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DAILY TIMES. J. Jf. WARREUT, - - - Editor. COLUMBUS: Monday Morning, September 19, 1864. The Exchange Question. Fifth Aviiro* Hotel, \ New York, Monday, Sept. 6,1864. j To the Editor of the Net* York Timet : Enclosed I send you a note from the Agent es Exchange of Piisoner* to tho Confederate commissioner, Mr. Ould, in reply to his offer to accept, in part, a proposition made by me eight months since, to exchange all prisoners of war held by either belligerent party. Without waiting my reply, Mr. Ould has printed his offer for which purpose it seems to have been made. I am therefore driven to the 3ame mode of placing my justification of the action of this Government in possession of the public before it reaches the Confederate Commissioner. Respectfully, Bexj. F. Butler' Major General, and Commissioner of Exchange. Headquarters Department of j Virginia and North Carolina, l In the Field, August—, 1864. J Hon. Robert Ould , Commissioner of Exchange : Sir: Y r our note to Major Mulford, Assis tant Agent ofExchangc, under date of 10th of August, has been referred to me. You therein state that Major Mulford has several times proposed to exchange prisoners respectively held by the two belligeren:s, officer for officer and man for man, and that “the offer has also been made by other officials having charge ot matters connected with the exchange of prisoners and that “this propo sal has been heretofore declined by the Con federate authorities.” That you now consent to the above proposition, and agree to deliver to (Major Mulford) the prisoner held in cap tivity by the Confederate authorities, provi ded you agree to deliver an equal number of onicers and men. As equal numbers are de livered from time to time, they will be declar ed exchanged. This proposal is made with the understanding that the officers and men on both sides who have been longest in capti vity will be first delivered, where it is practi cable. From a slight ambiguity in your phrase ology,. but more, perhaps, from the an tecedent action of your authorities, and be cause of your acceptance of it, I am indoubt whether you stated the proposition with entire accuracy. It is true, a proposition was made both by Major Mulford and myself, as Agent of Ex change, to exchange all prisoners of war taken by either belligerent party, man for man, offi cer for officer, of equal rank, or their equiva lents. It was made by me as early as the first of the winter of 1863-’4, and has not been ac cepted. In May last I forwarded to you a note, desiring to know whether the Confeder ate authorities intended to treat colored sol diers of the United States army as prisoners of war. To that inquiry no answer has yet been made. To avoid all possible misappre hension or mistake hereafter as to your offer now, will you uow say whether you mean by “prisoners held in captivity,” colored men, duly enrolled and mustered into the service of the United States, who have been captured by the Confederate and if your authori ties are willing to exchange all soldiers so mustered into the United States army, wheth er colored or otherwise, and the officers com manding them, man for man, officer for officer. At an interview which was held between j yourself and the Agent of Exchange on the j part of the United States, at Fortress Monroe, | in March last, you will do me the favor to re- ; member the principal discussion turned upon ; this very point ; you, on behalf of the Confed- \ orate Government, claiming the right to hold all negroes, who had heretofore been slaves j and not emancipated by their masters, enrolled j and mustered into tho service of the United i States, when captured by your forces, not as i prisoners of war, but upon capture to be turned over to their supposed masters or claimants, 1 whoever they might be, to be held by them as j slaves. By the advertisements in your newspapers calling upon mastsrs to come forward and claim these men so captured, ‘I suppose that your authorities still adhere to that claim— that is to say, that whenever a colored soldier of the United States is captured by you upon whom any claim can be made by any person residing within the Stales now in insurrection, such soldier is not to be treated as a prisoner of war, but is to be turned over to his supposed owner or claimant, and put at such labor or service as that owner or claimant may ch«ose. and the officers in command of such soldiers, in the language of a supposed act of the Con federate States, are to be turned over to the Governors of States, upon requisitions, for the purpose of being punisbedby the laws of such States, for acts done in war in the armies of the United States. You- must be aware that there is still a pro clamation oy Jefferson Davis, claiming to be Chief Executive ol the Confederate States, declaring in substance that all officers of color ed troops mustered into the service of the*U. States were’not to be treated as prisoners of war, but were to be turned over for punish ment to the Governors of States. I am reciting these public acts from memo ry, and will be pardoned for not giving the exact words, although I believe T do nob vary the substance and effect. These declarations on the part of those whom you represent yet remain unrepealed, unannulled, unrevoked, and must therefore be still supposed to be authoritative. By your acceptance of oar proposition, is the Govern ment of the United States to understand that these several claims, enactments and pro claimed declarations are to be given up, set aside, revoked, and held for naught by tbe Confederate authorities, and that you are ready and willing, to exchange man "for man those colored soldiers of tbe United States, duly mustered and enrolled as such, who have heretoforebeen claimed as slaves by the Con federate States, as well as white soldiers. If this be so, and you are so willing to ex change those colored men claimed as slaves, and you will so officially inform the Govern ment of the United States, then, as I am in structed, a principal difficulty in effecting ex changes will be removed. „A» i informed you personally, in ray judg ment, it is neither C? n sisteßt with the policy, : dignity or honor of the United States, upon | any consideration, to allow those who. by onr laws solemnly enacted, are made soldiers of the Union, and who have been duly enlisted, j enrolled and mustered as such soldiers—who j b&Tfi borne arms in behalf of this country, and who have been captured while fighting in Tin dication of the rights of that country,, not to be treated as prisoners of war and remain un- j exchanged and in the service of those who'} claim them as masters ; and I cannot believe! that the Government of the United States will ever bo found to consent to so gro3‘ a wrong. ( Pardon me if I misunderstand you in sup- ; posing that your acceptance of our proposition does not in good faith, mean to include all the soldiers of the Union, and that you still in tend, if your acceptance is agreed to, to hold the colored soldiers of th.e Union unexchanged and at labor or service, because I am informed \ that very lately, almost cotemporaneously | with this oiler on your part to exchange pris oners, and which seems to include all priso ners of war, the Confederate authorities have made a declaration that the pogroes heretofore | held to service in the States of Delaware, Maryland and Missouri are to be treated as prisoners of war when captured in arms in the service of the United States. Such declaration that a part of the colored soldiers of the Uni ted States were to be prisoners of war would seem most strongly to imply that others were not to be so treated, or, in other words, that colored men from the insurrectionary States are to be held to labor and returned to their masters, it captured by the Confederate forces while duly enrolled and mustered into, and actually in the armies of the. United States. In the view which the Government es tke United States takes of the claim made by you to the persons and services of these nog roes, it is not to be supported upon any principle of national or municipal law. Looking upon these men only as property, upon‘your theory of property in them, we do mot soe how this claim can be made, certainly not how it can be yielded. It is believed to be a well settled rule of public international law, and a custom and part of the laws of war that the capture of moveable property vests the title to that property in the captor, and therefore when the belligerent gets into full possession, property belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other belligerent, the owner of that property is at once divested of his title, which rest in the belligerent Government capturing and holding such possession. Upon this rule of international, law all civilized na tions have acted, and by it both belligerents have dealt with all property, save slaves, taken from each other during the present war. If the Confederate forces capture a number of horses from the United States, the animals I immediately are claimed to be, and, as weun- j derstand it. become the property of the Con- j federate authorities. Ts the United States capture any movable property in the rebellion', by our regulations : and laws, in conformity with international : law and the laws of war, such property is ; turned over to our Government as its proper ty. Therefore, if we obtain possession of that species of property known to the laws of the insurrectionary States as slaves why should there be any doubt that that property, like any other, vests in the United States ? * If the property in the slave does so vest, then the “jus disponendi,” the right of dispos ing of that property rests in the United States. Now, the United States have disposed of tbe property which they have acquired by capture iu slaves by them, by giving that right of property to the man himself, to the slaves, i. e., by emancipating him and declaring him free forever, so that if we have not mistaken the principles of international laws and the laws of war, we have no slaves in the armies of the United States. All are free men, being made so in such manner as we have chosen to dis pose of our property in them which we ac quired by capture. Slaves being captured by us, and the right of property in them thereby vested in us, that right of property has been disposed of by us by manumitting them, as has always been the acknowledged right of the owner to do to his slave. The manner in which we dispose of our property while it is in our possession cer« tainlv cannot be questioned by you. Nor is the case altered if the property is not actually captured in battle but comes either voluntarily or involuntarily from the belligerent owner into the possession of the other belligerent. I take it no one would doubt the right of the United States to a drove of Confederate mules, or a herd of Confederate cattle, which should wander or rush across the Confederate lines into the lines of the United States army. So it seems to me, treating the negro as property merely, if that piece of property passes the Confederate lines, and come3 into the lines of the United States, that property is as much lost to its owner in the Confederate States as would be the mule or ox, the property of the resident of the Confederate States which should fall into our hands. If, therefore, the principles of international law and the laws of war used in this discus* sion are correctly stated, then it would seem that the' deduction logically flows thereform, in natural sequence, that the Confederate States can have no claim upon thd negro sola diers captured by them from the armies of the United States, because of the former owner ship of them by their citizens or subjects, and only claim such as reeult, under tbe laws of war, from their captor merely. Do the Confederate authorities claim the right to reduce to a state of slavery free men, prisoners of war captured by them? This claim our fathers fought against under Bain bridge and Decatur, when set up by the Bar bary Powers on the Northern shore of Africa, about the year ISOO. and in 1864 their chil dren will hardly yield it upon their own soil. This point 1 will not pursue further, be cause I understand you to repudiate the idea that you will reduce free men to slaves because of capture in war, and that you base the claim of the Confederate authorities to re-enslave our negro soldiers, when captured by you upon the “just post liminif or that principle of the law of nations which rehabilitates the for mer, owner with his property taken by an enemy, when such property is recovered by the forces of his own country. Or, in other words, you claim that by the laws of nations and of war. when property of the subjects of one beligerent power, captured by the forces of the other belligerent, is re captured by the armies of the former owner, then such pro-perty is to be restored to. its prior possessor, as if it had never been cap tured, and, therefore, under this principle your authorities propose to restore to their masters the slaves which heretofore belonged to them which you may capture from us. But this postlirninary right under which you claim to act, as understood and defined by all writers on national law, is applicable simply to immoveable property , and that, too, only aft .r the complete re-subjugation of that por - tion of ihe country in which the property is situated, upon which this right fastens itself. By the laws a nd customs of war, this right has never been applied to moveable property. True, it is, I believe, the Romans at tempted to apply it to the case of slaves, but for two thousand years no other nation has at tempted to set up this right as ground for treating slaves differently from other property. But the Romans even refused to re-enslave men captured from opposing belligerents in a civil war, such as ours unhappily is. Consistently, then, with any principle of the law of nations, treating slaves as property merely, it would seem to be impossible for the government of the United States to permit the negroes in their ranks to be re-enslaved when captured, or treated otherwise than ns prison ers of war. I have forborne, sir, in this discussion, to I argue the question upon any other or different grounds of right than those adopted by your authorities in claiming the negro as property, because I understand that your fabric of op position to the government of the U. States has the right of property in man as its corner stone. Os course it would not be profitable, in settling a question of exchange of prisoners of war, to attempt to argue the question of j abandonment of the very corner-stone of their attempted political edifice. Therefore. I have I'admitted all the considerations which should apply to the negro soldier as a man, and dealt ; with him upon the Confederate, theory of pro : perty only. I unite with you most cordially, sir, in de siring a speedy settlement of all these ques- I tions, in view of the great suffering endured ! by our prisoners in the hands of your author ities, of which you so feelingly speak. Let me ask, in view of that suffering, why you have delayed eight months to answer a pro position, which, by now accepting, you admit to be right, jdst and humane, allowing that I suffering to continue so long? One cannot help thinking, even at the risk of being deem ed uncharitable, that the‘benevolent sympa thies of the Confederate authorities have been lately stirred by the depleted condition of their armies, and desire to get into the field to affect the present campaign, the hale, hearty and well-fed prisoners held by the United States in exchange for the half-starved, sick, emaci ated and unserviceable soldiers of the United States now languishing in your prisons. The events of this war, if we did not know it be | fore, have taught us that it is not the Northern portion of the American people alone who ; know how to drive sharp bargains. The wrongs, indignities and privations suf- I sered by our soldiers would move me to con i sent to anything to procure their exchange, except to barter away the honor and faith of I the Government o? the United States, which has been sp solemnly pledged to the colored j soldiers in its ranks. Consistently with national faith and justice, i we cannot relinquish this position. With your authorities it is a question of property mere-* | ly. It seems to address itself to you in this form. Will yon suffer your soldier, captured in fighting your battles, to be in confinement for months rather than release him by giving him that which you call a piece of property, and which we are willing to accept as a man? You certainly appear to place less value upon vour soldier than you do upon your ne ' gro. I assure you, much as we of the North are accused of loving property, our citizens would have no difficulty in yielding up any piece of property they have in exchange for one of their brothers or sons languishing in your prisons. Certainly there can be no doubt that they would do so were that piece of pro perty less in value than five thousand dollars in Confederate money, which is believed to be the price of an able-bodied negro in the insur rectionary States. Trusting that I may receive such a reply to the questions propounded in this note as will lead to a speedy resumption of the negotia tions for a full exchange of all prisoners, and a delivery of them to their respective author ities, I have tbe honor to be, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Maj. Gen. and Com. of Exchange. Seward’s Auburn Speech. The New Y jrk Herald of the 7th giyes the fol lowing report of Wm. H. Seward’s recent speech at Auburn, New York : On Saturday evening last a large crowd of the citizens of Auburn, New York, including several hundred volunteers who were waiting to be mus tered into the service of the United States, congre gated in the grounds adjoining Wm. H. Seward’s residence in that city, and called for the Secretary to address them. In response to tho invitation, Mr. Seward came forward and spoke as follows: My Dear Friends: It is so that I like to see you come marching to the time of national airs, under the folds of the old national flag. I thank you for this hospitable and patriotic welcome. It proves that, though you deal rigorously with your public servants, exacting reasons for their policy, energy in their conduct of affairs, and explanations for failures and disappointments in their administra tion, yet you*are nevertheless just, because you willingly allow them to rejoice with you when you have successes, victories and triumphs to celebrate. The news that brings us together is authentic.— This victory comes in the right connection. It falls in with the echoes of the capture of Forts Gaines and Morgan, which I understand to be the particulars of Farragut’s glorious naval battle in the Bay of Mobile—a battle equalled by no other in Americau history but by the naval achievements of the same veteran Admiral at New Orleans, at Port Hudson; and all these have no parallel in naval warfare but the battles of the Nile and Tra falgar. The victory at Atlanta comes at the right place. The rebellious district is in the shape of an egg. It presents equal resistance on its whole surface.— But if you could break the shell at either of the two ends—Richmond and Atlanta—the whole must crumble to pieces. While Sherman, under Grant, has been striking the big end, Meade, under Grant, has been striking just as hard blows upon the lesser end. Tbe whole shell will now be easily crushed/ for it has grown brittle with the exhaus tion of vitality within. This glorious victory comes in good time for another reason. Just now we are calling upon you for three hundred thousand more volunteers, if you men, if we must—to end the war. You were getting a little tired of long de lays and disappointed expectations. In Indiana, a portion of the people, instigated by rebel plotters, at the Clifton House, in Canada, were importing British revolvers, in boxes, which passed the Cus tom House as stationery, under pretence of arming to defend themselves, but really to resist the draft and bring the government down to ruin, through a subordinate and auxiliary civil war. True, no arms have been imported here; yet delegates went out from among jmu, and sat down in council at Chicago with those Indiana conspirators, and agreed with them not only that that importation of arms should be defended in the election can vass, but also to demand the cessation of the war upon tho ground that success in restoring the Union is unattainable. Already under the influ ence of the cheering news from Atlanta all this discontent and this despondency have disappeared- We shall have no draft, because the army is being reinforced at the rate af .five to 'ten thousand men per day by volunteers.. May I not add that this victory at Atlanta comes in good time, as the victory in Mobile Bay does, j to vindicate the wisdom and the energy of the war j administration. Faragut’s fleet did not make it self, nor did ho make it. It was prepared by the Secretary of the Navy, and he that shall record the history of this war truthfully and impartially will write that since the days of Oarnot no man has organized war with ability equal to that of Stanton. But auspicious as tha occasion is, it has never theless failed to bring out some whom we might have expected here. Why are they not here to re joice in the victories that will thrill the hearts of the lovers of freedom throughout the world? Alas! that it must be confessed that it is party spirit that holds them aloof. All of them are partisans.— Some of them are republicans, who cannot rejoice in the national victories because this war, for the life of the nation, is not in all respects conducted according to their own peculiar radical ideas and theories. They want guarantees for swift, and uni versal aud complete emancipation, or they do not want the nation saved. Others stay away because they want to be assured that in coming out of the revolutionary storm the ship of State will be found exactly in the same condition as when the tempest assailed it, or they do not want the ship saved at all, as if anybody could give such guarantees in the name of a people of thirty millions. Others are Democrats. They received from their fathers the axiom that only Democrats could save the country, and they must save it by democratic form ulas and combinations, which the progress of the age has forever exploded. They cannot come up to celebrate achievements which condemn their narrow and hereditary bigotry. Others of both the Republican and Democratic parlies, are wil ling that the nation shall be saved, provided, it is done by someone of their chosen and idolized chiefs, which chief they mutually denounce and revile. They caDnet honor Grant, and Sherman, and Farragut, and Porter, because by such homage they fear that Fremont and McClellan’s fame may he eclipsed. Nevertheless, there are enough here of the right sort, eneugh of men who once were Republicans, but who, taking that word in a parti zan sense, are Republicans no longer, and men who ouce were Democrats, but who, taking that i word in its narrow application, are Democrats no | longer, all of whom are now Union men, because they found out at the beginning of this tremend- j ous civil war, or at some period in its progress, , that no man, no party, no formula, no creed, could save the Union, but that only the people could save it, aud they could save it only by ceasing to become partizang, and becoming patriots and i Union men. The war is at its crisis. It is clear, therefore, that we are fighting to make Abraham Lincoln President of the whole United States, under the election of 1860, to continue until the 4th of March, .1865. In voting for a President' of the United “States, can we wisely or safely vote out the iden tical person whom with force and arms we are fighting into the Presidency ? You justly say no. It would ba nothing less than to give up the very object of the war at the ballot-box. The moral strength which makes our loyal position impreg nable would pass from us, and when that moral strongth has passed away, material forces are no longer effective, or even available. By such a proceeding we shall have agreed with the enemy and given him the victory. But in that agreement the constitution and the Union will have perish ed, because when it shall have once bean proved that a minority can by force or circumvention de- feat the full accession of a constitutionally chosen President, no President thereafter, though elect- i ed by ever so large a majority, ean hope to exer- j cise the Executive powers unopposed throughout the whole country. One of two things must fol- i low the fatal error. Either a contest between ; your newly elected compromise. President, and the same usurper, in which tho usurper must pre- . vail, or else a combination between them through which the usurper or his successor, subverting your constitution and substituting his own, will become President, King or Emperor of the United States without foreign aid, if he can, with foreign intervention, if necessary. (That’s so.) To be sure it i3 so; nothing is more certain than that either the United States and their constitutional President, or the so-called Confederate States and their usurping President, must rule within the limits of this republic. I therefore regard the pending Presidential election as involving the question whether hereafter we shall have a con stitution and a country left us. How shall we vote, then, to save the country from this fearful danger? (Vote Lincoln in again.) You have hit it, exactly, my friend. We must vote Lincoln in again, and fight him in at the same time. If we do this the rebellion will perish, and leave no root. If we otherwise, we have only the alternative of acquiescence in a perpetual usurpation, or of entering an endless succession of civil and social wars. To me therefore, the Democracy at Richmond and the Democracy at Chicago, like Ceesar and Pompey seem to retain all their original family resemblance. They are very much alike, especially Pcrnpuy. Bat it is not in mere externals that their similarity lie*. They talk very much alike, as I have shown you. When you consider that among the Democrats at Chicago the Indiana Democrats were present who have imported arms to resist the natienal au thority, and defeat the national laws, and that all the Demoorata there assembled agreed to jus tify that proceeding, I think you will agree with me that the Richmond Democrats and the Chicago Democrats have lately come to act very much alike. I shall now go farther, and prove te you that they net only have a common policy, and a common way of defending it, but they have even adopted that policy in concert with each other.— You know that when the Chicago Convention was approaching in July last George Sanders, Clement C. CUy and J. P. Holcombe appeared at the Clifton House en the Canada bank of the Niagara river, fully invested with the confidence and ac quainted with the purposes of Jefferson Davis and his confederates at Richmond. You know, also, that Chicago Democrats resorted there in consid erable numbers to confer with these emissaries of Jefferson Davis. Here is the fruit of that confer ence, and no one can deny the aathenticty of my evidence. It is extracted from the London “Times, the common organ of all the enemies of the United States. The New York correspondent of the London “Times,” writing from Niagara Falls under date of August 3 says : Clifton House has become a centre of negotia tions between the Northern friends es peace and Southern agents, which propose a withdrawal of differences from the arbitrament of the sword. The correspondent then goes on to explain that an effort is to be made to nominate a candidate for the Presidency on the platform of an armistice and a convention of the States, and to thwart by all possible means the efforts of Mr. Lincoln for re-election. Mark now, that on the Bth of August, 1564. Northern Democrats and Richmond agents agree upon three things to be done at Chicago namely —First, a withdrawal of the differences between the Government and the insurgents from the arbitra ment of the] sword ; second, a nomination for President of the United States on a platform of an armistice and ultimately a convention of the States; third, to th wart by all possible means the re election of Abraham Lincoln, Such a conference, held in a neutral country, between professedly loy al citizens of the United States and the agents of the Richmond traitors in arms has a very sus picious look. But let that pass. Political elec tions must be free and therefore they justly axcuse many extravagancies. When the insurgents shall have disbanded their armies and laid down iheir arms the war will instantly cease, and all the war measures then existing, including those which affect slavery, will cease also, and all the moral economical and political questions, as well questions affecting sla very, as others which shall then be existing be tween individuals and States and the Federal Gov ernment, whether they arose before the civil war began, or whether they grew out of it, will, by force of the Constitution, pass over to the arbitra ment of courts of law and to the councils of legis lation. lam not unsophisticated enough to ex pect that conspirators, while yet unsubdued and exercising an unresisted despotism in the insur rectionary States, will either sue for or oven ac cept an amnesty based on the surrender of the power they have so recklessly usurped. Never theless, I know that if auy such conspirator should tender his submission upon such terms, he will at once receive a candid hearing, and an answer prompted purely by a desire for peace, with the maintenance of,the UnioD. On the other hand, I do expect prepositions of peace, with a restoration of the Union, to come, not from the Confederates in authority, nor through them, hut from the citi zens and States under and behind them. And I expect such propositions from citizens and States to come over the Confederates in power just so fast as those citizens and States shall be delivered by the Federal arm3 from the usurpation by which they are now oppressed. All the world knows that, so far as I am concerned, and I believe so far as the President is concerned, all such application* will receive just such av answer as becomes agreat, magnanimous ancr humane people to grant to brethren who have comeback from their wander ings to seek a shelter in the common ark of ou natioual security and happiness. The sun is sat ing. So surely as it shall rise again, so surely do I think that the great events we have now cele brated prelude the end of our national troubles, and the restoration of the national authority, with peace, prosperity and freedom throughout the whole land, from the lakes to the gulf, and from ’ocean to ocean. And so I bid you good night, and may God have you with our whole country, al ways in his holy and paternal keeping. llow General Morgan Fell. —We have just received an authentic account how General Morgan came to his death. Accompanied only by his staff, he went on a reconnoitering expedition to Green ville, and there stopped for the night at the house of one Joseph Williams, who is one of Burnside’s staff. Shortly after dark Mrs. Williams left tho house clandestinely, and mounting a horse, rode fifteen miles to Bull’s Gap and informed the Yan kees of the whereabouts of Gen. Morgan. * She returned to Greenville with astroag forco of Yan kees and piloted them to her houss by a by-path. On the approach of the enemy Gen. Morgan ran into the back yard and there discovered that the house and grounds were surrounded by Yankees. Being determined never again to fall alive into the enemy’s hands he drew his pistol and fired upon the Yankees nearest to him. Having discharged the contents of his revolver ho attempted to break through the line and escape, when a volley was fired upon him. He fell dead, one of the shots having passed through his head. All of General Morgan’s staff except Major Bas sett were captured. —Richmond Examiner. ♦ —— Siege of Charleston —Four Hundred and Thirty-Second Day. —Sixteen shots were fired at Fort Sumter and twenty-three at the city since last report. The only casualty was the beheading of an unfortunate dog standing in the gateway of a building struck by a hun dred pounder Parrott. Some heavy firing was heard in the direction of Stono early Tuesday morning, the cause of which we have not learned. The enemy’s working parties are still busily engaged on Batteries Gregg and and Wagner. Carts were also busy hauling ammunition daring the day to these batteries. Unusual activity was also observed in the ene- I nay’s fleet. A large number of tents are re ported recently erected on Horse Island, and the enemy also active in that locality. There has been no material change in the fleet. * [Courier, 14 th. A Touching Incident. —“T. H. P.,” in the Biblical Recorder, relates a touch ing incident, received from Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore. When Beaufort, S. C., fell into the hands of the Federal troops, Col. Morrow of Ohio, was made Provost Mars shall of the place. The Colonel had been raised in Baltimore,, his mother having been a member of Dr. Fuller’s Church in that city. In early life the Doctor was Pastor of the Baptist Church in Beaufort. Among the many negroes captured in Beaufort, was an old man, who had been many years sexton of the Church.there. Learning that Col. Mor row knew “Mass Richard/’ as the styled Dr. Fuller, he sought opportunities for conversing with him about his old pastor. As the Col. had become disgusted with the Federal service, and was about to res turn home, the old sexton, with an unu sually serious expression of countenance, asked him on one occasion to accompany him to the house. There taking him in* to the chamber and carefully locking the door, the old negro drew from between the straw and feather beds on which he slept, the Bible, hymn book and service plate of the Church in which he had officiated, and which he had long kept consecrated, and with tears in his eyes committed them to the Colonel, charging him to deliver them safely to the hands of “Massa Rich ard” himself. These sacred relies of a once prosperous and beloved Church the Doctor now has in his possession. Coming In.— We learn that large number* es i deserters are coming in and reporting to the au thorities in different parts of tho State, and we trust that the means now being employed to re turn them to duty will prove effective, and that it will not be long before the last of them are re turned to duty. Such as refuse pardon now offer ed cannot exped; it hereafter. We appeal to the friends aud relatives of all such as have been I guilty of the cr._ae of desertion, to do everything in their power to return them to duty at once. De lay will be fatal to these unfortunate men. [A r . C. Prog res*. TELEGRAPHIC, SI PORTS OF TH* PRRSS ASSOCIATION. Entered aceerdinc to act of Congress in tko year IM3, by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerk's ofSco of the District Court of tho Confederato States for tko Northers District of Georcia. SATURDAY NIGHT’S DISPATCHES. Macon, Sept. 17.—1 tis reported, with a con siderable show of truth, that Sherman has sent an informal request for Gov. Brown, Vice President Stephens and Senator H. V. John son, to meet him in Atlanta and have a talk about Peace. Brigadier-General F. A, Shoup has been re lieved of duty as Chief of Staff to Gen. Hood. Exiles from Atlanta continue to come into our lines. Several hundred families have ar rived in the most destitute condition imagin able. Generals Hood and Sherman have agreed upon a special exchange of two thousand pri soners ; 700 of the number will be sent for ward to-night for that purpose. Petersburg, Sept. 17—Hampton's cavalry made a most successful dash into the enemy's lines near Sycamore Church, Prince George county, 17 miles from the city, captaring 2500 head fat beef cattle, 300 prisoners, a number of horses and ten wagons. The spoils are now safe in the Confederate lines. Gregg s division of Yankee cavalry made an attempt to cut off Hampton, but was hand somely flogged for his pains. Hampton’s men are in full feather and eager for another chance at Grant’s choice beef. The Chicago Tribune announces that the 11th and 15th Illinois regiments have been mustered out of service, having declined to reenlist. These j regiments were with Sherman in Georgia. The | 18th Illinois, from Steel's command at Little Rock, has gone to Springfield to be mustered out of ser vice, having declined to roenlist. ♦ - ♦ ♦ Bibles for Hood’s Army. —Sixteen thousand copies of the Bible and Testament arrived in Selma yesterday evening, en route for Hood’s army.— They are the first instalment of fifty thousand pre sented the troops of the Confederate Stat«3 by the American Bible Society, at New York! They came by way of Memphis. —Selma Mississipjiian. ♦ ♦ Certain of their Independence, —Tho Chi cago Times speaking of the war, says: The continuance of this war ou present terms i as certain to result in the independence of th seceded States as night and day are to follow each other. From Trans-Mississippi.' We had the pleasure this morning of meeting Major Rose, the indefatigable Trans-Mississippi courier, lie brought over with him Mrs. General Bankhead, aud both are en route to Richmond.— He informs us that the river is t patroled by tho Yankees with sleepless watchfulness, so that it is almost impossible to cross anywhere. General Magruder had gone with his army to Arkansas and Gen. Price was in Missouri gather ing large numbers of recruits. Gen. Kirby Smith was at Shreveport. The Yankees were still in possession of Natchez, aud had been committing sorno atrocities which shock the sensibilities of every Christian man.— Such, for example, as disinterring the dead in order to search for valuables. This is stated on the very best authority. We aro indebted to Major Rose for Houston pa pers of the 24th ult., but they contain no news of interest. —Mobile Tribune 15 th. There are two hundred and twenty-five re cruiting agents at Nashville, Tenn., from the Northern States, and thus far have obtained 150 accepted recruits. “Niggers' 7 are getting very “skase.” How the Chicago Members Talked. —The correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, in jour neying to Chicago, with many members of the Dem ocratic Convention, was much impressed with their conversation. Ho says : But the saddest thing in all this political talk was the evident delight of our military failures. I do not write the words willingly : for realizing pro foundly that this rebellion can be put down by no party and by no effort that stops short of embra cing the people of the North, I know how fully it is admitting that the end of these troubulous times is not yet in sight. But there could be no mistak ing tbe tone of exultation in which the invasion of the North and the siege of the capital in the fourth year of .the war were paraded, and Grant’s flanking operations were laughed at, and the ability of Jell'. Davis was exultantly eulogized. mm • Yankee accounts represent that over two huw dred of the Fort Gaines prisoners have taken the oath, or offered to take the oath of allegiance te Lincoln. We can hardly believe this, but if it he so, it accounts sufficiently for the tame surren der m the forts at the mouth of Mobile bay. Ad miral Buchanan has so much recovered from his that he is,able to move about on crutches, [Montgomery Advertiser. Dried Tomatoes. —Take ripe tomatoes and scald them in tho usual way, and strip off the skins, or mash and squeeze them through a seive, then stew the pulp slowly, so aa to evaporate as much as possible, without burning, then spread it on plates, and dry it in a slow oven or in the hot sun. When wanted for use, you have to soak and cook a few minutes, and serve it up just as you would tomatoes stewed fresh from the garden. Artemus Ward on Forts. —Every maa of in tellect has got his Fort. Daniel Webster’s Fort was to speechify in the hauls of Kongris & make Dickshunaries. Shakespeer rote good plaze but he wouldn’t have been wuth a pint of kold Sider as a etennergaffic Reporter. Wood he? lie bet 2 dollars he woodent. Old George Washington’s Fort was not to have any public man of the present day resemble him to any alarming extent! Where bowts can George's equal be found? I ask, & boldly anser no where®, or any wheres else. Old man Townsin’s Fort was to maik Sassype riller. ‘Goy to the world! anuther life saved.’ (Cotashun from Towsin’s advertisement.) Cyrus Field’s Fort is to lay sub machine telegraf under the boundin biller of the Oshuu & then hev it bust. My Fort is the great moral show bizinis and ritin choice famerly literatoor for the noospapers. That’s what’s the matter with me. The Louisville Press understands that Hon. Jessee D. Bright has sold all his Kentucky possessions, freed his negroes, given each of them a sum of money sufficient to commence the world with, and has, with his family, gone to Europe, there to remain until after the war. Astronomers predict that in November of this year, a meteoric display of falling stars, similar to that ol November, 1833, will take place. • By Ellis, Livingston Sc Cos. 200 GKA-XjXjOJNTS PURE CATAWBA GRAPE BRAMOY! A VERY FINE ARTICLE. For sale in quantities of 10 Gallons and upwards. ag3o ts BEEF! BEEF!! I HAVE secured the services of an experienced Butcher, an 1 will keep on hand at all times the best Beef that can be found in the country. j*3“Beef ready for sale every morning at daylight. WM. H. H. PHELPS, g pl7 5t 114, Broad St. Notice, TAKEN by mistake from the Brown House, Ma- L con, Ga., on the 17th inst., a Trunk containing Ladies wearing apparel. A Trunk was left in tne place of the one taken, supposed to j?e the propertj of the person now in possession of the first.men tioned Trunk. Miss M. C. Cress eta. is written in pencil on the Trunk left by mistake. The person having the Trunk taken from the Brown House can get thl one left, by retu ruing it to Mr. John Knight, near the Brown House, Macon, Ga. «epl9 2t* 1 THE CITY. J- JACKSON....." LOCAL EDITOR. Funeral Notice. Tho friends and acquaintances of Mr. and Mr*. A. Cadnaan, ara requested to attend the funeral of their Infant Daughter, from their residence, this morning, at 10 o’clock. sepl9 It _ A Sum in “Figers.”—lf it takes tkirty-soven dollars per month in shoe leather to protect the pedal extremities of a preambulating Local, what would the bide and tallow of a flea be worth in current prices, or speaking plainly, couldn’t our friend John Black induce his friend Tompkins to send up a good pair of shoes ? We fpause for a reply. The Review. —The local companies of the city were reviewed and inspected on the South Com : mons Saturday evening by Col. Von Zinkeu. The spectacle was quite gratifying and imposing. Many of the fair sex of Columbus and vicinity, en livened the Common by their cheering presence. The war has not diminished the reputation of our city iu the way ofbeautiful women, as we imagined on this occassion, we had never beheld a brighter array of blooming belles and charming matrons. Quiteanumber of strangers, civilians, and soldiers were also present. We felt highly pleased with the new Comman dant. He evinced a familiarity with the minutiae of handling troops that proves him at once a man of business and accomplished soldier. Sword Presentation.— lt will bo seen by tho following coorrospondence that tho “ Davrsou Artillery” of this city have recently presented Major Dawson, late Post Commandant, with a handsome sword. Both tho presentation and ac j ceptanee letters are very pretty productions : Columbus, Ga., Sept. 12th, 1364. | To Major Geo. 0. Dawson, Sir : —lu behalf of the Dawson Artillery, I have the honor of presenting to you the sword herewith accompanying. In so doing, permit me to say, it is the united contribution of rank aud file, officers and men, that have prepared this gift as a mark of affection. When we remember the many courtesies extended towards U3 as a company in infancy and in the act cf formation by yourself as the then Commandant of tho Post, we are proud to have an opportunity of showing our high est esteem for one who has long since drawn the sword for Southern Independence and the right of self Government. The history of the present strug gle tells us that where our braves fell you dared to lead. We desire therefore, that you receive this token of our confidence in your military ability a3 well as bravery, aud our best wishes whither so ere 3 r ou go. May happiness attend you: may you long live an honor to the country. May this token of gratitude never be sheathed until the last battle is fought and won, and the sword pas3 hon ored down from sire to son. I have the honor to be, Most rcspoctfully, C. H. JONES, Chairman of Committee to purchase and present sword. Columbus, Ga., Sept. 16,1864. Mr. C. H. Jones, Chairman, &e. Sir: I have the honor to tender through you to the “Dawson Artillery” my sincere thanks for a most magnificent sword, a gift which you are pleased to say, is the united contribution, of rank and file, officers and men. I cannot express how greatly affected lam at this proof of public cpnfi dence. Next to the approval of one’s judgment— and the sanction of his conscience, is the good opinion of the wise, the virtuous, and the brave, with whom socially and officially, we are in daily intercourse. The duties of a Post Commandant, are as varied and complex, as the motives which eontrel human action. Promptness, firmness and decision are in dispensable to the proper discharge of its duties. The clashing interest of society, where duty, right and justice arc constantly opposed to favoritism, inclination and gratitude, make the position neither pleasant nor enviable. In the discharge of it3 duties, I am conseiou- that official inter course and military discipline are by no means in consistent with good breeding and gentlemanly deportment. No truly brave officer will take advantage ofhi3 rank to wound the feelings of the humblest soldier, whose only fault is the most disinterested patriot ism, whose only crime is the proud distinction of being called a private, and who perhaps in the civil walks of life, is the peer, if not the superior of his commanding officer. For the kind manner you have spoken of the humble part borne by me in the present revolu tion I thank you. To that record I refer you, a3 the best guarantee that the trusty blade confided to my keeping, shall be consecrated to tho sacred cause of “Southern Independence and the right of self-government,” and shall “never bo sheathed until the last battle is fought and won, and our independence acknowledged.” Very respectfully, your ob'fc serv’t, G. O. DAWSON, Major 3th Regiment Georgia Volunteers. AUCTION SALES. By Ellis, Liviiigsiow A Cos ON TUESDAY, 20th of September, at 101 -2 o’clk, we will sell in front of our store, A VERY FINE HARNESS AND SADDLE HORSE, Eight years old, kind and gentle. jepl9 2t $6 By Ellis, Livingston Sc Cos. m t mm 1 AN TUESDAY, September 20th, at 10 1-2 o’dk, ! U we will sell in front of our store, DWELLING HOUSE AND LOT, East of the Muscogee Rail Road Depot; House is new with 4 good rooms; Collon* ade in front; Kitchen, Smoke-house, and good Well of Water. Lot 1-4 acre—a comfortable residence. —also — A VERY FINE PARLOR MIRROR, French plate, 3 by 5 ft. 100 REAMS FOOL’S CAP PAPER. 100 Shares Bank of Columbus Stock. 1 GUTTA PERCHA GIN BAND, 40 feet long and 8 inches wide. —also, — 101 1-4 Acres Land, Eight miles of the City, being the W eat half of Lot No, 142, in the 9th district, South of the old express road, adjoining the land of Lawrence and Jones—- 1 wanty acres cleared, with a small I welling. —ALSO, — A VERY LIKELY NEGRO BOY! 15 years old. 16 Bbls. COAST-SALT ; 400 lbs. WRAPPING PAPER 16 BOXES FINE TOBACCO. sepli 45