General commanding the De partment west of the Mississippi, which, Mr. Stephens says, places the whole power in the hands of (he President, and we accept his con struction of the law as correct. Under this law, therefore, no citizen can be arrested and deprived of (he privileges of the writ of habeas corpus, except upon the order of the Presi dent. How would it be under the law as Mr. Stephens and Governor Brown would have it ? According to their argument and doctrine, Congress would simply suspend the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus and leave the mat ter in the hands of the judicial officers of the country. Under such a suspension of the writ, every citizen is liable to be arrested up on-oa’ h or affirmation of any mau in the com munity; he can be carried before any justice of peace in the land, who would have the power of sending him to jail, and the writ of habeas corpus being suspended, he would have to remain there until ha could obtain a trial in-the regular course of law. Ail tbe judges in the land, and all the executives, both of Confederate and State Governments, could not release him. What is the result ? Every man would be placed at the mercy of any ve nal justice of peace in the country. All that is required to incarcerate him in prison is the oath or affirmation of a vindictive or profli gate accuser and the act of an ignorant or corrupt justice of the peace. Iu the language of Mr. Stephens, “ the monstrous consequences of such a view of the subject are apparent.”— Witutruth and force could it he then said, “the weaker would have been completely in the power of the stronger, without remedy or re dress. Anyone in the community might seize, for any motive or for any purpose, any other, and confine him most wrongfully and shame fully. Combinations of several against a few might be formed for a like purpose, and there would be no remedy or redress against this species of licensed lawlessness.” Not so, how ever, as the law now stands; for no man can be imprisoned and deprived of tbe privileges of the writ ofhabeas corpus under that law, except by the express and direct order of the President. We put it to all candid men (o say under which policy are the liberty and rights of the citizen best protected ? Let. any man put the question to himself, wnether be feels more secure when he knows that tie can .only be arrested by. the direction of the Pres ident, or when he is liable to au arrest upon the false oath or affirmation of any vagabond in the community, and is then at the mercy of an ignorant or corrupt justice of the peace who can send him to prison, where he must remain without redress until he can be tried at the regular term of (he court. It was to protect the citizen against the very dangers so graphically presented by Mr. Stephens, that the law restricted arrests as it does—to the orders of the President, and then only iu a limited number of cases r and, strange to say, what, was intended for the protection of the liberty and rights of the citizen, has been tor tured into a cau#e of complaint against the law. With all. our heart, we concur iu the sentiment that, the privileges of the writ of habeas ccrpus should only be suspended in cases of the greatest emergency ; and, even then, ever;? guard should be thrown around the act of suspension for the protection of the liberty and rights of the citizen, as Ims been done in the late act of Congress. But, if Mr. Stephens is right, and the suspension of the act is to place us at the mercy of false, witnes ses and corrupt justices of the peace, we say with all the earnestness of our nature, that, under uo circumstances, should the writ ever be suspended. By this time. Mr. Stephens must have seen that many of his apprehensions were entirely ! groundless. He seemed to think that the ob ! ject of tbe suspension was to prevent those who had employed substitutes from testing before the courts their rights to exemption, and yet..at the very time that be was giving expression to that opinion, the order had been issued by direction of the President to inter : pose no objection to any such appeals to the t courts. The truth is, that- the President has : shown not only a willingness, but anxiety, to have all judicial and constitutional questions considered and decided by our highest courts ; aud when those decisions have been made, he lias, in every Instance, cheerfully conformed io them. Would that Mr. Stephens could in duce bis friend, Gov. Brown, to do the same. It would save much wrangling and unneces sary discussion, and would relieve the people of Georgia of the expense and any annoyance of called sessions of the legislature. It is difficult for us to realize the sincerity of those who profess to feel such great apprehensions of the tendency of our government to a military despotism. They profess to see, in this suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, “a fell blow aimed ! at the liberties of the people,’’and look with alarm i to the action of Congress, as indicating a purpose 5 to cousolidato-in the hands of the Confederate Gov ernment uuliuii ed power. Our fc-*r-« > aopo ued to with the tajScj.tat.etn -n% t r+ .fie w■ i. of fi . cas Corpus has uot been .-us.-e'ided in Ena nring the present generation, and w •el ; were: •; to be as joalcu* of ent roathmehr* , o - ■ >■: writ of right, as are the people oi Gr at Bn . ; No one holds in higher estimate this great'im; warh of British liberty than the writer <*fthi- ■’r<i,-fo, and yet we cannot see that its suspoosio n Bus coun try should occasion the same alarm it would justly excite in England. It should be borne in mind that Great Britain is a monarchical government —that power once se cured to the monarch, is held by him for life, and at his death is transmitted to his heirs, generally his own son. the danger if entrusting power danger oust- t& the liberties of ffce people. With ns, it is entirely different. Our President holds his office for a limited term, and whatever power he may accumulate in executive hands, passes at. the end of his term to his successor, and who that successor may be is unknown to him as to every one else. The President of to day, is the citizen of to-morrow. The power he wields to-day against the citizen, will to-morrow be wielded by another against him. His interest a« JPiesident is for six years—as a citizen for a lifetime; and self protection, if no higher motive, makes him a re liable guardian of the rights of the people. We have in the recent action of Congress, a striking illustration of the view we are now presenting.— The men who voted tbe suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, in forty eight hours after the vote was given ceased to be members of Congress, and became private citizens. Does any one suppose they would have thus voted away their own lib erties and rights ? Is not the circumstance conclu sive evidence of the faot, that in their honest judgments, the suspension was demanded by tbe public interest ? They wore to sit no more in those terrible “secret sessions.” Others were soon to take their place whilst they became-the subjects of the military despotism, which by _ their own votes they were creating. The idea is »,» prepos terous and absurd, that intelligent men will not long tolerate the folly. It is only necessary to state the facts to dispel the delusion. Mr. Stephens closes his speech with an appeal to the Legislature to send some “cheering mes sage” to our brave soldiers iu the field. Tbo only response to this appeal was the very “cheering message*’ that the Legislature had declared “in their judgment,” a law unconstitutional, which Congress had passed for the protection of their country, their wives and children from the torch of the invader, and the cruelties and outrages of traitors, spies and assassins. In common with tbeir friends at home, our brave men in the field had heard and seen that our country was infested with heartless traitors, emmissaries of our brutal enemy, men who eluded the ordinary process of the law, and from whose hands innocent women and children were made to suffer wrongs and cruelties more insufferable than death itself.— They had made their way into the very capital of our Confederacy, had applied the torch to the house of our President, whilst others were com missioned to break over the restraints of civilized warfare, in their fiendish purpose of laying the capital of the Confederacy in dshes, and murder ing in cold blood, the President and members of the Cabinet. It was in view of this state of things that the country demanded of Congress such leg islation as would give security against, not only the fiends who wore perpetrating these outrages, but the miserable traitors at home, who were giv ing them “aid and comfort,” by affording them shelter and protection. It was against such the law suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus was in tended to operate. It has been used against none others, and we venture, with aa undoubting con fidence, the prediction, it never will be used by out President against any true and loyal son of the South. Let traitors, spies, and disloyal mal contents tremble in the presence of impending retribution, whilst all good and true men may go on rejoicing. For three years the writ of Habeas Corpus has virtually been suspended, so far as our brave troops in the field are concerned, and they have borne it patiently, and without a murmur. That army sends back to Mr Stephens, and all good men at home, a more cheering message than the one they have received from the Georgia Legisla ture. They bid us all be of good cheer. Iu their hands the liberties of our country are safe. They fear neither military despotism at home, nor sub jugation from abroad. Their country’s banner, the proud emblem of Southern independence, unstained save with the blood ofmartyrs in the causeof South ern liberty, floats over their heads, and in glory and triumph they will cause it to float over every inch of Southern soil, in despite of murmuring and discontents in their rear, and threatening legions in their front. There are some significant facts connected with this whole matter, which cannot fail to attract public attention. The message ox Gor. Brown is the groundwork of a demonstration which has ral lied in its support every disaffected and disappoin ted man in the country. Wherever you meet a growling, complaining, sore headed man, hostile to the government and denunciatory of its meas ures and policy, or a croaking, desponding dys peptic who sees no hope for the country, but, whipped himself, is trying to make everybody else feel as badly as himseif, you wiii invariably find a friend, admirer and defender of Gov. Brown, lie Las become the nucleus around which ail the disaffection of the country is gathering. A sym pathising spirit leads all such to the embraces of his Excellency. Now, we do rot mean that every man who supports Gov. Bro„ nis disaffected— far from it: but we do say that every disaffected man is in the ranks of his supporters—asignificant sact —which should eiyasc such men as Mr. Steph ens to pause, and consider well the gruund they occupy. This unfortunate message has given new encouragement to the lloldens of North Carolina, who hail the message as a pledge of Georgia’s co operation iu their treasonable plot; and even th e minions of Lincoln are heralding it to the people of the North,/as an evidence of our divisoas. Upon the strength of if they are m ikeiug new and more earnest appeals for recruiting- their army; telling their people that now whilst wo are torn and distracted, is the time for them to push for ward in the! work of suppressing the rebellion. llow many it will add to the members of. Lincoln’s army and how many lives it will cost among our owu brave and gallant men, remains to be seen. It is idle to saj' that such arc not the legitimate consequences of this ill-advis A d Message. The fiats exist, and with them v © have to deal. We Know foil well Mr. Stephens looked for no 'such results when he gave his support to this Mes sage and its policy, but that only shows how the ablest and truest of men may fall into error. It gives us no pleasure to differ from Mr. Ste phens. We always do so with regret, and some misgivings, In this case however, we feel assur ed unit the time will come, and not far distant, when he wjili regret the delivery of this speech as much arnllas sincerely as we now do. We question neither the purity of his motives nor the sincerity of his coat ictions, but we cannot refrain from say ing that (his speech was ill-timed, unfortunate and illogical. ' TROUP. Fivt DjoLLAR Bills. —To appearance these are not being discounted in commercial oper ations, but 'practically they are. Prices are almost kept up to the figures established be fore the Ist of April. Congress meets to day. and as most of the press have urged the matter, the Richmond Whig hopes that prompt steps will be taken to remove the anomalous condition of the currency caused by.the dis crediting of the fives. A large class of our population are ignorant of the financial legis lation of Congress, and ouly estimate tbe value of the treasury notes, according to their cur rency of availability as a means of exchange. Tbe attempt to increase the purchasing pow er by diminishing the volume of paper, money, is a mystery which they do not or cannot com prehend. They hold a large amount of the fives now afloat, and if subjdcted to a loss by a depreciation of these notes, or by tbe tax of one-third to be attached to them ou the Ist oi July, their confidence in the Confederate currency wiii receive another shock; and, con sequently. tbeir disinclination to received it will be increased. It, therefore, seems expe dient that the fives should at once be put at par with the new issue, by repealing the sec tion of the currency net imposing the tax of one-third, or by a postponement of the time of attaching the tax until the Ist of January next, by which date most of the notes would be absorbed into the treasury. We commend the subject to the consideration of members of Congress.* Arrksted. —A man named Joseph W. Hood was arrested in this city a few days sinee and commit ted to jail, ou the charge of beiDg a fugitive from justice. Hood, with several others, was some time since committed to the jail of Columbus, Georgia, charged with being concerned in a robbery in city. They broke jail, and a reward office hun dred dollars was offered iu the Columbus papers for his apprehension. H<»od was well known here, and it appears that after his exploit in the up coun try, visited our city and soon found himself in lim bo. When ho was first arrested he knocked down his guard near the jin’ -1 made gend his escape, but on being an os t e « rt, Jond time he was placed in irons ands t i.n’tted: We iearn that m a few ti olurabns will ar rive in tiii? ■ i • j. . > prisoner away.— -tSw. A T3LBG-RAPHIG. .j Reports of (lie Press Assoeiaiiou. according to act of Congress in the year 1 sty., by J. S, Thrash kb, in the Clerk’s office of the Hist net Court of the Confederate States for the N orfiieru District of Georgia. ■ Cavaliy Fight In Louisiana Execution Uesterers ai Dalton. The Enemy Massing Troops! Cavalry Skirinisliing Going Ou A Battle Expected To-Day ! ! Yankees Moving on Gen. Lee ! A Great Battle Imminent!! Congressional Rroceedings- Mobilk, May 4. —The Tangipahoa operator re ports a fight at Olive Branca yesterday between 1500 of the enemy, and Col. Scott’s cavalry, 800 ! strong. The fight lasted eight hours, and the enemy were driven across Thompson’s Creek. No loss reported. The Confederates are reinforcing, and the fight will probably be resumed to-day. Dalton, May 4. — Fourteen privates, belougiug to the 58th am} 60th N, C. Regiments, were shot to-day for desertion. Two were also shot for the same offence in Stu art’s Division. The enemy has massed the larger portion of his army at Red Clay. Skirmishing has been going on upon the Cleve land and Ringgold roads all day, between our cav alry and the enemy’s, our forces gradually retiring on the latter road. An engagement will probably commence to morrow. Orange C. H. May 4.—A body of the enemy’s cavalry crossed Ely and Germanna Fords last night, and it is reported this morning they are rnoviug on Chancellorsville_and Fredericksburg. The whole Yankee army is moving from Cul. pepper C. H., towards Ely and Germanna Fords, over which they have thrown pontoon bridges, and across which their infantry reported to be passing all day. Some slight skirmishing to-day, with small arms, reported going on at those fords. The enemy withdrew their pickets on our front at the upper fords last night. Ample preparations are going on to meet the enemy. A week can hardly elapse without a desperate general engagement. Our troops are eager and confident. Grant is reported to have a very large force. Richmond, May 4.—lnformation receded this forenoon that a force of Yankee cavalry crossed Ely’s Ford last night .md advanced on the plank road to within five tubes of-Fredericksburg. It is probably a recomioileriDg expedition. During the day they retired several miles. At 2 o’clock, when the train left Hamilton's Crossing,Atreport was in circulation and deemed raliable, that the Yankees were agatn advancing in force. Tne only news from the Peninsula is, that the Yankees still occupy West Point, repairing the wharf. Their pickets arc thrown out 6 miles.f Richmond, May 4. — ln the Senate a resolution was introduced, fixing the day of adjournment on the 16th instj Laid over. A joint resolution of thanks to Gen. Hoke, Com mander Cook, and officers and men, for the bril liant viotnry at Plymouth was unanimoasly agreed to. Also a resolution of thanks to Gen. Fiuegan, of ficers and men for the victory at Olustee. Various propositions were introduced and re ferred. In the House personal explanations were made by the Messrs. Leach, defining their respective po sitions on the Habeas Corpus question, etc. A resolution declaring it inexpedient to put $5 notes on par with new currency was adopted— Yeas 6i ; nays S. [Special to the Southern Confederacy.] 1 Tunnel Hill, May 2.—The enemy advanced with a heavy force of infantry, cavalry and artillery, and drove in our pickets on the ; Ringgold road. After shelling this place, they retired hastily, pressed by Genera! Wliee- j ler. Kilpatrick was iu command of the Yankees. Ten ambulances loaded with the enemy's killed and wounded were sent to Ringgold. • A Yankee General is reported killed. Oar loss is two wounded. All is quiet again. From Biloxi. — We learn that on Sunday several Yankee officers from Ship Island went ashore at Biloxi, under a flag of truce, and exchanged the usual cour tesies with our people, such as of news papers, etc. In the course of their con versation they came out squarely and plainly, and acknowledged that they had been badly defeated by Clen. Taylor, and said that there was no cause of denying the sact —that the ‘‘infernal negro ques tion would ruin their cause.” Our informant says that a few days ago three of our men—one. named Barne3 a member of Fenners battery, and anoth er named Elmer, of the 18th Miss, regi ment, Longstreet’s corps, and another whose name we do not remember, were captured by the Yankees on Bayou alein, near Pascagoula, wffiile returning home in a small boat. (Mobile Tribune. — —— Reported Advance or the Enemy. —The Staunton Spectator of last day says': It is reported here that the enemy were, during the past week marching from the Kanawha Valley upon Lewis burg with* a force of four thousand men. They are reported to have advanced, when last heard from, as far as Sewell Mountain. It is supposed 'that the ea** emy at Beverly, in Randolph county, will also advance. TSie f*etigfas iinbulance Cerp§ Solicit contributions from the citizens of Col umbus, of lint, old linen, bandages, soap, wines, liquors, pickles, preserves, provisions, or any other articles usually necessary for .the sick and wounded on the battle field. Send to Goodrich £ Cos., to be packed immedi ately. H. L- GOODRICH, Pres. B. R. C. may U ts Columbus, Ga. ( WILL pay a reward of Fire Hundred Dollars for 1 the apprehension of, with proof to Convict, the person or persons who on the night <>f the 28 th inst., stole » 7 inch RUBBER BELT from the Foundry connected with these Works. y may 2-3 t Chief Eng. C. $. X. Jjjm ft\TTKIIS. : ; ' : ■ ■ BOTTOM. Religion* Notice. The usual WEDNESDAY service in the Pres byterian Church, will be held during the present month at 4P. M. The public are invited to at tend. may 4 ts For Chattahoochee. The Steamer Indian will leave for Chattahoochee Thursday morning at 9 o’clock. may 4, ‘ — «■ » _ Notice Mechanics.— Greenwood, Gray & Cos. give notice that they wish to employ ten good hands by the month. “Les Miserables.” —Any person having the first three volumes of this work, or either of the three, can dispose of the same to advantage by ap plication to this office. Not Dead. —The Enquirer states that it was mistaken in announcing the death ofMr. Zachary of Capt. Barden’s company. It seems he is only » prisoner in Ohio. Episcopal Convention. —This body,composed of delegates from the various Episcopal ehurche* of the State of Georgia, will convene in this city to-day. Bishop Elliott presiding. We learn that the body will remain in session during the re mainder of the week. j Sallie Partington.— What has becomo of this I mysterious personage, who entered the literary arena with such a creditable debut in our col umns a few woeks since? Has she been fright ened off at the prospect of having to reveal her namie, or did she say all sho bad to say at once ? If you have anything good on your mind, Sallio, perhaps we might give you a hearing without your name, seeing that you are so extremely We would like to encourage rising genius. Auction Sale. —The following prices were ob tained at Rosette, Lawhon A Co.’s auction yester day for the articles specified. Flour, SI,OO per lb. j sugar, $3,25 to $6,25 : whiskey. SSO to $65 per gaflon ; bleached sheeting, $5,50 per yard: fur niture sold very high. Handsomely Done. —Some of the little girls have shown us the prizes awardod them on their fes tal day by the trustees of the Free School as a re ward of merit. Too volumes were large and hand somely gotten up, and replete with interest to the youthful and the aged, and are worth at the pres ent time from $25 to S3O. Verilydhis is hand somely done, and speaks well for the liberality and spirit of the trustees. We sincerely congratulate these children upon having fallen into such good hands, and trust they will strive to continue to de serve such displays of kindness, notice. The ladies of Columbus and surrounding * country are rospectully requested to send to the store of Messrs, Ligon & Brooks, all the linen and cotton cloths that they can spare suitable for bandages. Last year, I made an appeal to the ladies of Columbus for bandages, to which they res ponded promptly,—l hope they will all inter est themselves and do as much for the cause at this call as they did last year. A. C. GRANT, Agent for Hospital, Marietta Ga. Columbus, Ga., May 4th, 1864. Will the city papers please copy the above for the cause of our common country? A. C. G. HANDS WANTED. LIBERAL hire will be paid for five or ten hands by the month or day. mays-d2w GREENWOOD & QUAY. STJO--A.3EL.. FIVE BOXES CHOICE SUGAR for sale by GOOD7JICH & CO. mayo-lw Wanted, '{ D hire for the balance of the year, a good cook, t washer and ironcr, for a small family ten miles in tne country, A liberal price will be paid Apply to E. J. PJNCKAKD & CO may 4. ©raaages, ©ranges! A FEW hundred Florida Oranges for sale at XTL 119 Broad Street, by ‘ ?Dh. C. H. JONES. may 4 3t CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,) Quartermaster General’s Office, ? Richmond, April 23, 1864. j Ail Officers and Agents of this Department are hereby notified that in order to introduce proper uniformity and system in connection with the con tracts executed with the Factories on Government account, and to increase thereby the yield thereof. Major G. W. Cunningham, Quartermaster, hereto fore in charge of the Depot at Atlanta, Georgia, is entrusted, exclusively, with the duty of contracting in behalf of this Department, with the Factories in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi. He will respond to requisitions for material, made upon him by Officers in charge of Depots for the manufacture of clothing. A. R. LAWTON, may 3 lm Quartermaster General. AUCTION SALES. By Ellis, Livingston & Cos. .A-t Private Sale. 3 Bales Cotton Yarns, from No. 8 to the Bale only. -100 Reams Superior Note Paper. may 3 4t emPTHERfICRASI, Principal Office* Macon, Ga. Q TO r KIIOL DjyRS are hereby notified that the Tax, lev Ed by the Act of Congress, dated 17th February, i- >n he Shares of Stock, will be paid by the Con • Stockholders are fnr ner notified thnt. their Annual meeting will be held at t A office en Thursday, tha 2d day of J une next, when Directors for the ensu ing year will be elected. C. DAY, Sec’y. may 2-3 t HEADQUARTERS POST, 1 CoLUMiiUs, Ga, April 25,13 b 1./ GENERAL ORDERS, I No, 10. i 11. Officers, Government Contractors, and a!l other persons having control of, or in their employ, de tached soldiers or detailed enrolled men, are hereby informed that such soldiers and men are subject, with reference to furloughs, in every particular. t-J the same rules, regulations and restrictions, as sol diers in the licld, and all applications for furlough* over 48 hours by detached soldiers or detailed en rolled men, should be made in the prescribed form to be found in the Army Regulations, am*, for warded by tlietr immediate officers, through these Head quarters, fi>r the approval of the General Command ing the Military District of Georgia. Detached or derailed men leaving their work in violatiion of this order, will have their details revoked. 111. At! men between the a-ges of seventeen and fif -4y years employed in Government shops or by Gov ernment Contractors, should, iu every instance ba enrolled. Ey order of COL- ROBERTSON. Chas. Wiron. A. A. G. apr2Bbw