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DAILY TIMES. J. W. WARREN, - - - Editor. OOLTJMBUS: Saturday Morning, October 8,1864. It was rumored in official quarters yester day that Sherman, after dispatching two corps of his army to Gj&tit’lr assistance, had taken himself off to Washington City. If this be true, he and his army are likely to be separa ted for some time to come. While he is re ceiving the congratulations of the royal Ape. at the Yankee Capital, Hood 'is writing his farewell address to hi3 men in Atlanta. Some citizens of middle Georgia, impressed, apparently, with a good deal of alarm at the condition of things and the prospect, ad dressed letters to Vice President Stephens and Hon. Herschel V. Johnson (how many others we know not) inquiring for some “royal road” to peace. The genius of the Vice President and of the Senator has failed to gratify the curiosity of the inquirers, Both tell them quite plainly that “it’s no use talking”—-that (he advent of peace cannot be aoceierated one hour by any movement “in the rear.” Presi dent Davis, in all his late speeches through Georgia, gave them still better counsel—to “go to the front.” Hood’s last movement is the greatest peace demonstration that has yet been made, and every man added to his ranks is a negotiator with approved and potent creden tials. We publish Senator Johnson’* letter to-day and hope we have heard the last of this peace twaddle. It never has done any good, but would do a great deal of harm w r ere it not occasionally and opportunely covered with a “wet blanket.” President Davis’ Speecli at Au gusta. i In spite of the inclemency of the weathor an immense concourse of ladies, citizens and soldiers assembled at the South Carolina Rail road Depot to hear the speech of our Presi dent and bid him a parting farewell prior to his departure for Virginia. The hour ap pointed for the delivery of the address was four o’clock, but long before that hour a steady stream of carriages and pedestrains flowed to wards the depot. At half past four o’clock, the President’s carriage drove up to the stand; Mr. Davis had to walk about twenty yards be fore he could get to the centre of the plat form. He had scarcely alighted from his carriage when hi3 pathway was beset by a throng of ladies, struggling to catch a glimpse of him or kiss hi3 hand. Finally he succeed ed in reaching the point aimed at, amid the vociferous cheers of the entire assemblage. The President made his appearance, accom panied by Generals Beauregard, Hardee, Cobb, and a number of other officers, and on being introduced by Mayor May amid enthusiastic cheers, spoke as follows -. Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and Fellow-Cit izens of Georgia: At the moment of leaving your State, after having come thither to learn the exact truth as to the late military operations here, Igo away much more confident than when I came. I have been to the army and return imbued with the thought that they are as fully ready now as ever to meet the enemy, and that if all who are absent will return, anddhose owing service will go, thirty suns will not set before no foot of an # invader will press the soil of Georgia. Never before was I so confident that energy, harmony and determination would rid the country of its enemy and give to the women of the land that- peace their good deeds have 30 well deserved. Those who see no -hope now, who have lost confidence are to me like those of whose distorted vision it is said they behold spots upon the sun. Such are the croakers who seem to forget the battles that have been won and the men who have fought, who forget that in the magnitude of those battles and the he .roism of those men this struggle exceeds all that history records. We commenced the fight without an army, without a navy, with out arsenals, without mechanics, without money and without credit. Four years we have stemmed the tide of invasion, and to day are stronger than when the war began ; better able now than ever to repulse the van dal who is seeking our overthrow. Once we imported the commonest articles of daily use and brought in from beyond our borders even bread and meat. Now the State of Georgia alone produces food enough not only for her own people and the army within it, but feeds too, the army of Virginia. Once we had no arms and could receive no soldiers but those who came to us armed. Now we have arms for all and are begging men to bear them— this city of Augusta alone produces more powder than the army can burn—all things are fair and this Confederacy i3 not yet, in the familiar parlance of the croaker, “played out/' as those declare who spread their own despondency over the whole body politic (voice in the crowd-, beyond doubt that of a Hibernian, “Three cheers for the Confedera-- cy,” which were vociferously given.) From the accents of that voice, my friend, I see that you have come into this country from one that has itself lost its liberty, and you may well exclaim, three cheers for the Confederacy, upon whose success now alone depends (he existence of constitutional liber ty in the world. We are fighting for princi ple,- Upon us depends its last hope. The Yankees, in endeavoring to coerce the States, have lost that heirloom of their fathers and the men of the South alone must sustain it. Gars is not a revolution. We were a free and independent people in States that had the right to make a better government when they saw fit. They sought to infringe upon the rights we had and wo only instituted a »®w government on the basis of those rights. We are not engaged in a Quixotic fight for the rights of man, our struggle is for inherited rights, and who would surrender them ? Let every paper guaranty possible be given and who would submit? From the grave of many a fallen hero the blood of the slain would cry out against such & peace tvitn the murderers. The women of the land driven from their homes, the children lacking food; old age hobbling from the scenes of its youth ; the fugitives, forced to give way to the Yankee oppressor and now hiding in your railroads, all proclaim a sea of blood that freemen can not afford to bridge. There i3 but one thing to which we can accede—separate State Inde pendence. Some there are who speak of re construction with slavery maintained, but are there any who would thus measure rights by property? God forbid. Would you see that boy with a peach bloom on his cheek grow up a, serf—never to tread the path of honor un less he light the torch at the funeral pile of his country? Would you see the fair daugh ters of the land given over to the brutaht} ot the Yankees ? If ary imagine this would not be so, let him look to the declaration of Mr. Lincoln, the terms he offers ; let him read the declarations of the Northern press, let him note the tone of the Northern people, and he will see there is nothing left for us but separate indepen dence. Who now looks for intervention? Who does not know that our friends abroad depend up on our strength at home? That the balance is in our favor with victory, and turns againat us with defeat, and that when our victory is unquestioned, we will be recognized, and not till then. We must do our duty, and that duty is this : Every man able to bear arms must go to the front, and all others must devote themselves to the cause at home. There must be no pleading for exemption. . We are fighting for existence, and by fighting alone can indepen dence be gained. Georgia is now invaded. She is calling for succor, and he who ;from Alabama, from Mississippi, from South Caro lina rushes to her aid—strikes when he strikes for her a blow for his own home apd family. Our Confederate States must lean one upon the other for mutual support. We are as the poet has said: “Distinct as the billows, yet one as the gea.” One part must rush to the support of the other. We must beat Sherman, we must march into Tennessee—-there we will draw from 20,000 to 30,000 to our standard, and so strengthened, we must push the enemy back to the bank3 of the Ohio and thus give the peace party* of the North an accretion no puny editorial can give. Words will not now avail. You must con-* suit your hearts, perform more than the law can exact, yield as much as freemen can give and all will be well. With peace and freedom a glorious career opens for these Confederate States. Relieved from class legislation, free from taxes—indirect, it i3 true, but imposed by your rulers for twenty years past—no long er subject to Northern speculators, grinders of the faces of the poor, and deniers of the rights of men, yon will start forward in the brightest or futures. On each of the former occasions when I was in this State of Georgia on my way to the army, that army was on the soil of other States, and it is only at this visit that this is the battle-field. I trust this will not be long so, and that Providence may soon take the war beyond her borders. I trust too, that our hearts are fixed on following the enemy in his retreat, and then if negotiations come they will come in such form as alone we can en tertain. Till then we can have no peace, and yet does any one suppose this government i3 anx ious for war ? Some have spoken of the Ex ecutive, and declared that Executive hardness and pride of opinion was opposed to any ne gotiations. Those who think so must imag ine me more or less than man. Do they not suppose I have wept over the wounded sol dier borne from the battle-field to tell of those who there lay lifeless ; that I have not lament ed the loss of property by our good and great men ; that I have not mourned over the lives that ha-ve been offered up ? My first effort was for peace, and I sent commissioners to | endeavor to arrange an amicable dissolution. From time to time I have repeated efforts to that end, but never, never have I sought it on any other basis than Independence. [Enthu siastic Applause.] But do I expect it ? Yes, I do. [Renewed cheering.] Brave men have done well before against greater odds than ours, and when were men ever braver ? We will achieve it. How many sacrifices it may take I cannot tell, but I believe that a just God looks upon onr cause as holy, and that of our enemy as iniquitous. He may chastise us for our offences, but in so doing, He is preparing us and in his good Providence will assist us and never desert the Right. And you my fair countrywomen, whose past gives assurance of what you will do in the future; you who have clothed the soldier, and sent him forth to battle, who have hung upon the rear of the armies, and ever stood ready to succor the wounded, who have lined the wayside to minister to the feeble, and pointed the dying to Heaven. You, too, have done your duty.- You have given up all. You have sent your husbands, your fathers, your sons to the army, but you must do more. You must use your influence to send all to the front, and form a public opinion that shall make a skulker a marked man; and leave him no house wherein he can shelter. And you young ladies, who are yet to marry, let me tell you that when the choice comes between "a one armed or one legged soldier and he who has grown fat on extortion at home, choose rather to cling to the armless sleeve. There are some I know who have looked upon Confederate legislation as needlessly harsh. I would that it could have been un necessary. I would that goods could have been bought in market rather than impressed —that the armies could have been filled by volunteering rather than conscription, and yet I look upon the latter as the more just, lou force ail men to make roads, pay taxes, serve on juries ; why should not all fight your battles? My opinion on this subject has not changed. I believed and believe now it is just, that it would have been better had it been the policy from the beginning of the war, and I endorse it in all its length, and breadth, and depth. Besides, however, these forces we have others. For this the reserves have been or ganized, and on these and on the disabled soldiers, who, faithful to the last, will fight though they cannot march. When your line shall have been completed these forces can hold Augusta against any force but a large army, and when that comes, a large army will be at liberty to meet it, and such an army you shall have. [Great applause.] Some there are too who never saw a squad ron in the field who yet proffer their advice. They compose in their closets the campaign of a general and write the State papers of an executive. I do not gainsay their wisdom, but let them go to the front and there give us the benefit of their services. [Laughter.] ' Why criticise a general‘or rail at the Exe cutive? They have ventured all, and every thing they have is dependent on the result, Their honor, their reputation, their future is at stake. If you are assured of their good in tent, their steady labor, their constant effort, why destroy confidence in them by railing? In proportion as they err should they be treat ed with leniency. In proportion as the Exe cutive is purblind should criticism be friendly and error be pointed out calmly. So far as they fall short, just so far do they need sup port. Two of those gentleman who crossed this floor with me you have cheered, and you have cheered them because you respect those who have freely ventured their lives m your de< fence. One is Georgia’s own son —the hero of many hard fought fields—your own good and true Hardee, (cheers.) Hardee, who was a captain, proved himself early a brave and bril liant soldier, and who now goes from one post of duty to another, who leaving the army above goes to make good the defence of Sa vannah against your foe. The other, Beauregard, (cheers) goes to share the toils, the fortunes, the misfortunes, if it be so, of the the array in Georgia. He goes with a single purpose to serve wherever I direct, asking no particular place, desiring no special command but in the spirit that made a general a corporal, go where I say, and so going, I trust he goes not to bleed but to conquer. [Applause.] With these hopes I go to Virginia. Late reverses there have been exaggerated by the telegraph, and the tide of victory is now set ting in our favor. Forrest has disposed of the enemy that held him in check so long, and is now going up the river sweepieg onward to* ward the North, gaining victory after victory, conquering and to conquer. Be of good cheer, in homely phrase, put your shoulder to the wheel, and work while it is day. With this stirring peroration, and a few parting words as to the necessity ot defeating the two main Yankee armies before the new levies could come in from the draft, and the duty of Georgia to feed the armies and hap less refugees, his Excellency brought his re marks to a close amid enthusiastic applause. A Yankee judge, by name, John T. Miles, gives in a letter to the press, an account of the recent interview with Lincoln, in which that functionary is made to say, what briefly stated amounts to a declaration, that if the United States Government were to lose the services of those black negroes, who form so large a part of its armies, and rely upon the fighting capacities of its own citizens aiOne, it would be compelled to abandon the war in less than three weeks. Letter from .Senator Herscliel V. Johnson, TO SEVERAL GENTLEMEN IN MIDDLE GA. Sandy Grove, near Bartow P. 0., Ga., 1 September 25th, 18G4. / Gentlemen : Your letter of the 14th in«t., was received several days ago. I have taken time to con sider the object which it proposes—“the inau guration of a peace movement at the South.” I long for peace as ardently as “the heart pants for the cooling water book.” I agree with you, that “this unnatural Btrife cannot be terminated by arms.” The pen. not the sword, must, at last, solve our difficulties, and the sooner the controversy can be transferred from the field of battle to the forum of ration al and honorable negotiation, the better it will be for both governments. I agree with you, that the peace movement at the North should be duly encouraged at the South. To this end, we should lose no occasion, nor omit any proper means to convince the North that we are still, as we always have been, willing to adjust the difficulties between us, upon hon orable terms. We have avowed our desire for peace and readiness for negotiation from the very beginning of the war, in every form in which organized communities can give ex pression to their will. We have avowed it in Executive messages, in Legislative resolves, and Congressional manifestoes. What more can we do, in view of our situ ation ? Gladly would I do more, if it were possible. But Ido not believe that it is. We can inaugurate do movement that would lead to the result S') earnestly desired by every friend of hirtnauity, and so urgently demanded by the interests of both sections. Our milita ry situation would seem to forbid even the attempt. The capture of Atlanta and Rich mond is regarded by the authorities of the United States, as all that is’necessary for our ultimate subjugation. They have captured Atlanta, and General Grant says the early capture of Richmond is certain, beyond a doubt.. What, under the circumstances, would be the probable effect of any peace movement at the South ? Would it conciliate the North? Would it inspire the government of the United States with a sense of justice, or forbearance, or magnanimity ? So far from this, it would be construed into intimidation on our part, and it would stimulate and intensify the war spirit of the North. It would be regarded as our confession of overthrow, and the premonD tory symptom of our readiness to sue for mer cy on the bended knees of unconditional sur render. In view of the avowed object of the war on the part of the Northern Government, it is very certain that there can be no peace, upon any honorable terms, so long as its present rulers are in power. The President of the United States has proclaimed emancipation and his determination to enforce it by the sword. He has announced, in advance of any formal offer of negotiation on our part, that he will not treat with rebels (as he is pleased to call the people of the Confederate States) except upon the condition that we lay down our arms, abandon slavery, and return to the Union. He will then grant such terms as may be compatible with his sense of justice, lib erality and magnanimity. So long, therefore, as its present rulers are in power, and this policy shall be adhered to, there can be no peace between us and the Government of the United States, which will not bring upon us confiscation, social disorganization, poverty, degradation, and intolerable dishonor. What worse would be our doom if subjugated by military power? Subjugation is no worse than the submission offered to us as the only condition of peace. It would at least 3ave to us our honor. If the people of the United States will change their rulers ; if they .will repudiate the avowed pol icy of subjugation ; if they will return to a prac tical recognition of the true principles which un derlie the whole structure of American govern ments, organized to secure and maintain constitu tional liberty, the door will soon be opened for an honorable and lasting peace. Peace, upon any other terms, involves the foss of liberty, because It will be the result of force—not of choice and com pact between co-equal and sovereign States. Peace, upon any other terms, means despotism, enthroned in empire—not republicanism founded upon “the consent of the governed” and organized “in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.” This is the ’ kind of peace which the United States now propose to on force upon the people of the Confederate States— the peace of death to constitutional liberty—the stagnant peace of despotism—the peace which chains and prison-bars impose. * I look with anxiety to the approaching Presi dential election in the United States, For al though the Chicago platform falls below the great occasion, and the nominee still lower, yet the tri umph of the Democratic party of the North will certainly secure a temporary suspension of hostili ties and an effort to make peace by an appeal to reason. They confess that four years of bloody war, as a means of restoring the Union, has proven a failure. They declare, that the true principles of American government have been disregarded and trampled under foot, by the present Execu tive of the 'United States. Their success will bring a change of administration and, with that a change of policy. It will do more, and what is of infinitely greater importance, it the two contending parties, face to face, in the arena of reason and consultation. Then and there can be discussed the history of all our difficulties, the principles involved in the bloody issue and the re spective interests of both governments. Such is my conviction of the omnipotence of truth and right, that I feel an abiding confidence, that an honorable peace would ultimately spring from deliberations. In their long cherished devotion to the Union of the States—a sentiment which challenges my res pect—the people of the North, it seems to me, have fallen into two grave and capital errors. On the one hand, they attach an undue importance to the mere fact or form of Union, ignoring the princi ples and objects of the Union, and forgetting that it ceases to be valuable when it fails to secure that object and maintain those principles. On the other hand, they think, that the States of the Confeder acy have separated from the United States, in con tempt of that Union, in a wanton disposition to insult its flag and to destroy the government of which it is the emblem. Both opinions are wrong. The old Union was an organization of States.— But it was more; it was such an organization, founded upon great principles, in order to give the most efficient security for the maintainance of those very same principles. These principles are the sovereignty of the States; the right of the people to govern themselves; the right of each State to regulate its own domestic affairs, to establish its own municipal institutions, to organize its own system of labor and to pursue its own career of en terprise, subject to no restrictions except such as are expressed in the Federal Constitution. On these the Union was based, and constituted the selemn guarantee of all, that each State should be protected in their undisturbed enjoyment. When it failed to do this; or what is worse, when its gov ernment passed into the administration of those whose avowed policy and measures must lead to the overthrow of those principles, it was virtually at an end, and, in their opinion, ceased to be valu able to the people of the Confederate States. — Hence, secession was not resorted to merely to throw off the Union. Our people loved the Union and henored its once glorious flag, for the rich memories that clustered around it. They left it with a reluctance and regret to which history will scarcely do justice. They were, as they are now, wedded to the principles on which the Union was founded; they separated from it, but to vindicate and maintain them. Whether they acted wisely or unwisely must be left to the impartial arbitrament of time and coming events. But no people were ever prompted, to so momentous a step, by loftier devotion to constitutional liberty. For this, we are denounced as rebels against the government of the United States, and threatened with the bloody doom of traitors; our country is invaded, our homes desolated and our people slain by hostile armies. We are told, that we must be conquered or exterminated. The North is fighting us to maintain the mere fact or form of Union, by toree. We are defending ourselves, to preserve the great principles which lay at the foundation of the Union. If we be rebels against the one, if disposed to bandy epithets, we might reply that they who ad vocate and wage this war against us, are traitors to the other. If there is wrong on either or both sides, let impartial history decide who are the greater sinners. This is the naked truth. When thus viewed, how cruel and unnatural is this war! Why should the North fight us? Especially why should the thousands of professed constitutional men of the North lend their countenance and aid to our subjugation? ’ We are struggling for prin ciples which should be as dear to them as they are to us. Do they not see, that our overthrow will b® the downfall of constitutional liberty—fatal to their freedom as well as ours—the inauguration of an irresponsible and unlimited despotism? Correct ideas are slow in their progress of leavening the mass of mind: truth is ever trampled upon, when passion gains sway. -But the ultimate prevalence of the one, andthe ascendancy of the other is only a question of time and their end, peace. The light already begins te break io upon the thinking and better portion of the Northern people. They be gin to see that this war is not waged to restore the Union, in good faith —the Union of the Constitu tion; but, either to secure disunion, by avowing impossible and degrading terms of peace, or to convert it into a despotism by subjugating the South. Hence, the Chicago movement. Henoe # the note of discontent that is being sounded by a portion of the press and statesmen of the North. — God opened the light, that the people of the North may understand the position which we ooeupy, and discern the volcano that threatens to engulf their liberty. Then they will consider negotiation not only politically but absolutely necessary.. Then peace will come, predicated upon those principles so essential to both governments and all our strifes and difficulties solved in conformity to the best in terest of the parties. In view of our position, permit me to repeat, I do not see how we can inaugurate any movement likely to lead to an honorable peace. We are the party assailed. Peace movements must come from the assailing party. I would not be understood, however, as standing on any point of etiquette, as to who should take the initiative —I have no such feeling. All I mean to say is, that in view of the avowed policy of the United States Government, any advance on our part i3 already rejected, be fore made, and that we cannot make any upon the conditions annouheed by its President. I would not hesitate to take the initiative If there was the least hope of a favorable response or an honorable result. But if the Government of the United States should pass into other hands, repudiate the policy of subjugation, and indicate a desire for negotiation, I would if need be, have our Govern ment propose it—certainly, accept the offer of it, if tendered by the Federal authorities. Such I be lieve to be the spirit and temper of our people. Such lam satisfied is the sentiment of the Presi dent of the Confederate States. He has avowed it on every occasion which required him to allude to the subject. The North can have peace at any moment. All that they need to do is to let us alone—cease to fight us; or if they prefer, agree to negotiate a peace on terms honorable to both parties. We are willing—always have been wil ling, and shall continue to be willing. But as long .as they fight us, the war must continue. For what can we do, but defend? We have no power to stop their fighting short of unconditional sub mission to the terms announced by the President of the United States. Are our people prepared for peace upon those terms? It is an insult to ask the question, unless indeed, we suppose contrary to the whole history of our struggle, that they did not count the cost in'the beginning,and have no just appreciation of the mighty principles involved. The President of the Confederate States never uttered anything more true, than when he said to the unofficial mes senger of President Lincoln, that “we are not fighting for slavery, but for the right of self gov ernment. ” So long as the people will keep this great truth in view and obey the inspiration which it should kindle in the breasts of freemen, they cannot be conquered. They may have their land desolated, their property destroyed, their towns and cities burned and sacked, but subjugated they never can be. We cannot have peace so long as the present rulers of the United States are in power. We may not, even if the Chicago movement should be successful. But let us wait and hope for the change and for peace. If it come not then we must rely upon the omnipotence of truth and right, and the judicious economy and use of the means which God has given us. Patience, fortitude, courage, hope and faith are as much elements of heroic patriotism as they are of Christian perfection. It is indispensable to cherish them with untiring devotion, as the only condition on which liberty can be gained or preserved. Her christening, from the beginning, was the baptism of blood. She re quires her votaries to lock arms and shields around her altar, resolved to do or die freemen, rather than live slaves, If this bo the spirit of the people, ultimate success will be the reward for their suf ferings and sacrifices. For their encouragement, history is replete with examples, of which, none is more striking or. more inspiring than that of the revolution of 1776. Then let there be no despond ency—no relation of effort and energy—no abate ment of courage and heroic resolve. I am, very respectfully, Y®ur ob’t serv’t, 7/krschkl V. Johnson. [Special Correspondence of the Memphis Appeal.] From the Georgia Front, Headquarters, Oct. 4th, 1864. News from the front is rather meagre. Nothing is positively known beyond that Sherman is stag gering under the strategic blow which has been dealt. He don’t know what to do. His plans are upset. His campaign is closed. It is now Hood who is campaigning and Sherman is on the defen sive. The sunny South is open to Sherman. Why don’t he choose his direction and go ? There is nothing in his front but some cavalry and the militia. Sherman can sweep over them like a whirlwind. With Montgomery, and Macon, and Augusta and every where except the rear uncover ed. Why don’t he take hold ? Hood seems to want him to make a grand journey homeward, by way of Charleston, or Mobile, or Pensacola. All doors are invitingly except those leading to Blue Mountain and Chattanooga. Sherman’s campaign is over. Having demolished, dissipated, evapor ated, dispersed the army which under Bragg, John ston and Hood has so long disputed his progress, he can now take possession of the country. It is his. Ilis work is done. Calmly and peacefully Sherman and his army are enjoying their conquests. We are sp pleased with our masters, we are going to keep them here. Lincoln may call as loudly as he pleases for them to come and help him against Price in Missouri, or Forrest in Tennessee or whoever wishes to steal horses in Kentucky, or Echols at the saltworks, or against Lee, or Early, or the yellow fevee. We will not hear Lincoln’s calls. We will have Sher- I man and his gallant army in Georgia. They have fought gallantly for the fertile plains around At lanta and their blood and bones shall fertilize no other ground. But, seriously, what is Sherman to‘do? Hood’s present position is perfectly protected. To flank him is now impossible, and to cut his communica tions is utterly out of the question. Sherman can stay at Atlanta till he rots, or he can leave his rail road and be whipped as sure as be does it: or he may fight his way home. I assure you that every soldier in Hood’s army understands the advantage of our position, and the very best feeling exists. This is Gen. Hood’s campaign. He began after Atlanta was lost. His energy and invention up to the Ist of September was tied down to the one idea of saving Atlanta. It was not his idea. Lying idle, week after week in the trenches, is not Hood’s style. I confess to an ardent admiration for the gallant young soldier, who i3 now leading this army. The hazardous movements which brought it out of A-tlanta, then to Palmetto, and thence to its present splendid position, were made with a great celerity that showed the conductor to be per fectly master of the grand machine he was mani pulating. Wait a little while, and a great event will compel from all approbation of the act which placed Gen. Hood in command of the army of Tennessee. B. Tlie Spirit of tlie Army. We have been furnished with the following ex tract of a letter dated 16th inst., from a young sol dier in Virginia to his mother in this city: Now, dear mother, don’t fret about me; I will keep up mp spirits and get along as well as I can. I cannot come home now; every man ought to be at his post. The six weeks between this and No vember are big with events that are going to be either life or death to all we love and Sold dear in this life. Every man out here feels it, and knows the responsibilities that rest upon him. We know that those at home look up to us; and, in the com ing shock, we are confident that God will help to drive the fiendish enemy back, and teach them a lesson that none but men that’s resolved to be free can teach the savage foe. There is no croaking in this army; the feeling and spirit is sublime; and for Lee and Beauregard, the leaders that God has raised up for us, we will hold Richmond against ffrant and all his reinforcements, All that troubles the men out here is that there are so many skulk ers at home sucking the life-blood of the Confeder acy, while we are out here defending such a craven hearted set. I do wish if Farragut comes to Charles ton we may be brought there. We can just whip anything five times our number. Grant says he will have the city by the 15th of October. Let him try. We have opened a battery of 11 inch gun3 upon the enemy, tearing up their lines and everything in reach. A Dampener.—The Syracuse Journal relates that on Saturday last, while a train on the old road was stopping at Cayuga bridge for refreshments, a party of blatant McClellanites went through the cars after a “straw.” Meeting an old gentleman, he was asked his preferance for President. He named Lincoln. “But,” said he, “I have five nephews in the army who each prefer McClellan.” Applause from the corps followed, when one congratulated him upon the choice of his nephews, and said : “Allow me to inquire under what General they are making targets of them selves ?” Imagine their surprise when the old gentleman answered “Gen. R. E. Lee.” —Louisville Journal. TELEGRAPHIC. REPORTS OF«7HE PRESS ASSOCIATION. Entered accord il to act of Congress in the yeai im, by J. sHirasher, in the Clerk’# office of the Diatriot Colrt of the Confederate States so. the Northern District of Georgia. _ Petersburg,, Get. 7th.—Unusual quietude has prevailed here to-day and for the past week. Grant is still busy with the spade in his new position near Fort Mcßae. It is rumored that Lieut. Gen. R. H. Ander son will be assigned to the command of- Gen. Beauregard’s troops. Charlestown. Oct. 7. —An officer just ar rived here from Harrisonburg states that Sheridan had rfetired from that place and mo ved down the Valley. Oui cavalry has enter ed the town. Richmonl, O^tH. —A fight commenced ear ly this mofning on the Darbytown road on the North side of the James river, extended along the line to Fort Harrison, and ceased at 2 o’clock. We, carried, it is reported, two lines of breastworks, took 300 prisoners, 100 horses, and nine pieces artillery. Gen. Gregg of Texas killed, Gen. Bratton, Col. Haskell and Maj. Haskell, of S. C. wounded. Our loss slight, that of the enemy heavy. Nothing of ficial yet. Gen. Lee reports to the War Department this evening that a dispatch from Early says Sheridan is rfetreating from Harrisonburg down the Valley. Mobile, Oct. 7. A special despatch to the Advertiser & Register, dated Senatobia 6th, says Chicago items to the 10th ult., and Memphis papers to the 4th, have been received. On the 27th the Confederates made a desperate assault on Pilot Knob and were repulsed with a loss of 1,500, incHfding Gen. Cabbel. The Federals wyacuated the place on the 28th after spiking the guns and firing the railroad depot. The Confederates captured three guns, Ewing’s train of 40 wagons and escort, burning the iron works and all government buildings, It is sup posed they made a complete smash of the drafting apparatus and records. The valleys and mountains are literally covered with rebels. Later reports say Price overtook the enemy and badly used him up at Harrison Station. The Yankees have evacuated Porter’s Mineral Point, and deserted the entire country below Mcn tinado bridge. A. J. Smith wa3 flanked and fell back to Jeffer son barrack and is fortifying. A rading party went to Chalmego within four miles of the city of Chicago. The Chicago Times thinks it very strange that they should evacuate Pilot Knob after slaughter ing so many rebels, and only losing 69 men. Bill Anderson has killed one hundred of John son’s' six months’ men. Anderson says he intends to kill every man he finds wearing the Federal uniform, they having killed his father, mother, and sisters, Price conscripts all Union sympathiser. Large numbers o£ volunteers are joining him. Mauy drafted men have escaped from St. Louis and join ed Price. # Rosencranz has issued orders to shoot every man going in that direction. Nashville dates of the 30th say that Forrest was at Fayettvilie on ;the 29th, with nearly his whole force moving on the Chattanoogo road. A small portion of the road has b'sen destroyed. All the bridges are destroyed between Athens and Pulaski. Rousseau is at Tullahoma. Forrest had 20 am munition wagons, 9 guns, including two 10-poun der porrotts. Decatur repotted captured by Wheeler. The Canfederate Loan had declined three per cen t in Europe- The capture of Atlanta is considered the crown ing success of the Western Army. Gold in New York on the Ist was 193 1-2. Morgan L. Smith commands Memphis. Wash burn is absent on leave. The Memphis Bulletin says that several towns on the Pacific road have been burned; that Prices army moves rapidly and seems to beubiqutous. Another Letter from Fremont. A few days since we published a letter from Gen. Fremont, withdrawing his name as a candidate for the Presidency. Here is another letter from him, in which he gives his reasons for so doing more ful ]y * Nahant, Sept. 17. Gentlemen : I enclose you a letter of reply to an invitation from some of my Republican friends to meet at Fanneuil Hall. In declining their invitation, I have informed them of my intention to stand aside from the Presidential can vass, and assigned my reasons for doing so to avoid repetition- I enclose you the letter communicating to you now officially my desire to withdraw my name from the lists of Presidential candidates. In this decision I have the approval of such of our friends as I have been able to con sult ; and urged by the near approach of the election, I have thought it prudent not to incur the longer delay of ing others, but I have reason to believe they will unite with me fully in the pro priety of the step I have taken; but, in withdrawing from the post of candidate, I do not in any way which we jointly un dertook to secure the triumph of the idea represented by the radical Democracy. Whatever the next administration, we owe to ourselves a phalanx compact and capable, by its thorough unity, of exer cising a pressure strong enough to en« sure the eventual success of the princi ples for which we have been contending— the re-establishment of the Union, the abolition of slavery, and practical respite for liberty. In the present composition of parties, it is indispensable that earnest men should devote themselves to watch ing the progress and insuring the success of these principles, regardless of men or parties. Mr. Lincoln says he does not lead but follows the will of the people. It re mains, then, for fche people, in the event of his reflection', to vigilantly require this following at his hands; and further to require that, in the exercise of his du ties, he keep scrupulously within the con stitution and the law—to make him re<- cognize that he holds his place and his power not as belonging to himself, to be used at his but as a really faith ful servant of the public. This is the important duty which we 1 have now to perform, although as repre^ ! sentativcs of the Cleveland movement, we ! surrender our functions to the duty of i watching party politics. In the interests ; of liberty and the constitution, what steps I are necessary in the performance of that duty must be the subject for future con sultation. I am, gentlemen, respectfully and truly yours. J. C. Fremont. the city. T. J. JACKSON LOCAL EDITOR The usual services in the Presbyterian Church will be resumed to-morrow (Sunday) by the Pastor. Hospitals Evacuated.— Several hundred sol diers left the Hospitals here for Macon yesterday, to make room for the fresh wounded expected shortly from Hood's army. ] ♦ ♦ *»■ * Theatre.—Mr. Crisp’s corps sustained them selves with their usual ability on Thursday even ing in the play of Ingemar, and the Hall not withstanding the inclement weather, was well filled. To-night Mr. Crisp will appear in his cele brated character of “Don Caezar de Bazan,” to be followed by an amusing afterpiece. Those fond of splendid dramatic representations will be amply repaid by an attendance. Mr. Sartwell requests us to give notice that the male department of the free school will be re-open ed at Wesley Chapel on Monday morning next. Auction Sales.—At auction yesterday by Ellis Livingston A Cos., a good article of sugar was sold at $6,50; chewing tobacco, from $1 to $6,75; smoking from $1 to $3; furniture Ac., at high prices. wmj » Dull.—The city is unusually dry of local items of interest. We have essayed in vain for some days to scare up a sensation, but have utterly failed so to do. Personal.—We were glad to meet on our streets yesterday, Major Dent, of Hood’s army. He is just returning from a visit to his home in Eufaula. The Major is as gallant a fellow as ever drew a blade in his country’s defence, and has rendered invaluable service to the Tennessee army. We have also had the pleasure during this week of grasping the friendly hand of our townsman Lt. G. B. Young of Croft's Battery, of the same army. He, too, is the spirit of chivalry, having won hon orable distinction in late engagements at the Geor gia front. All honor to these brave boys. May the missiles of death continue to give them the go-by, un til permitted to return and enjoy the laurels they have sojustly won. Attention Schools.— Mr. T. Kenny, gives no tice that he is now prepared to furnish a good ar ticle of Confederate Slates and Slate-penclis, at his marble yard, Broad street, Columbus, Ga. As these articles are becoming very scarce, teachers and others will do well to call and examine speci mens. THEATRE. Lessee and Manager W. If. CRISP, Saturday Evening’, % ©ct. 8. The Mobile Company Triumph* antly Successful Crowded and Fashionable Audiences. W. 3HLC3R.ISP Will appear in bis celebrated origininal character of Bon Caesar de Bazan! Performed by liibl hundreds of nights throughout the country. THE GLORIOtS COMEDY OF THE ! LADY AND THE D— > Mr. Theodore Hamilton as Col. Wildlove. Mrs. Jessie Clark as Zephbyna. •fiQrTn preparation, the romantic drama of the Lady of the Lake and the prize tragedy of Meta mora. ocS lt Columbus High School * FOR ° Y-OUISTO- LADIES ! THL Exercises of this Institution were resumed 1 on .Monday the 3d inst. T« r nis for the first half of the Scholastic year High School, - or n , : Preparatory School.- . *iqq oo Incidental Expenses, 5 qq 0 , W. S. LEE, rw Principal. THE Exercises of thfs Institution were resumed i- on Monday the 3d inst. The Terms for the first h%lf of the Academic yeal - First Department, ... §125 90 Second “ .... 190 00 Incidental Expenses, - - - 500 ' „ C. P. B. MARTIN, Principal, FOR SAFE. CONFEDERATE SCHOOL SLATES AND P encils 2 At Kenny’s Marble Yard, Broad st. , THOMAS KENNY octß lw* By Ellis, Livingston & Cos. 200 a-^AXjLoisrs PURE CATAWBA GRAPE BRANDY! A VERY FINE ARTICLE. For sale in quantities of 10 Gallons and upwards ag3o ts RUNAWAY OR STOLEN. SSOO Reward ! LEFT Cusseta, Ala., on Sunday morning, Octo ber 3d, my man Henry. He is about six feet high, of pleasing address; was raised in Lumpkin county, Ga.; I bought him of Alexander Spriggs, of Lump kin county, Ga. I have reason to believe he has been decoyed off by some white man. I will pay two hundred dollars for the boy, and three hun dred dollars for the thief, with proof to convict. J. D. SIMMS, oc6 2w Cusseta, Ala. SIOO Reward. WILL be paid for a negro boy named Henry, who 11 ranaway about two months ago. He is about 5 feet 8 inches high; weighs about IbO or 170 lbs.; com plexion yellow; fine looking; when laughing has dimples in both cheeks. It is probable lie went to Atlanta with some of the troops from this city. oc6 ts H. M. CLECKLEY. Situation as Governess Wanted. \y ANTED by a Refugee lady a situation as Visiling Governess to give instructions in English, Music and the Rudiments of French. Also desires Music Scholars—will instruct them at their homes. Terms reasonable. References given. Enquire of D. P. Ellis, Esq. L oct 6-6t* SSOO REWARD. QTOLEN, from Judge Thomas’ stable, near Colum io bus, Ga., on the night of the 3d instant, one fine black HORSE, shoulder slightly rubbed from collar, mane also rubbed off near his ear by halter, on his left flank a healing sore, he has on anew set of shoes with heels. Four hundred dollars will be given for the delivery of this horse to me at Columbus. One hundred dollars will be given for the delive ry to me of a NORREL MARE, small blazed face, one hind foot white, no other mark' remembered. Both horses were taken off together. If any one living on the different roads leading from oo.um bus can furnish anv information respecting these h S they will gr ~ eatly QbI FA SHINGLEUR A SI'PERIOR - "ARTICLE or COFFEE! SHingle NT ails! AT MULFORD’S OLD STAND. oct4-tf