Georgia Historic Newspapers

    DAILY TIMES.
J. W. WARREN, - - - Editor.
OOLTJMBUS:
Saturday Morning, October 8,1864.
It was rumored in official quarters yester
day that Sherman, after dispatching two corps
of his army to Gj&tit’lr assistance, had taken
himself off to Washington City. If this be
true, he and his army are likely to be separa
ted for some time to come. While he is re
ceiving the congratulations of the royal Ape.
at the Yankee Capital, Hood 'is writing his
farewell address to hi3 men in Atlanta.
Some citizens of middle Georgia, impressed,
apparently, with a good deal of alarm at the
condition of things and the prospect, ad
dressed letters to Vice President Stephens and
Hon. Herschel V. Johnson (how many others
we know not) inquiring for some “royal road”
to peace. The genius of the Vice President
and of the Senator has failed to gratify the
curiosity of the inquirers, Both tell them
quite plainly that “it’s no use talking”—-that
(he advent of peace cannot be aoceierated one
hour by any movement “in the rear.” Presi
dent Davis, in all his late speeches through
Georgia, gave them still better counsel—to
“go to the front.” Hood’s last movement is the
greatest peace demonstration that has yet been
made, and every man added to his ranks is a
negotiator with approved and potent creden
tials. We publish Senator Johnson’* letter
to-day and hope we have heard the last of this
peace twaddle. It never has done any good,
but would do a great deal of harm w r ere it not
occasionally and opportunely covered with a
“wet blanket.”
President Davis’ Speecli at Au
gusta. i
In spite of the inclemency of the weathor
an immense concourse of ladies, citizens and
soldiers assembled at the South Carolina Rail
road Depot to hear the speech of our Presi
dent and bid him a parting farewell prior to
his departure for Virginia. The hour ap
pointed for the delivery of the address was
four o’clock, but long before that hour a steady
stream of carriages and pedestrains flowed to
wards the depot. At half past four o’clock,
the President’s carriage drove up to the stand;
Mr. Davis had to walk about twenty yards be
fore he could get to the centre of the plat
form. He had scarcely alighted from his
carriage when hi3 pathway was beset by a
throng of ladies, struggling to catch a glimpse
of him or kiss hi3 hand. Finally he succeed
ed in reaching the point aimed at, amid the
vociferous cheers of the entire assemblage.
The President made his appearance, accom
panied by Generals Beauregard, Hardee, Cobb,
and a number of other officers, and on being
introduced by Mayor May amid enthusiastic
cheers, spoke as follows -.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and Fellow-Cit
izens of Georgia:
At the moment of leaving your State, after
having come thither to learn the exact truth
as to the late military operations here, Igo
away much more confident than when I came.
I have been to the army and return imbued
with the thought that they are as fully ready
now as ever to meet the enemy, and that if all
who are absent will return, anddhose owing
service will go, thirty suns will not set before
no foot of an # invader will press the soil of
Georgia.
Never before was I so confident that energy,
harmony and determination would rid the
country of its enemy and give to the women
of the land that- peace their good deeds have
30 well deserved.
Those who see no -hope now, who have
lost confidence are to me like those of whose
distorted vision it is said they behold spots
upon the sun. Such are the croakers who
seem to forget the battles that have been won
and the men who have fought, who forget that
in the magnitude of those battles and the he
.roism of those men this struggle exceeds all
that history records. We commenced the
fight without an army, without a navy, with
out arsenals, without mechanics, without
money and without credit. Four years we
have stemmed the tide of invasion, and to
day are stronger than when the war began ;
better able now than ever to repulse the van
dal who is seeking our overthrow. Once we
imported the commonest articles of daily use
and brought in from beyond our borders even
bread and meat. Now the State of Georgia
alone produces food enough not only for her
own people and the army within it, but feeds
too, the army of Virginia. Once we had no
arms and could receive no soldiers but those
who came to us armed. Now we have arms
for all and are begging men to bear them—
this city of Augusta alone produces more
powder than the army can burn—all things
are fair and this Confederacy i3 not yet, in
the familiar parlance of the croaker, “played
out/' as those declare who spread their own
despondency over the whole body politic
(voice in the crowd-, beyond doubt that of a
Hibernian, “Three cheers for the Confedera--
cy,” which were vociferously given.)
From the accents of that voice, my friend,
I see that you have come into this country
from one that has itself lost its liberty, and
you may well exclaim, three cheers for the
Confederacy, upon whose success now alone
depends (he existence of constitutional liber
ty in the world. We are fighting for princi
ple,- Upon us depends its last hope. The
Yankees, in endeavoring to coerce the States,
have lost that heirloom of their fathers and
the men of the South alone must sustain it.
Gars is not a revolution. We were a free
and independent people in States that had the
right to make a better government when
they saw fit. They sought to infringe upon
the rights we had and wo only instituted a
»®w government on the basis of those rights.
We are not engaged in a Quixotic fight for the
rights of man, our struggle is for inherited
rights, and who would surrender them ? Let
every paper guaranty possible be given and
who would submit? From the grave of many
a fallen hero the blood of the slain would cry
out against such & peace tvitn the murderers.
The women of the land driven from their
homes, the children lacking food; old age
hobbling from the scenes of its youth ; the
fugitives, forced to give way to the Yankee
oppressor and now hiding in your railroads,
all proclaim a sea of blood that freemen can
not afford to bridge. There i3 but one thing
to which we can accede—separate State Inde
pendence. Some there are who speak of re
construction with slavery maintained, but are
there any who would thus measure rights by
property? God forbid. Would you see that
boy with a peach bloom on his cheek grow up
a, serf—never to tread the path of honor un
less he light the torch at the funeral pile of
his country? Would you see the fair daugh
ters of the land given over to the brutaht} ot
the Yankees ?
If ary imagine this would not be so, let
him look to the declaration of Mr. Lincoln, the
terms he offers ; let him read the declarations
of the Northern press, let him note the tone
of the Northern people, and he will see there
is nothing left for us but separate indepen
dence.
Who now looks for intervention? Who does
not know that our friends abroad depend up
on our strength at home? That the balance
is in our favor with victory, and turns againat
us with defeat, and that when our victory is
unquestioned, we will be recognized, and not
till then.
We must do our duty, and that duty is this :
Every man able to bear arms must go to the
front, and all others must devote themselves
to the cause at home. There must be no
pleading for exemption. . We are fighting for
existence, and by fighting alone can indepen
dence be gained. Georgia is now invaded.
She is calling for succor, and he who ;from
Alabama, from Mississippi, from South Caro
lina rushes to her aid—strikes when he strikes
for her a blow for his own home apd family.
Our Confederate States must lean one upon
the other for mutual support. We are as the
poet has said:
“Distinct as the billows, yet one as the gea.”
One part must rush to the support of the
other. We must beat Sherman, we must
march into Tennessee—-there we will draw
from 20,000 to 30,000 to our standard, and so
strengthened, we must push the enemy back
to the bank3 of the Ohio and thus give the
peace party* of the North an accretion no puny
editorial can give.
Words will not now avail. You must con-*
suit your hearts, perform more than the law
can exact, yield as much as freemen can give
and all will be well. With peace and freedom
a glorious career opens for these Confederate
States. Relieved from class legislation, free
from taxes—indirect, it i3 true, but imposed
by your rulers for twenty years past—no long
er subject to Northern speculators, grinders of
the faces of the poor, and deniers of the rights
of men, yon will start forward in the brightest
or futures.
On each of the former occasions when I
was in this State of Georgia on my way to
the army, that army was on the soil of other
States, and it is only at this visit that this is
the battle-field. I trust this will not be long
so, and that Providence may soon take the
war beyond her borders. I trust too, that our
hearts are fixed on following the enemy in his
retreat, and then if negotiations come they
will come in such form as alone we can en
tertain.
Till then we can have no peace, and yet
does any one suppose this government i3 anx
ious for war ? Some have spoken of the Ex
ecutive, and declared that Executive hardness
and pride of opinion was opposed to any ne
gotiations. Those who think so must imag
ine me more or less than man. Do they not
suppose I have wept over the wounded sol
dier borne from the battle-field to tell of those
who there lay lifeless ; that I have not lament
ed the loss of property by our good and great
men ; that I have not mourned over the lives
that ha-ve been offered up ? My first effort
was for peace, and I sent commissioners to |
endeavor to arrange an amicable dissolution.
From time to time I have repeated efforts to
that end, but never, never have I sought it on
any other basis than Independence. [Enthu
siastic Applause.] But do I expect it ? Yes,
I do. [Renewed cheering.]
Brave men have done well before against
greater odds than ours, and when were men
ever braver ?
We will achieve it. How many sacrifices
it may take I cannot tell, but I believe that a
just God looks upon onr cause as holy, and
that of our enemy as iniquitous. He may
chastise us for our offences, but in so doing,
He is preparing us and in his good Providence
will assist us and never desert the Right.
And you my fair countrywomen, whose past
gives assurance of what you will do in the
future; you who have clothed the soldier, and
sent him forth to battle, who have hung upon
the rear of the armies, and ever stood ready
to succor the wounded, who have lined the
wayside to minister to the feeble, and pointed
the dying to Heaven. You, too, have done
your duty.- You have given up all. You have
sent your husbands, your fathers, your sons
to the army, but you must do more. You must
use your influence to send all to the front,
and form a public opinion that shall make a
skulker a marked man; and leave him no
house wherein he can shelter. And you young
ladies, who are yet to marry, let me tell you
that when the choice comes between "a one
armed or one legged soldier and he who has
grown fat on extortion at home, choose rather
to cling to the armless sleeve.
There are some I know who have looked
upon Confederate legislation as needlessly
harsh. I would that it could have been un
necessary. I would that goods could have
been bought in market rather than impressed
—that the armies could have been filled by
volunteering rather than conscription, and
yet I look upon the latter as the more just,
lou force ail men to make roads, pay taxes,
serve on juries ; why should not all fight your
battles? My opinion on this subject has not
changed. I believed and believe now it is just,
that it would have been better had it been the
policy from the beginning of the war, and I
endorse it in all its length, and breadth, and
depth.
Besides, however, these forces we have
others. For this the reserves have been or
ganized, and on these and on the disabled
soldiers, who, faithful to the last, will fight
though they cannot march. When your line
shall have been completed these forces can
hold Augusta against any force but a large
army, and when that comes, a large army will
be at liberty to meet it, and such an army
you shall have. [Great applause.]
Some there are too who never saw a squad
ron in the field who yet proffer their advice.
They compose in their closets the campaign
of a general and write the State papers of an
executive. I do not gainsay their wisdom,
but let them go to the front and there give us
the benefit of their services. [Laughter.] '
Why criticise a general‘or rail at the Exe
cutive? They have ventured all, and every
thing they have is dependent on the result,
Their honor, their reputation, their future is
at stake. If you are assured of their good in
tent, their steady labor, their constant effort,
why destroy confidence in them by railing?
In proportion as they err should they be treat
ed with leniency. In proportion as the Exe
cutive is purblind should criticism be friendly
and error be pointed out calmly. So far as
they fall short, just so far do they need sup
port.
Two of those gentleman who crossed this
floor with me you have cheered, and you have
cheered them because you respect those who
have freely ventured their lives m your de<
fence. One is Georgia’s own son —the hero of
many hard fought fields—your own good and
true Hardee, (cheers.) Hardee, who was a
captain, proved himself early a brave and bril
liant soldier, and who now goes from one post
of duty to another, who leaving the army
above goes to make good the defence of Sa
vannah against your foe.
The other, Beauregard, (cheers) goes to
share the toils, the fortunes, the misfortunes,
if it be so, of the the array in Georgia. He
goes with a single purpose to serve wherever
I direct, asking no particular place, desiring
no special command but in the spirit that
made a general a corporal, go where I say,
and so going, I trust he goes not to bleed but
to conquer. [Applause.]
With these hopes I go to Virginia. Late
reverses there have been exaggerated by the
telegraph, and the tide of victory is now set
ting in our favor. Forrest has disposed of the
enemy that held him in check so long, and is
now going up the river sweepieg onward to*
ward the North, gaining victory after victory,
conquering and to conquer.
Be of good cheer, in homely phrase, put
your shoulder to the wheel, and work while it
is day.
With this stirring peroration, and a few
parting words as to the necessity ot defeating
the two main Yankee armies before the new
levies could come in from the draft, and the
duty of Georgia to feed the armies and hap
less refugees, his Excellency brought his re
marks to a close amid enthusiastic applause.
A Yankee judge, by name, John T. Miles,
gives in a letter to the press, an account of the
recent interview with Lincoln, in which that
functionary is made to say, what briefly stated
amounts to a declaration, that if the United
States Government were to lose the services
of those black negroes, who form so large a
part of its armies, and rely upon the fighting
capacities of its own citizens aiOne, it would
be compelled to abandon the war in less than
three weeks.
Letter from .Senator Herscliel
V. Johnson,
TO SEVERAL GENTLEMEN IN MIDDLE GA.
Sandy Grove, near Bartow P. 0., Ga., 1
September 25th, 18G4. /
Gentlemen :
Your letter of the 14th in«t., was received
several days ago. I have taken time to con
sider the object which it proposes—“the inau
guration of a peace movement at the South.”
I long for peace as ardently as “the heart
pants for the cooling water book.” I agree
with you, that “this unnatural Btrife cannot
be terminated by arms.” The pen. not the
sword, must, at last, solve our difficulties, and
the sooner the controversy can be transferred
from the field of battle to the forum of ration
al and honorable negotiation, the better it will
be for both governments. I agree with you,
that the peace movement at the North should
be duly encouraged at the South. To this
end, we should lose no occasion, nor omit any
proper means to convince the North that we
are still, as we always have been, willing to
adjust the difficulties between us, upon hon
orable terms. We have avowed our desire
for peace and readiness for negotiation from
the very beginning of the war, in every form
in which organized communities can give ex
pression to their will. We have avowed it in
Executive messages, in Legislative resolves,
and Congressional manifestoes.
What more can we do, in view of our situ
ation ? Gladly would I do more, if it were
possible. But Ido not believe that it is. We
can inaugurate do movement that would lead
to the result S') earnestly desired by every
friend of hirtnauity, and so urgently demanded
by the interests of both sections. Our milita
ry situation would seem to forbid even the
attempt. The capture of Atlanta and Rich
mond is regarded by the authorities of the
United States, as all that is’necessary for our
ultimate subjugation. They have captured
Atlanta, and General Grant says the early
capture of Richmond is certain, beyond a
doubt.. What, under the circumstances, would
be the probable effect of any peace movement
at the South ? Would it conciliate the North?
Would it inspire the government of the United
States with a sense of justice, or forbearance,
or magnanimity ? So far from this, it would
be construed into intimidation on our part,
and it would stimulate and intensify the war
spirit of the North. It would be regarded as
our confession of overthrow, and the premonD
tory symptom of our readiness to sue for mer
cy on the bended knees of unconditional sur
render.
In view of the avowed object of the war on
the part of the Northern Government, it is
very certain that there can be no peace, upon
any honorable terms, so long as its present
rulers are in power. The President of the
United States has proclaimed emancipation
and his determination to enforce it by the
sword. He has announced, in advance of any
formal offer of negotiation on our part, that
he will not treat with rebels (as he is pleased
to call the people of the Confederate States)
except upon the condition that we lay down
our arms, abandon slavery, and return to the
Union. He will then grant such terms as may
be compatible with his sense of justice, lib
erality and magnanimity. So long, therefore,
as its present rulers are in power, and this
policy shall be adhered to, there can be no
peace between us and the Government of the
United States, which will not bring upon us
confiscation, social disorganization, poverty,
degradation, and intolerable dishonor. What
worse would be our doom if subjugated by
military power? Subjugation is no worse
than the submission offered to us as the only
condition of peace. It would at least 3ave to
us our honor.
If the people of the United States will change
their rulers ; if they .will repudiate the avowed pol
icy of subjugation ; if they will return to a prac
tical recognition of the true principles which un
derlie the whole structure of American govern
ments, organized to secure and maintain constitu
tional liberty, the door will soon be opened for
an honorable and lasting peace. Peace, upon any
other terms, involves the foss of liberty, because It
will be the result of force—not of choice and com
pact between co-equal and sovereign States. Peace,
upon any other terms, means despotism, enthroned
in empire—not republicanism founded upon “the
consent of the governed” and organized “in such
form as to them shall seem most likely to effect
their safety and happiness.” This is the ’ kind of
peace which the United States now propose to on
force upon the people of the Confederate States—
the peace of death to constitutional liberty—the
stagnant peace of despotism—the peace which
chains and prison-bars impose. *
I look with anxiety to the approaching Presi
dential election in the United States, For al
though the Chicago platform falls below the great
occasion, and the nominee still lower, yet the tri
umph of the Democratic party of the North will
certainly secure a temporary suspension of hostili
ties and an effort to make peace by an appeal to
reason. They confess that four years of bloody
war, as a means of restoring the Union, has proven
a failure. They declare, that the true principles
of American government have been disregarded
and trampled under foot, by the present Execu
tive of the 'United States. Their success will
bring a change of administration and, with that a
change of policy. It will do more, and what is of
infinitely greater importance, it the two
contending parties, face to face, in the arena of
reason and consultation. Then and there can be
discussed the history of all our difficulties, the
principles involved in the bloody issue and the re
spective interests of both governments. Such is
my conviction of the omnipotence of truth and
right, that I feel an abiding confidence, that an
honorable peace would ultimately spring from
deliberations.
In their long cherished devotion to the Union of
the States—a sentiment which challenges my res
pect—the people of the North, it seems to me, have
fallen into two grave and capital errors. On the
one hand, they attach an undue importance to the
mere fact or form of Union, ignoring the princi
ples and objects of the Union, and forgetting that
it ceases to be valuable when it fails to secure that
object and maintain those principles. On the other
hand, they think, that the States of the Confeder
acy have separated from the United States, in con
tempt of that Union, in a wanton disposition to
insult its flag and to destroy the government of
which it is the emblem. Both opinions are wrong.
The old Union was an organization of States.—
But it was more; it was such an organization,
founded upon great principles, in order to give the
most efficient security for the maintainance of those
very same principles. These principles are the
sovereignty of the States; the right of the people
to govern themselves; the right of each State to
regulate its own domestic affairs, to establish its
own municipal institutions, to organize its own
system of labor and to pursue its own career of en
terprise, subject to no restrictions except such as
are expressed in the Federal Constitution. On
these the Union was based, and constituted the
selemn guarantee of all, that each State should be
protected in their undisturbed enjoyment. When
it failed to do this; or what is worse, when its gov
ernment passed into the administration of those
whose avowed policy and measures must lead to
the overthrow of those principles, it was virtually
at an end, and, in their opinion, ceased to be valu
able to the people of the Confederate States. —
Hence, secession was not resorted to merely to
throw off the Union. Our people loved the Union
and henored its once glorious flag, for the rich
memories that clustered around it. They left it
with a reluctance and regret to which history will
scarcely do justice. They were, as they are now,
wedded to the principles on which the Union was
founded; they separated from it, but to vindicate
and maintain them. Whether they acted wisely or
unwisely must be left to the impartial arbitrament
of time and coming events. But no people were
ever prompted, to so momentous a step, by loftier
devotion to constitutional liberty. For this, we
are denounced as rebels against the government of
the United States, and threatened with the bloody
doom of traitors; our country is invaded, our
homes desolated and our people slain by hostile
armies. We are told, that we must be conquered
or exterminated. The North is fighting us to
maintain the mere fact or form of Union, by toree.
We are defending ourselves, to preserve the great
principles which lay at the foundation of the Union.
If we be rebels against the one, if disposed to
bandy epithets, we might reply that they who ad
vocate and wage this war against us, are traitors
to the other. If there is wrong on either or both
sides, let impartial history decide who are the
greater sinners. This is the naked truth. When
thus viewed, how cruel and unnatural is this war!
Why should the North fight us? Especially why
should the thousands of professed constitutional
men of the North lend their countenance and aid
to our subjugation? ’ We are struggling for prin
ciples which should be as dear to them as they are
to us. Do they not see, that our overthrow will b®
the downfall of constitutional liberty—fatal to their
freedom as well as ours—the inauguration of an
irresponsible and unlimited despotism? Correct
ideas are slow in their progress of leavening the
mass of mind: truth is ever trampled upon, when
passion gains sway. -But the ultimate prevalence
of the one, andthe ascendancy of the other is only
a question of time and their end, peace. The light
already begins te break io upon the thinking and
better portion of the Northern people. They be
gin to see that this war is not waged to restore the
Union, in good faith —the Union of the Constitu
tion; but, either to secure disunion, by avowing
impossible and degrading terms of peace, or to
convert it into a despotism by subjugating the
South. Hence, the Chicago movement. Henoe #
the note of discontent that is being sounded by a
portion of the press and statesmen of the North. —
God opened the light, that the people of the North
may understand the position which we ooeupy, and
discern the volcano that threatens to engulf their
liberty. Then they will consider negotiation not
only politically but absolutely necessary.. Then
peace will come, predicated upon those principles
so essential to both governments and all our strifes
and difficulties solved in conformity to the best in
terest of the parties.
In view of our position, permit me to repeat, I
do not see how we can inaugurate any movement
likely to lead to an honorable peace. We are the
party assailed. Peace movements must come from
the assailing party. I would not be understood,
however, as standing on any point of etiquette, as
to who should take the initiative —I have no such
feeling. All I mean to say is, that in view of the
avowed policy of the United States Government,
any advance on our part i3 already rejected, be
fore made, and that we cannot make any upon the
conditions annouheed by its President. I would
not hesitate to take the initiative If there was the
least hope of a favorable response or an honorable
result. But if the Government of the United
States should pass into other hands, repudiate the
policy of subjugation, and indicate a desire for
negotiation, I would if need be, have our Govern
ment propose it—certainly, accept the offer of it,
if tendered by the Federal authorities. Such I be
lieve to be the spirit and temper of our people.
Such lam satisfied is the sentiment of the Presi
dent of the Confederate States. He has avowed
it on every occasion which required him to allude
to the subject. The North can have peace at any
moment. All that they need to do is to let us
alone—cease to fight us; or if they prefer, agree
to negotiate a peace on terms honorable to both
parties. We are willing—always have been wil
ling, and shall continue to be willing. But as
long .as they fight us, the war must continue. For
what can we do, but defend? We have no power
to stop their fighting short of unconditional sub
mission to the terms announced by the President
of the United States.
Are our people prepared for peace upon those
terms? It is an insult to ask the question, unless
indeed, we suppose contrary to the whole history
of our struggle, that they did not count the cost
in'the beginning,and have no just appreciation of
the mighty principles involved. The President of
the Confederate States never uttered anything
more true, than when he said to the unofficial mes
senger of President Lincoln, that “we are not
fighting for slavery, but for the right of self gov
ernment. ”
So long as the people will keep this great truth
in view and obey the inspiration which it should
kindle in the breasts of freemen, they cannot be
conquered. They may have their land desolated,
their property destroyed, their towns and cities
burned and sacked, but subjugated they never can
be. We cannot have peace so long as the present
rulers of the United States are in power. We
may not, even if the Chicago movement should be
successful. But let us wait and hope for the change
and for peace. If it come not then we must rely
upon the omnipotence of truth and right, and the
judicious economy and use of the means which
God has given us. Patience, fortitude, courage,
hope and faith are as much elements of heroic
patriotism as they are of Christian perfection.
It is indispensable to cherish them with untiring
devotion, as the only condition on which liberty
can be gained or preserved. Her christening, from
the beginning, was the baptism of blood. She re
quires her votaries to lock arms and shields around
her altar, resolved to do or die freemen, rather
than live slaves, If this bo the spirit of the people,
ultimate success will be the reward for their suf
ferings and sacrifices. For their encouragement,
history is replete with examples, of which, none is
more striking or. more inspiring than that of the
revolution of 1776. Then let there be no despond
ency—no relation of effort and energy—no abate
ment of courage and heroic resolve.
I am, very respectfully,
Y®ur ob’t serv’t,
7/krschkl V. Johnson.
[Special Correspondence of the Memphis Appeal.]
From the Georgia Front,
Headquarters, Oct. 4th, 1864.
News from the front is rather meagre. Nothing
is positively known beyond that Sherman is stag
gering under the strategic blow which has been
dealt. He don’t know what to do. His plans are
upset. His campaign is closed. It is now Hood
who is campaigning and Sherman is on the defen
sive. The sunny South is open to Sherman. Why
don’t he choose his direction and go ? There is
nothing in his front but some cavalry and the
militia. Sherman can sweep over them like a
whirlwind. With Montgomery, and Macon, and
Augusta and every where except the rear uncover
ed. Why don’t he take hold ? Hood seems to want
him to make a grand journey homeward, by way
of Charleston, or Mobile, or Pensacola. All doors
are invitingly except those leading to Blue
Mountain and Chattanooga. Sherman’s campaign
is over. Having demolished, dissipated, evapor
ated, dispersed the army which under Bragg, John
ston and Hood has so long disputed his progress,
he can now take possession of the country. It is
his. Ilis work is done.
Calmly and peacefully Sherman and his army
are enjoying their conquests. We are sp pleased
with our masters, we are going to keep them here.
Lincoln may call as loudly as he pleases for them
to come and help him against Price in Missouri, or
Forrest in Tennessee or whoever wishes to steal
horses in Kentucky, or Echols at the saltworks, or
against Lee, or Early, or the yellow fevee. We
will not hear Lincoln’s calls. We will have Sher- I
man and his gallant army in Georgia. They have
fought gallantly for the fertile plains around At
lanta and their blood and bones shall fertilize no
other ground.
But, seriously, what is Sherman to‘do? Hood’s
present position is perfectly protected. To flank
him is now impossible, and to cut his communica
tions is utterly out of the question. Sherman can
stay at Atlanta till he rots, or he can leave his rail
road and be whipped as sure as be does it: or he
may fight his way home. I assure you that every
soldier in Hood’s army understands the advantage
of our position, and the very best feeling exists.
This is Gen. Hood’s campaign. He began after
Atlanta was lost. His energy and invention up
to the Ist of September was tied down to the one
idea of saving Atlanta. It was not his idea. Lying
idle, week after week in the trenches, is not Hood’s
style. I confess to an ardent admiration for the
gallant young soldier, who i3 now leading this
army. The hazardous movements which brought
it out of A-tlanta, then to Palmetto, and thence to
its present splendid position, were made with a
great celerity that showed the conductor to be per
fectly master of the grand machine he was mani
pulating.
Wait a little while, and a great event will compel
from all approbation of the act which placed Gen.
Hood in command of the army of Tennessee. B.
Tlie Spirit of tlie Army.
We have been furnished with the following ex
tract of a letter dated 16th inst., from a young sol
dier in Virginia to his mother in this city:
Now, dear mother, don’t fret about me; I will
keep up mp spirits and get along as well as I can.
I cannot come home now; every man ought to be
at his post. The six weeks between this and No
vember are big with events that are going to be
either life or death to all we love and Sold dear in
this life. Every man out here feels it, and knows
the responsibilities that rest upon him. We know
that those at home look up to us; and, in the com
ing shock, we are confident that God will help to
drive the fiendish enemy back, and teach them a
lesson that none but men that’s resolved to be free
can teach the savage foe. There is no croaking in
this army; the feeling and spirit is sublime; and
for Lee and Beauregard, the leaders that God has
raised up for us, we will hold Richmond against
ffrant and all his reinforcements, All that troubles
the men out here is that there are so many skulk
ers at home sucking the life-blood of the Confeder
acy, while we are out here defending such a craven
hearted set. I do wish if Farragut comes to Charles
ton we may be brought there. We can just whip
anything five times our number. Grant says he
will have the city by the 15th of October. Let him
try. We have opened a battery of 11 inch gun3 upon
the enemy, tearing up their lines and everything in
reach.
A Dampener.—The Syracuse Journal
relates that on Saturday last, while a train
on the old road was stopping at Cayuga
bridge for refreshments, a party of blatant
McClellanites went through the cars after
a “straw.” Meeting an old gentleman,
he was asked his preferance for President.
He named Lincoln. “But,” said he, “I
have five nephews in the army who each
prefer McClellan.” Applause from the
corps followed, when one congratulated
him upon the choice of his nephews, and
said : “Allow me to inquire under what
General they are making targets of them
selves ?” Imagine their surprise when
the old gentleman answered “Gen. R. E.
Lee.” —Louisville Journal.
TELEGRAPHIC.
REPORTS OF«7HE PRESS ASSOCIATION.
Entered accord il to act of Congress in the yeai
im, by J. sHirasher, in the Clerk’# office of
the Diatriot Colrt of the Confederate States so.
the Northern District of Georgia. _
Petersburg,, Get. 7th.—Unusual quietude
has prevailed here to-day and for the past
week. Grant is still busy with the spade in
his new position near Fort Mcßae.
It is rumored that Lieut. Gen. R. H. Ander
son will be assigned to the command of- Gen.
Beauregard’s troops.
Charlestown. Oct. 7. —An officer just ar
rived here from Harrisonburg states that
Sheridan had rfetired from that place and mo
ved down the Valley. Oui cavalry has enter
ed the town.
Richmonl, O^tH. —A fight commenced ear
ly this mofning on the Darbytown road on
the North side of the James river, extended
along the line to Fort Harrison, and ceased at
2 o’clock. We, carried, it is reported, two
lines of breastworks, took 300 prisoners, 100
horses, and nine pieces artillery. Gen. Gregg
of Texas killed, Gen. Bratton, Col. Haskell
and Maj. Haskell, of S. C. wounded. Our loss
slight, that of the enemy heavy. Nothing of
ficial yet.
Gen. Lee reports to the War Department
this evening that a dispatch from Early says
Sheridan is rfetreating from Harrisonburg
down the Valley.
Mobile, Oct. 7.
A special despatch to the Advertiser & Register,
dated Senatobia 6th, says Chicago items to the
10th ult., and Memphis papers to the 4th, have
been received.
On the 27th the Confederates made a desperate
assault on Pilot Knob and were repulsed with a
loss of 1,500, incHfding Gen. Cabbel.
The Federals wyacuated the place on the 28th
after spiking the guns and firing the railroad
depot.
The Confederates captured three guns, Ewing’s
train of 40 wagons and escort, burning the iron
works and all government buildings, It is sup
posed they made a complete smash of the drafting
apparatus and records.
The valleys and mountains are literally covered
with rebels.
Later reports say Price overtook the enemy and
badly used him up at Harrison Station.
The Yankees have evacuated Porter’s Mineral
Point, and deserted the entire country below Mcn
tinado bridge.
A. J. Smith wa3 flanked and fell back to Jeffer
son barrack and is fortifying.
A rading party went to Chalmego within four
miles of the city of Chicago.
The Chicago Times thinks it very strange that
they should evacuate Pilot Knob after slaughter
ing so many rebels, and only losing 69 men.
Bill Anderson has killed one hundred of John
son’s' six months’ men. Anderson says he intends
to kill every man he finds wearing the Federal
uniform, they having killed his father, mother,
and sisters,
Price conscripts all Union sympathiser. Large
numbers o£ volunteers are joining him. Mauy
drafted men have escaped from St. Louis and join
ed Price.
#
Rosencranz has issued orders to shoot every man
going in that direction.
Nashville dates of the 30th say that Forrest was
at Fayettvilie on ;the 29th, with nearly his whole
force moving on the Chattanoogo road. A small
portion of the road has b'sen destroyed. All the
bridges are destroyed between Athens and Pulaski.
Rousseau is at Tullahoma. Forrest had 20 am
munition wagons, 9 guns, including two 10-poun
der porrotts.
Decatur repotted captured by Wheeler.
The Canfederate Loan had declined three per
cen t in Europe-
The capture of Atlanta is considered the crown
ing success of the Western Army.
Gold in New York on the Ist was 193 1-2.
Morgan L. Smith commands Memphis. Wash
burn is absent on leave.
The Memphis Bulletin says that several towns
on the Pacific road have been burned; that Prices
army moves rapidly and seems to beubiqutous.
Another Letter from Fremont.
A few days since we published a letter
from Gen. Fremont, withdrawing his
name as a candidate for the Presidency.
Here is another letter from him, in which
he gives his reasons for so doing more ful
]y *
Nahant, Sept. 17.
Gentlemen : I enclose you a letter of
reply to an invitation from some of my
Republican friends to meet at Fanneuil
Hall. In declining their invitation, I
have informed them of my intention to
stand aside from the Presidential can
vass, and assigned my reasons for doing
so to avoid repetition- I enclose you the
letter communicating to you now officially
my desire to withdraw my name from the
lists of Presidential candidates. In this
decision I have the approval of such of
our friends as I have been able to con
sult ; and urged by the near approach of
the election, I have thought it prudent
not to incur the longer delay of
ing others, but I have reason to believe
they will unite with me fully in the pro
priety of the step I have taken; but, in
withdrawing from the post of candidate,
I do not in any way which we jointly un
dertook to secure the triumph of the idea
represented by the radical Democracy.
Whatever the next administration, we
owe to ourselves a phalanx compact and
capable, by its thorough unity, of exer
cising a pressure strong enough to en«
sure the eventual success of the princi
ples for which we have been contending—
the re-establishment of the Union, the
abolition of slavery, and practical respite
for liberty. In the present composition
of parties, it is indispensable that earnest
men should devote themselves to watch
ing the progress and insuring the success
of these principles, regardless of men or
parties.
Mr. Lincoln says he does not lead but
follows the will of the people. It re
mains, then, for fche people, in the event
of his reflection', to vigilantly require
this following at his hands; and further
to require that, in the exercise of his du
ties, he keep scrupulously within the con
stitution and the law—to make him re<-
cognize that he holds his place and his
power not as belonging to himself, to be
used at his but as a really faith
ful servant of the public.
This is the important duty which we
1 have now to perform, although as repre^
! sentativcs of the Cleveland movement, we
! surrender our functions to the duty of
i watching party politics. In the interests
; of liberty and the constitution, what steps
I are necessary in the performance of that
duty must be the subject for future con
sultation.
I am, gentlemen, respectfully and truly
yours. J. C. Fremont.
the city.
T. J. JACKSON LOCAL EDITOR
The usual services in the Presbyterian Church
will be resumed to-morrow (Sunday) by the
Pastor.
Hospitals Evacuated.— Several hundred sol
diers left the Hospitals here for Macon yesterday,
to make room for the fresh wounded expected
shortly from Hood's army.
] ♦ ♦ *»■ *
Theatre.—Mr. Crisp’s corps sustained them
selves with their usual ability on Thursday even
ing in the play of Ingemar, and the Hall not
withstanding the inclement weather, was well
filled. To-night Mr. Crisp will appear in his cele
brated character of “Don Caezar de Bazan,” to be
followed by an amusing afterpiece.
Those fond of splendid dramatic representations
will be amply repaid by an attendance.
Mr. Sartwell requests us to give notice that the
male department of the free school will be re-open
ed at Wesley Chapel on Monday morning next.
Auction Sales.—At auction yesterday by Ellis
Livingston A Cos., a good article of sugar was sold
at $6,50; chewing tobacco, from $1 to $6,75;
smoking from $1 to $3; furniture Ac., at high
prices.
wmj »
Dull.—The city is unusually dry of local items
of interest. We have essayed in vain for some
days to scare up a sensation, but have utterly
failed so to do.
Personal.—We were glad to meet on our streets
yesterday, Major Dent, of Hood’s army. He is
just returning from a visit to his home in Eufaula.
The Major is as gallant a fellow as ever drew a
blade in his country’s defence, and has rendered
invaluable service to the Tennessee army. We
have also had the pleasure during this week of
grasping the friendly hand of our townsman Lt.
G. B. Young of Croft's Battery, of the same army.
He, too, is the spirit of chivalry, having won hon
orable distinction in late engagements at the Geor
gia front.
All honor to these brave boys. May the missiles
of death continue to give them the go-by, un
til permitted to return and enjoy the laurels they
have sojustly won.
Attention Schools.— Mr. T. Kenny, gives no
tice that he is now prepared to furnish a good ar
ticle of Confederate Slates and Slate-penclis, at
his marble yard, Broad street, Columbus, Ga. As
these articles are becoming very scarce, teachers
and others will do well to call and examine speci
mens.
THEATRE.
Lessee and Manager W. If. CRISP,
Saturday Evening’, % ©ct. 8.
The Mobile Company Triumph*
antly Successful
Crowded and Fashionable Audiences.
W. 3HLC3R.ISP
Will appear in bis celebrated origininal character of
Bon Caesar de Bazan!
Performed by liibl hundreds of nights throughout
the country.
THE GLORIOtS COMEDY OF THE
! LADY AND THE D— >
Mr. Theodore Hamilton as Col. Wildlove.
Mrs. Jessie Clark as Zephbyna.
•fiQrTn preparation, the romantic drama of the
Lady of the Lake and the prize tragedy of Meta
mora.
ocS lt
Columbus High School
* FOR °
Y-OUISTO- LADIES !
THL Exercises of this Institution were resumed
1 on .Monday the 3d inst.
T« r nis for the first half of the Scholastic year
High School, - or n , :
Preparatory School.- . *iqq oo
Incidental Expenses, 5 qq
0 , W. S. LEE,
rw Principal.
THE Exercises of thfs Institution were resumed
i- on Monday the 3d inst.
The Terms for the first h%lf of the Academic yeal
-
First Department, ... §125 90
Second “ .... 190 00
Incidental Expenses, - - - 500
' „ C. P. B. MARTIN,
Principal,
FOR SAFE.
CONFEDERATE SCHOOL SLATES
AND
P encils 2
At Kenny’s Marble Yard, Broad st.
, THOMAS KENNY
octß lw*
By Ellis, Livingston & Cos.
200 a-^AXjLoisrs
PURE CATAWBA GRAPE BRANDY!
A VERY FINE ARTICLE.
For sale in quantities of 10 Gallons and upwards
ag3o ts
RUNAWAY OR STOLEN.
SSOO Reward !
LEFT Cusseta, Ala., on Sunday morning, Octo
ber 3d, my man Henry. He is about six feet high,
of pleasing address; was raised in Lumpkin county,
Ga.; I bought him of Alexander Spriggs, of Lump
kin county, Ga. I have reason to believe he has
been decoyed off by some white man. I will pay
two hundred dollars for the boy, and three hun
dred dollars for the thief, with proof to convict.
J. D. SIMMS,
oc6 2w Cusseta, Ala.
SIOO Reward.
WILL be paid for a negro boy named Henry, who
11 ranaway about two months ago. He is about 5
feet 8 inches high; weighs about IbO or 170 lbs.; com
plexion yellow; fine looking; when laughing has
dimples in both cheeks. It is probable lie went to
Atlanta with some of the troops from this city.
oc6 ts H. M. CLECKLEY.
Situation as Governess Wanted.
\y ANTED by a Refugee lady a situation as
Visiling Governess to give instructions in
English, Music and the Rudiments of French. Also
desires Music Scholars—will instruct them at their
homes. Terms reasonable. References given.
Enquire of D. P. Ellis, Esq. L oct 6-6t*
SSOO REWARD.
QTOLEN, from Judge Thomas’ stable, near Colum
io bus, Ga., on the night of the 3d instant, one
fine black HORSE, shoulder slightly rubbed from
collar, mane also rubbed off near his ear by halter,
on his left flank a healing sore, he has on anew
set of shoes with heels. Four hundred dollars will
be given for the delivery of this horse to me at
Columbus.
One hundred dollars will be given for the delive
ry to me of a NORREL MARE, small blazed face,
one hind foot white, no other mark' remembered.
Both horses were taken off together. If any one
living on the different roads leading from oo.um
bus can furnish anv information respecting these
h S they will gr ~ eatly QbI FA SHINGLEUR
A SI'PERIOR - "ARTICLE
or
COFFEE!
SHingle NT ails!
AT
MULFORD’S OLD STAND.
oct4-tf