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DAILY TiMKfcS. J. H. H VURi’V, - - - Editor. COLUMBUS: Saturday Morning. November 9, 1864. c . —?r.-:----- ■ ---..,, . GOVERNOR’S MESSAGE. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, > IfILL EDGEV ILLS, Ga., Nov. 3d, 1864. / ‘Senators and Representative*: The period tor jour annual meeting in Gen rl Assembly having arrived, it affords me great pleasure to welcome you to the Capitol. <rid to assure you ot my earnest de3ire to unite with you harmoniously and cordially in all pruetic* ’ measure;- v hU* m*r ; omote the general willate, and redout.a to the glory aud honoi o' l. .etoved .State. We ;hi- |M.-etug i l.rougit a try iug ordeal, haying stak 'd upon the issues, of war all that can b >iu ible or dear to a people. If we are subjugated; w • lose homen propia tj', liber ty. repuiatiou,.an'i ail, so far as this world is oriCciue l. tli.L m..K' S life desirable or its mirth as tolerabht. Oiii «•!.• -tin-- rivpiidi-Uri and trampled H i ) i <o a iiiuvi, pi b-*•}.)!( 3 o' .eoiisiitu tiou... .loci is, a.a ;mh' ..tiempit u to rear, upon tiie ruin .u-oui repubiieaij i in-ti tut tons, a eouiofni.iie. empir.. timl -r (he popular name, oi a union o> the States We have taken up at ms b> rc.-ist litis, and to maintain rup'ii nieaiti.' n l.t Its purity. with the so vet eignly of tite StaO's ami the personal rights and lib; rtie- ot the people. No people ever ueeeptei! the alternative of war in a nob r range, ot exhibited to Inc wurifl a more -i lime spectacle 0.l morai grandeur and iiei.- e va.o . t.tm gallant urintus nave won to. tin '< States a ton e which will stand upon a bright page in history, when pyramids have decayed, arid marble monuments have crum bled into dust. Ii should be the pleasure ol t!i p ‘rioi and 'pride, of'the hero to contribute hi.- property. Ins energies, and. it need be, his rite, lor Lie succe.-s oi so libbh a < - iiu-e. Upon our access depends the 1 »?t ' •* of ’epubli eatj itistittni.nis and liberty, vyitlt consti tutional g u.n autees. lie who would prove ie. i< !iiit I » so sacred a cause, or from a de sir<- if personal aggnyidizeinent or the grati rieation ol personni ambition, would trample itiid'-r liis feet and sacrifice these gieat princi ple- which underlie the very foundations of our federative system, and upon the success ofwuich the happiness of unborn millions depends, deserves an eternity of infamy with the everlasting execrations of mankind upon In- head Asa baud of patriots, let us unite all our energies atyi exert ail ouriutlueuce lor the suc cess of our glorious cause, and for the main tenance in their original purity of the great principles of civil and religious libetty, which form the very pillars upon which the temple of our republicanism rests. CONFKD K RATE RK LA TlO NS. The war is still waged against the people of tlie Confederate States, by the Government of the United States, with a vindictiveness and cruelty which has few parallels in history. For nearly four years we have met the mighty assaults of the Federal armies and have re pulsed and driven them back on many a lmrd-fougbt, field.. We have lost important points, but none which we cannot temporarily surrender to the enemy, and, with good man agement, finally succeed. Atlanta wa3 prob ably the most vital point to our success that has been won by the superior numbers of the enemy. Its tall was a severe blow, and Mr a time caused great despondency among our people. 1 am happy to see, however, tiiat they are fast recovering from depression, and con fidence, is being restored. At the time of General Sherman’s march front Dalton to Atlanta, we had a large force west ot the Mississippi oi as gallant troops ns ever faced an enemy, which had been almost in a state ol inactivity, since our splendid vic tories in Louisiana last spring had driven the enemy, excf-pi a tew garrisons, from that de partment. Major General Eaily is said to have had a force ot 20,00(1 men, ol ilie very best of the Army in \ <rgtni , with which he drove the Federal General out of the valley oi that Slate, and pressed forward into M irviand and Pennsylvania, and remained there tilt his presence provoked those and the adjoining States to organize u lorce sufficient to drive him back and to threaten Richmond in the rear. General Forrest, with a large cavalry force, was operating in North Mississippi, re pelling raids from a country that had been overrun till ilu-re was but little public proper ty for tlie enemy to destroy ; and Gen. Morgan was raiding in Kentucky. While our forces were thus scattered from Pennsylvania to Texas, General ’Sherman, strengthened by a concentration of the enemy’s forces from dif ferent departments, was steadily pressing for ward to Atlanta, the very- lieait and railroad centre of the Confederacy', with a force suffi cient, by reason of its superior numbers, to continually flank and drive back the gallant Army of i ennossee. During this whole cam paign, General Sherman’s base of supplies at Nashville and Louisville was hundreds ot miles in his rear, and he was dependent for transportation upon a railroad constructed through an exceedingly rough country, with bridges, culverts and curves 'along its entire line. Jn this condition, more than three hun dred miles from the border of Kentucky, in the midst of aa enemy’s country, he was'per mitted to go forward, -without serious inter ruption in his rear, and to accomplish his grand design. Georgians, whose homes have been overrun, property destroyed, and fields laid waste, have naturally inquired, as ‘doubtless the future historian* will, why part of the large force unemployed west of the Mississippi were not brought to aid the Army of Tennessee during the summer mouths ■ And wbv, when the enemy were driven from the Valley of Vir ginia, the key points were not garrisoned and held hy part ot Early’s force, and the balance sent to Georgia, instead of the whole being sent upon the campaign into Maryland and Pennsylvania, which only served to stir up and unite Northern sentiment ugutuat us, and to enable the Federal Government to raise an additional force sufficient to drive back the expedition with disaster to our arms. It this whole force could be sparer, trom Richmond to invade 1\ ui.sy ivauia. might not part of it ha\ e- held the »a i! t-y of t * rg. n ia. ;tn* 1 the bal ance been Sent to Georgia ? And could not fonest, even at me expense of temporary loss in Mississippi, be « b> •» sent to destroy the m.4tWuS in foe r<\ and stop the supplies of the, l edei.-u anu\ : li we had adopted the tule oy which moot great Generals in such emergencies*have succeeded, of the evacua tion, for the time, of all points not absol itch vital, and the rapid and vigorous concentra tion of even soldier in the Confederacy not necessary to hoi i Richmond and prohutdv one or two other key points, and had hastened the whore to Atlanta and to Sherman s rear, and. hurled them upon him in his exposed ami' •.litiLai condition, the repulse and rout, if not the destruction or capture, of his artnv could scarcely have been doubtful. And as his arm. was the only defence provided by • e Federal Governmeht for tbe Western iSt. >, >ucb a consummation would not l onlv h e iciGvml Georgia, Tennessee, North Alabama a. *d \ or h Mississippi from the presence of the enemy, but it would have thrown open the -green fields ' of Kentucky which Lave been more than once promised to our troops, and would probably have opeued the way for un'earh peach. The powers that *n* determined upon a. different line of policy. Tbe world knows the results, and we must acqyie?c&. 15nt the misfortunes following the misguided judgment of our rulers must not have the ftfet of relaxing out zeal, or chilling our love for the cause: e may. as w-.- nave aright to do. differ among ourseive- .-■> to. Urn H cer tain line of poUcv. «.• ca. ■ Confederate :,.;ar r,. . ;i --may deploy.' - utiU’• u. , 4 „ while others u >..y ai'emnt t-. ia-atHv „ • mistakes and defend ai: its errors, and may he ready m advance ;o approve eTtrUhhm it may do. ana still , vs rn .. Y aii a „ w ,.T ;an % rum:, true to our r re.; cau-< 3 , and be pan j. i; nece*.- try, to expend our last dollar and Died our last drop at blood in its defence. A title 1 am satisfied a large majority of the people of this State, disapprove many of the acts and much of the policy of the Con federate administration, Lam of opinion there are but a very small number of the people of Georgia .who are disloyal to the cause or who would consent to dose the war without the achievement of the great ends for which we took up arms—the independence of the Confederate States and the vindication and establishment of the sovereignty of the seve ral States. Confederate independence with centralized power, without State sovereignty and consti tutional and religious liberty, would be very little better than subjugation, as it matters little who our master is, if we are to have one. We should therefore keep constantly in view the great principles upon which we en tered into this unequal contest, and should rebuke ev ry encroachment made upon them by our own govern .Mat. while we resist, With amis iti cur ban is, like assaults made upon (hem by our enemies. While our gallant troops in t e fieiu c.re sacrificing me comforts of home, pi jperty, heanh and even life itself, any! ai e emi tiing all ihe privations', hardships, perils mud tiger- o: me service, they should tb/vei once lob< ,-ipiH of the great principles of t quality, Lb.ny, aud copslitutiobai repub- -i.‘ ii.-m. tor which they unbilled freedom’s banners .in the btcc ot the enemy . -Nor should lino. c\er content lo iuy down their anus till ■ ht.-c principles are iccoguized by our foe, and ..tit.iifully carried out in practice by our owii government, in oilier words, we should never io} coa'ent till we have established up on a drni basis tlie good oiii republican insti tute no s our lathers in all-their purity, and -liouid nc-vti. under any r circumstances, con sent to accept in tlien* place, strong central ized government with military despotism. 1 do not see how it (an be denied by any..candid man that we have, in practice, made fearful strides, since the war began, towards a cen tralized governmrint with unlimited powers. The constant tendencies of .the war seem lo have been lo tire subordination of the civil authorities and laws to the military, aud the concentration of the supreme power in the hands of the Gommander-in-Cbief ol the armies The longer the war lasts, the greater the tendency to this result, and the less prob ability at its termination of a return to the constitutional forms and republican simplicity which existed at its commencnient. Rut it may be asked, when is this bloody -tmggle to terminate 1 No human forecast can so far penetrate the future as to give a satisfactory reply to this question. The Northern States have resources and men enough to enable them to continue the war for years to come, and we have suffiorent power of resistance and endurance to enable us to continue to baffle all their schemes of subjugation. The sword can never make peace between the two con tending parties.. When this is done, it will be by negotiation. The prospect seems to indicate that the war may probably last till both sections are exhausted, before the pas sions of the people will subside, and reason so far resume her sway as to prepare the peo of both countries for negotiation, as the only means of adjustment which can t< • imate the bloody strife. This may not tak.* place till we have accumulated a debt on noth side3 greater than we or our posterity can ever pay —till hundreds of thousands of^ more men have been slain, and millions of women and children have been reduced to widowhood, orphanage and pove’rty-r-till our taxes have become so burdensome, that endurance is no longer possible—till the civil fifws cease to be respected, and highway robbery.and murder are the daily business of predatory bands, and till the Federal and Confederate governments have usurped and exercise aJI the powers claimed by the most absolute despots, eacb pleading in extenuation of its usurpations the necessity growing out of the like usurpations by tlie other. There is reason In fear, that President Lin coln. if re elected, and l’ressident Davis, whose p; ssian-: arc infl trued against- each oth er, may never be able to agree upon terms for the commencement of negotiations, and that the war must continue to rage in all its Jury till there i.- a change of administration, unless the people »t' bovh countries, in their aggre gate' capacity as sovereign States, bring their powerful influence to bear, requiring both governments to stop the war, and leave the question to be settled upon the principles of 1776, as laid down in the Georgia resolutions, passed at your late session. These resolutions, in substance, propose that the treaty making powers in both gov ernments agree to stop the war, and leave each or any one of the sovereign States, by a convention of its own fairly choseu by the legal and duly qualified voters, to deter mine for itself whether it will unite its desti nies with the one or the other Confederacy.— There may bedouins whether Missouri, Ken tucky, or Maryland wish to remain component parts of the government of the United States, or to unite with the Confederate States If eii her one of those States shall refuse to unite with us, we have no just right to demand such union, as we have neither the right to coerce a sovereign State, nor to govern her without tier consent. And, if we had the right, we certainly have not the power, as we can only govern a Suite without her consent by subjugation, and we have nopow-gr to sub jugate any one of those States, w it Ii the whoie power of the United States at her back, pre pared to defend her against our attacks. We should stand ready, theretorb, at all times to settle the difficulty by a reference of the question of future alliance, to the States whose positions may be doubtful for determi nation.by them in their sovereign capacity. Our Congress in its manifesto, has virtual ly indorsed the great principles of the Georgia Resolutions, and the President has said in his messages that lie desires peace upon the prin ciples to defend which we entered into the struggle. I am. not aware, however, of any direct tender of adjustment, upon these prin ciples having been recently made by tb§ treaty ’making power of our Government to the same power in tlie Federal Government. I regret that the wish of Georgia as expressed through her legislature has uot been respected in this particular. Such a direct tender made through commissioners by President Davis to Presi dent Lincoln would place the question fairly and properly before the States and people of the North for discussion and action. Had it been done months since it could not have failed to have had a poweiful influence upon the Presidential election u the North, which may have much to do wiiti the future course and conduct of the war. It. maybe said, however, that the ‘proposi tion to .-“ lie our difficulties upon these terms made »*v President Davis to President Lin coln. w oil a be a letting down of the dignity of our Gove: nmeut. Smi might be construed as an evidence of conscious weakness on our pan. I confess my inability to see how the direct tender of settlement upon these great and correct principles by the treaty making power in our Government, to the like power ;n the baaed Stales Government, could com prornit me .dignity of our Government, any .note. ’"■ an indirect tender of t.he same prop osition .: • agh the irregular channel of an Exec ufive .nosage or a Congressional mani lesto. There is certaii.lv more true dignity in a iuect-. open. man ;, fender through the consti tuted - ■ :vd. But nice questions of official etiquoi ■> u i false notit. us of personal dignity should no laid as.de. when they intervene to prevent tiou upon which the blood of" thou smrds a id happiness of millions may de pend. The Democratic party of the North which is the otay par:;,- there claiming"tn maintain "Nate icu's principles and which has great strong l • • ; : power whatever may be its for tunes iji dc coming erection, has declared in Lvur t s-t.-pension hostilities, and a con veuMt a.; • >' > a* foe best means of to;>st'..**nt And 1 nogod reason why ft •* •• :n t<: c cower in our Government shun : :.ot emi»r rh; - proposition to the Gov : emmenf of the United St«t?3. There can cer di tdj ( “.nothing 'ike humiliation or degra , da'ion :: proposition to leave the settlement 'f * teuton whieh theG f ‘ rAr i>l Government?, wiiipb ate the creatures ot tue States, cannot agree upon, to their creators —the sovereign States themselves. However much the idea may be ridiculed to prejudice the popular mind by the enemies of state sovereignty, the convention if called .would'no doubt be one of the moetable and dignified assemblages that ever met upon the continent. In so trying an emergency, ins volving issues of such immense magnitude, the States would doubtless select their wisest, ablest and best men to represent them, men whose passions have been subdued by age rind reflection, and who are alike distinguished for love of justice, balance of mind and digni ty of character. Such a convention composed of the greatest and best men of the country, of mature age and large experience, with the scenes of blood, carnage and desolation through which we have passed fresh in their recollection, and the present and prospective condition ot the country well known to them, could h irdly be expected to decide ip favor of a continuation of the war. with all its bligtitiug effects upon both the Northund the South, o; to adjourn without submitting*a plan" of settlement honorable and just to the p »ple of both Confederacies, and to all the States. Li questions of boundary, and inland nav igation, ano it treaties -of amity, commerce an . alliance, .*»• . all agreements necessary to -fra 1 in unit re the just balance of.power upon the col- ito-nt. could be properly shaped iu ,-uch a convention and proposed to the treaty making powers as the result of its d£- libcratione O• ii might be agreed in advance i>y tbe'trci.' i n iking powers that the coaven tjitii si'irfb Lie whole question aud that its action be final and conclusive when submit ted back t ' ihe people ot the several States and ratified by uera respectively. In that event it must of course be under stood that each State would enter the Con yen! ion as a separate, independent Sovereign the equal of every other State—and that tlie action of the body as in case of the con ventions which formed the constitutions ot the United 'States and of the Confederate States would only be binding upon each State, when submitted back to and freely ratified by tlie people thereof in their sovereign capacity. The propriety of submitting the question i>y the treaty making powers to a convention of the Sovereign States is the more obvigus, in view ot the want of power in the Presi uents amh Senates of the two Governments to make a treaty of peace without the consent of the sovereign States to be affected by it. No permanent treaty of peace c-an be made which does not contain an article fixing the Boun daries of. the two Governments, when the whole country is inhabited as ours is, and one or the other Governments must exercise immediate jurisdiction over the inhabitants of each State and each county. In other words we can hare no treaty of peace that does uot define the States or parts of States that are to-be embraced in each Government. And this can only be (Jpnc by the consent of the States themselves. The action of separate States is therefore an indispensable prelimi nary to the validity of any treaty of peace that can be made. This action may by agreement of the treaty matting powers take place prior or subsequent to the date of the-treaty, but in either case the effect is the same, as tlie validity of the treaty is dependent upon the action ot Separate States. Suppose for instance it is agreed by the treaty making powers that the State ot Ohio shall become part of the Confederate States, when an overwhelming majority of lief people in convention called by the proper State au thority, decide by solemn ordinance to-re main with the United States. Or suppose it is agreed by the treaty making powers that Kentucky shall remain part of the United States,, wtien two thirds of her people decide to go with the Confederate States. Will any one contend that the power has the right thus.to dispose ot States, and assign them their future positions without their con sent ? And will any body say that.a treaty of peace can tie made without defining the Government wiih winch Ohio or Kentucky shall be associated in future ? Suppose again that the treaty making pow ers in fixing the boundaries of the uvo Coti i’ederaoie.- should agree Lo * a division of Vir ginia. and that the territory embraced in the pretended new State formed of part of Vir ginia. shall become part ot the United Slates, and that the balance shall go with the .Con federate States Will any southern man con tend that she can be thus dismembered aud part of her territory ceded by the President and Senate to the Government of the United States without her consent ? He who so con tends denies the very fundamental principles upon which the Government of the Confeder ate States was organized. What would the old Virginians of the Jeffersonian School say to this sort of SiateSovereignty ? What would Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Henry, Lee, Mason, Randolph, and other statesmen of their day have said, if they had been told that the constitution of the United States conferred upon the treaty making pow er, the right to cede one half the territory’ of Virginia to a foreign State, without consulting her or obtaining her consent? If President Davis and the Senate have the power to cede part of Virginia to the United States iu fixing the boundaries ot the two Confederacies without her consent, they have as much power to cede the whole State to Great Britain or France for commercial advantages. Or to cede Georgia to the United States in consideration that the other States shall be recognized and the war cease. Such a propo sition is too preposterous for serious argument. He who claims such powers for the Presi dent and Senate, would not only degrade the States to the position of provinces, but would clothe the treaty making power of the Con federacy with imperial dignity greater than the most enlightened monarchs of the present day assume to themselves. It has been claim ed as one of the prerogatives of sovereigns that they could cede to each other their pro vinces at will. But in the late treaty’ between the Emperors of France and Austria the for mer refused to accept a province ceded by the latter, and incorporate it into his Empire and govern it till the question was submitted to the people of the Province and they gave their consent. It is certainly too clear to be successMlv questioned that the Governments of the two Confederacies have no power to make a treaty of peace and fix the boundaries of the two countries, which, situated as we are is a ne cessary part of the treaty, without the concur rence and consent of the individual States to be affected by it. If this cannot be done with out The consent of the States, .where is the ob jection to a convention of the States to settle in advance the necessary preliminaries to which their consent is before the treaty can be valid and binding? In the convention it could be agreed which States would go with pheJNorth and which with the South, and the ratification of the action of the convention by the treaty making powers, and by the people of the several States to be af ! fected by it, when of a character to require I their separate action, would fix the future 1 status of the different States, and the proper | boundaries of the two Confederacies. While I am satisfied that separate State ac -1 tion may and most probably will be a ne'ces ; sary preliminary to a treaty of peace, I do i uot wish to be misunderstood upon this point. : The sovereign States of the GonfeWacy each seceded from the old union. This hey had a j perfect right to do. And each is as sovereign ! in the present Confederacy as she was in the old, and has the same right under the like cir cumstances which she then exercised. But when these states seceded and formed ttie | present Confederacy, and entered into the present defensive War together, they at least | by strong implication, pledged themselves to j stand by and aid each other against the com mon enemy till the end of the struggle. Thus situated I deny that any one of the States can honorably withdraw from the contest, without tile consent of her sister states and make n separate treaty of peace with the enemy. fne people of the" States can meet in «• .- vention and abolish the Confederate Govefn • rnent whenever its usurpations and abuses of i power Lave reached a point, where the sove reignty ot the States an 1 the rights and liber tie; j.f the people ar no longer s n "nre under it. The.people of the Northern Government . have a right to do the same by a like conven tion. and to establish anew Government in place of the present tyranny by which they are controlled. If the people of tiie two Confederacies have i his power which will not I presume be denied By any one professing the State rights doc trines of 1776, why may they not meet togeth er in convention, and agree upbn the bounda ries and treaties necessarily growing out of a separation which is already an accomplished fact ? I am well aware that the advocates of strong central power both in the United States and the Confederate States, including many of the office holders of both governments, and the place hunters and large government contrac tors who have made millions of dollars out of the government, without once exposing then persons to danger in battle, and the secret spies in the employment of the governments who are supported out of Hie large secret ser vice funds at the command of the two Presi dents. to do their bidding, and such officials as wear gold bice in cities and drive fine horses and carriages supported out of the public crib, while all around them is misery and want: aud the large provost and passport corps, scattered among our country villages and upon our Railroads, -jealous of the prerogatives of the central pawer, and anxious to maintain and extend them, are ready by their action to deny that the States have anything left but the name, or that they can have any agency in negotiating a treaty of peace, or that they can meet in convention to consider of this subject without being guilty as “traitorous States.” Those minions of power protected from the dangers pf the battle field, .never fail to impugn the motives and question the loyal ty of eVery one who denies the legality of any act of the government, or questions the wisdom of any part of its policy. They very cordially adopt the maxim “the King can do no wrong.” Os course 'all such are loud and clamorous in their denunciations of those who advocate a convention of States to agree upon the terms of separation and stop the effusion of blood. If the war should cease they must sink to theii%natural level, for them. “Othello’s gone.” But the advocates of free government may safe ly appeal from all such to the sober, sound judg ment of the great mass of the American people, ®erth and South, who bear the heavy burdens of the war, without the offices or patronage of either government, whose sons have been conscribed and torn from them or slaughtered, and many of whose homes have been destroyed, and their farm* and cities laid waste, who aro daily robbed of their property by impressment agents or other govern ment officials, without paying them anytaing for it, who bear the burdens of the enormous taxation necessary to carry on the war, and support all the large classes above mentioned in extravagant in dulgences, and whose posterity and property must pay the immense public debt which is constantly augmented. And the appeal may be made with still greater force to -the gallant soldier in the storms of winter aud in the weary march, while amid the perils that surround him his thoughts recur to the sufferings of loved ones at home ; as well as to all true Christians in both countries. — Shall this bloodshed, carnage and desolation con tinue, to gratify the ambition and obstinacy ol those in power ? Or shall the people of both countries demand ot their rulers that the war shall cease, and as it is impossible that the people of the two sections can again live together in har mony, that a convention of all the States be held to agree upon terms of separation, and upon the treaties necessary to the happiness and prosperity ©f neighboring governments at peace with each other. We may be told that the Northern Government wiii not agree to such a convention, I very read ily admit that neither the Lincoln Government nor our own will probably agree to it, till a strong er pressure of the people is brought to bear upon both, and that the advocates of thi3 policy in the North, cannot control it so long as ojzr presses and officials, State and Confederate, . denounce the movement and thereby put weapons in the hands of the Government ar. Washington with which to crush out this growing sentiment iu the North, and more especially in the North Western States. But I think recent developments have shown that this doctrine will.soon bear down everything be f'-ro it in the North, if met .by demonstratiens of approval in the South. Stop the war and cat! a convention of tbo States to negotiate, and the people of the North who are as tired of it as we are. will agree to a proper adjustment upon the terms above indicated sooner than resume hostil ities. in tue meantime till proper arrangements can bo made to adjust our difficulties and stop the ef fusion of blood, by negotiation, it is the duty of every man in the Confederacy to do everything iu his power to strengthen and sustain the gallant and glorious armies of States and the Confedera cy. Every man 'able to bear anus who can be spared from homo, should be sent to the Front ei ther in the armies of the Confederacy or as part of the Militia of the States, aud everythingqiossi ble be.done to provide for tho wants aud comforts of our troops in the field and their loved ones at home. To enable us to conduct negotiations suc cessfully we must renew our efforts to strengthen our armies and maintain our cause with ability and energy in the field, cost what it may in blood or treasure. We must not, however, expect the troops to do all by hard fighting, bloodshed and the sacrifice of life. The statesman and the peo ple at home have an important part to aet, as well as the general and the troops in the field, in ter minating the struggle. If the troops falter and fail to do their part in the hour of battle, the statesman is ready to cast ceDsuro upon them. If the statesman neglects his part in conducting wise negotiations to stop the war, the troops have greater cause to censure and condemn him, a3- he has no right to trifle with their lives, and continue to expose them in battle, if the object can b'e at tained by negotiation Without the shedding of blood. In a crisis like the present, statesmanship is even more important than generalship. Generals can never stop a war, though it may last twenty years till one has been able to conquer the other.— Statesmen terminate wars by negotiation BLOCKADE lU’XNTJtG. After the appropriation made by the General Assembly for the exnprtation of cotton, and the importation of such supplies of clothing for troops, cotton cards, Ac., as the State might need I sent Col. Win. Schley of Augusta to England to pur chase an interest in a steamer. Finding chat Le was not successful by reason of the non compli ance of tbe other party in getting thevessel for half interest, in which I had contracted at $155,000 in Confederate 8 per cent, bonds, I made a contract with the Exporting and Importing Company, of which Col. C. A. L. Lamar, was agent, for the charter of three vessels, with the privilege of adding two others which the company expected to have ready in a few months. This contract I considered advantageous to the State, and if left free to carry it out I could have exported cotton enough to have purchased all the supplies the State might need, and could have, imported them upon reasonable terms. At this point I was interrupted by the interpo sition of the Secretary of the Treasury, who, under the order of the President refused to permit any vessel toclearjunlessshe carried out one half the car go for the Confederate Government upon terms which were below what the State was to pay for the use of the vessels. This restriction whs placed upon the vessels of the States as it was said, by authority vested in the President by act of Congress of 6th February, 1864 which prohibits the exportation of Cotton, Ac, except under such uniform regulations as shall be made by the Pre-ident of the Confederate States. This eonstructien could not be sustained however, upon auv known rule, as the sth section of the act declares explicitly “that nothing in this act shall be construed to prohibit the Confederate States or any of them from exporting any of the ar ticle? herein enumerated on their own account.” This provision in the aet therefore leaves the States as free to export on their own account either upon vessel? owned or charters 1 by them, a? they were before the act was passed. But as the proviso in the act had been virtually repealed by an Executive order, I in common with the Gov ernors of Mississippi, Alabama and North Carolina, (the Governor of South Carolina concurring as shewn by his ietter) appealed to Congress to take up the question and make such provisions a? ■ aid enable the States to exercise their just rig.i s. After id a'tire cons* ierution Congress pass ' e"d' a bill for that purpose which the Presi dent vetoed. Cougress then as lam iuform el hv one of the Representatives of this State pissed a resolution unanimously in the House, and with almost unanimity in the Senate, declar ing in substance that the States should bo per mitted to export and import without interruption up in vessels chartered by them yri r to the date •>t the resolution, w r,th w m 1 have f-tr the ves sels charte- 'd by O > State free. Tb>« resolution was ■■ -tear 'he ■•*•.<«« <> e - *-si.- md the President refused, as feu member .uC ■ ■■ jaw cither j to sign it or to return it, that odigress might |be permitted to -cte to overrule sift veto. Thus by the order of the Executive alone, notwithstand ■ ing th* action of Congress and the provision in 1 the sth Sectb’B the act ab >vo r-'f-rred to. the States wore prohibited from exporting cotton and importing blankets and clothing for their troops, and other necessary supplies, unless they woubt conform to such rules as the President thought prpper to prescribe. These rules I could not con- I form to under the provisions of the contract made with ihe exportiag and imoorting company with out heavy loss to the.iState. As I was thu3 pro hibited by act of the Coniedeiate Government from carrying out the contract. I could not insist upon the exclusive use and control of the vessels. Finding the Exportations of the State forbidden by the Lincoln Blockade, and placed under a par tial blockade by our own Executive, I encounter ed great embarrassment in carrying out the in structions of the Legislature in this particular, f If the Company were compelled to submit to the terms prescribed by the President, and give up one half the storage room of the steamers chartered by j the Siate. to the Confederacy, thoy were unwil- I ling to divide the remaining half allowed them by the President with the State. By allowing the company to use the name of the State in their business which under the circumstance* I felt jus- I tified in doing, and by uudortak ig to aid them when necessary, in the fcruo-pnr’nlhiu of cotton to the oast, I was enabled to get them, after sub mitting to the terms imposed by ihe Confederate Government, to carry our ov -u*sional lot? for the State, upon the vessels on tied by them. I have also through the agency of Col. A. Wilbur, expor ted some upon smail vessels from tiie coast of this State. I have given one halt to the vessels for carrying out the other- Owing to the difficulties in getting letters from the other side, I have not yet received statements of the sales with the net amount of gold on deposit to the credit of the .State in England. Should the sale bills and ac counts current be received prior to your adjourn ment T will immediately lay them before 'he Gen eral Assembly. Afeoiit three hundred hales of cotton were >l*io ped upon the .Little Ada, (u steamer chartered by the State.) upon the coast of South Carolina. This vessel after she had been loaded with State cotton, wos detained in port between two and three month? by order of the Secretary of the Treasury, supported as I am informed by a military order from the office of the Adjutant General in Rich mond, to the commandant of the Post, not to per mit her to Hoar. Thus this State vessel was doubly blockaded and threatened by Confederate guns in the harbor and by Federal guns outside, if she attempted to go to sea with State cotton to pay for blankets to be imported for Georgia troops in service who have great need of them A complete statement of the amount axpended by the State for the purchase of cotton, with the ; quantity purchased under the appropriations, and the average cost per pound, together with the number of bales exported on account of the State, and the number now in store, with account of expenditures lor storage, freight, insurance, lighterage, bagging, rope, compressing, <tc. «fc., will be laid before the finance committee duriHg the session. They arc not transmitted herewith because reports of the agents with accounts cur rent have not ail been received. I have purchased and had stored mi o#e of the Islands 30,000 pairs of cotton ca: its, and 30,000 soldiers blankets. I have also made contracts for soldiers clothing, enough I trust with what are on hand to carry the troop* ‘hrough the win ter without suffering. Part of our goods were lost a few days since near Charleston with the Florie, but I hope soon to be abie to import the balance. I have lately been informed by Mr. Treaholm, the present liberal minded practical (secretary of the Treasury, that vessels owned by the State, will be permitted to clear without interruption by the Confederate Government. Were the question an original one, I can not doubt that Mr. Trenholm with the act of Congress, before him would decide, that a vessel chartered by a State _ has the same right to a4§carance, as no substantial distinction can be drawn between the right of a State to export upon a vessel owned and one chartered by her, which is a temporary ownership. Nor can I sup pose that this financial officer would willingly throw obstacles in the way of the States in making all the importations iti their power. Tako the case of Georgia as an instance. Her sons are in the field.— They need blankets, shoes, clothing and other ne cessaries. The Confederate Government is often unable to furnish these, and they suffer fin them. — The State by her legislature says her sons shall not suffer, and if the Confederate Government can not Supply these necessary articles, she will. She ap prorwiatgh money for that purpose, and directs part o? Jier surplus productions exported to pay for tkese articles, which she directs to be imported,— (*he charters her vessels, purchases cotton with her own money, and places it on board/to be curried abroa t at her own risk and expense, to purchase that she may import, at her own risk and.cogt, the articles necessary to the comfort other own gallant sous who are under arms for her defence. Site asks not a dollar from the Confederate Government, and even offer.sto pay export and import duties, which the Confederacy has no right to demand) or all she sends out andbrtngs in. At tki3 point she is met witha refusal to permit her vessels to clear, unless sue will submit to such onerous terms a- tiie Confederate Executive may choose to dictafc. Can th s action be sustained under any law of Congress, or upon ;Oi> principle of enlightened or’sound policy? Is it not a palpable assumption of power, and an utter disregard of every principle of State Rights and -State Sovereignty ? I trust Congress when it again assembles, acting upon principles of enlightened statesmanship, will not only remove these obstacles by enactments too qdain and stringent to be disregarded, but that they will invite aud encourage the several States, free of hindrance or duty, to import all the army supplies and articles of absolute necessity, which the in ans at their command may effable them to do. Should this expectation be disappointed -I am satisfied it would be sound poliey on the part of this State to purchase several vessels, and to import upon them such supplies as may be needed by our troops, and for State use. The State should also export a sufficient quantity of cotton, to place gold enough upon the other ride, to enable her to again equip the State Road at the end of the war. in common with other Southern Roads, its iron willjbe much worn, audits rolling stock nearly run down, and if some forecast is not exercised, the State w ill not have the means at her command to put it in running order. This may be provided for in the manner above indicated with but little cost. If the legislature will appropriate $2,000,000 in currency, and authorize me to purchase vessels and cotton, and to draw upon the cotton on the other side when necessary to pay for them or to purchase more cotton for shipment, if the blockade does not become moro stringent, with the State’s usual good luck when her affairs are well managed, I am firm ly impressed with the belief that I can put gold enough to her credit in Europe in one year to re pair the Road within six months after a treaty ®f peace, or to pay a large proportion of the appropri ations of the current year. To accomplish this the State must not be interrupted by Confederate inter ference. The exchange which the cotton exported this year under all the embarrassments of a double blockade places, to the credit of the State, with the cotton now in store, is worth nearly double the whole sum expended by the Statein the purchase of the cotton. [To be continued.. TELEGRAPHIC. REPORTS OF THE PRESS ASSOCIATION. Entered according to act of Congress in the year 1863, by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the Confederate State; for the Northern District of Georgia. Richmond, Oct". 4 —The Baltimore American of tbe 2d has been received. . ’ A telegram from Louisville, Ist. mentions a rumor that Hood, with 30,000 men. classed the Tennessee river, moving northward, on the Ist inst. Particulars unknown, and unat tainable at present. The railroad and telegraph line- to A:Lain are now in good order, A telegram from Nashville, the Ist. says that since the repulse at Decatur. Hood has moved further west, along the south side of the Tennessee river. He i- believed to have crossed some infantry - pear Bainbridge ; but no part of his force has been- moved further north. His purpose is difficult to ascertain. Thdmas is in this city, prepared for any movement Hood may make. Strong bodies of troops arc* moving in the proper direction. Sherman will continue to hold Atlanta. Forrest, with a large cavalry force, is threat ening Johusonville, wher there are large quantities of Government stores. Two New York State agents, convicted be fore a military commission of election fraud, have been sentenced to-imprisonment tor life. • The Nashville Union of the 2-sth says Sher man had not moved beyond Guyle-vilio at last accounts. Gold pjenv i on the 2d, at ‘2 U»y h|-noon. For CChattahoochee. Tn:- rc -, first class, steamer SHAMROCK, Hr./. V, :xgats, Master, will leave, .n her i’.r.-t »ri> . fur Chattahoochee, and ail intermediate ia <b gs on Tuesday morning, 3th inst., as and o’clock. For freight >r pa .-sage, having super-. : modations, apply :-n ■> nrd, or at the office of ANSERD k AUSTIN, hov ” 3t Agents. Tn S3 CITY, T- J. JACKSON LOCAL EDITOR ••Rosalie,’ - a poetic ooatr butor of the Montgom ery Advertiser, has been guilty ..f plagiarism" W, find in that paper *he Ke.uitiln! lines of'-Tne Lon* Ag »,” published as original under the heal * •‘Memory." Fie, Miss Rosalie. Our Citv Bonn e.— The numerous robberies and burglaries that have lately taken p’aci in thG city should suggest to our city police, the impor tance of being unusually active night and day, as *eme of the cases which have come to our know cuLga, lead to the belief that there are at present a number of daring rogues and house thieves in our miusi. A little extra activity on the part of the city guardians, especially those who bare the care of our community at night would lead to the capture of soma of rascal*, and a severe ex ample to them probably relieve us from there-:. MARRIED. On the 3d instant, at the residence of the bride’s mother, Mrs. Nancy Bass, by Rev. Jos. S. Key, Mr. J. \V. SAPPINGTON and Mrs. REBECCA E. STANLEY. Douglas Ambulance C’orp*. Members of this Association will meet n’t, i rjch k Co’s store. THIS MORNING at V, to arrange for proceeding to the army. W. H. YCVNG. Prest. G. Hoj.mks, Secretary. nov" It. Funeral Aolice. The friends and acquaintances of D A V I D GRANT and family, arc invited to attend his funer al, from the Ist Baptist Church, on to-morrow morning at lfi o'clock. nov 5 2t Notice. Headquarters Reserve Troops, Columbus, Ga., Nov., 2, Circular, 7hr Lire members of the “DAWSON ARTIL LERY,” are requested to meet at the Carriage Shop of Jaques k Cos., at 4 o’clock, p. in., the sth instant, for the purpose of organizing anew company. This hastefcience only to Such members as are not subject to duty in the field. 8. L. BISHOP. not 2t Maior commanding Reserve Troops, Lard \y ANTED in exchange fpr Sheetings, Osnaburga and Y’arns, at the nov 5 lm EAGLE FACTORY. AUCTION SALES’ By Ellis, Livingtttoia A: Cos ’PHIS day, Saturday November sth, at ID 1 j o’clouk, 1 we will sell in front of our store, 12 doz. bottles superior BLACK WRIT ING INK. nov 5 It* By J lliv faivingstoii & Cos., - m YU E will sell on SATURDAY, sth November, at *T 10 1-2 o’clock, in front of our Auction Room A FINE STALLION, 0 years old, a good Harness and Saddle animal. nov 5 It $3 By Eili's, Livingston A Cos ♦ ♦ ♦ AX SATURDAY. sth November at Iff 1 ? o’cljoSc, v* we will sell in front of our store 400 lbs. Genuine Muccaboy Snuff, flov 12t $4 By Liis*, Livingston «V Cos. AX SATURDAY, November sth, at 10!? o’clook, ‘ J we will sell in front of our store, 18 Boxes Good Tobacco; 1000 pounds Fine Smokin'*' Tobacco; FINE RUM AND WHISKY; 70 Bbls. Coast Salt; 1 Shuttle Sewing Machine. Adiitii9i«tr;&tor« Male. At the same time we will sell for and ott accsuat of the Estate of L. MANS FIELD, dee’d— -2 Fine Sett Single Harness; 1 Box Horse Shoes, Sand Paper; Enamelled Cloth and Enamelled Leather; 16 Gross Japanese Flathead Tack.*; 16 “ Silvered “ 2£j 21 and 6 inch Carriage Bolts; 6 Gross Traces, Rollers Plated, Horse Shoes, Buckles, Bridle Bitts, &c. nov 2 4t $32 By Ellas, Livingston A Cos. viu.tttiE ntTiou aiiii tot -A_T .A.XTOTIOUST ! I \N TUESDAY, Sth of November, at 10 JUfc; >h, J we will sell in front of our Auction Rooza. The Valuable Store, No, 127, Broad Street, Three Doors below Hill Sc Dawson** old cori er. The Lot is 22 feet front and 147 feet >9 inches deep—Store 114 feet deep—with privilege o the Alley. —ALSO — The following very desirable Stocks; 133 Shares Florida Home Insurance €* , S2O per Share paid in. 100 Shares Eufaula Home Insurance €«., SSO per Share paid in. 50 Shares Georgia Insurance Company, $25 per Share paid in. 500 Shares Southern Insurance Company, Savannah, Bringham, President, $lO sc Share paid in, 5 Shares Importing and Exporting Company Stock of Georgia, Lamar, Pr-iit., SI,OOO i'Cr Share paid in. 52 Shares "Great Southern Insurance Company,” S2O per Share l aid in. 5 Shares Bunk ol Colnmbus Sto«kj SIOO per Share pa and in. oc- 23 iOt ST» glj Ellis, Eivintt>l4>is A do A P K I AT E SALS —— • 1,500 unimproved Land « Spring Creek. Miller «ounty, Early, will bo soki at a Vargam. oc gi 171 384 Owner H anted lor a UocL% LEFT at uiy residence during my absence, by a negro man. i CLOCK—giving no name er ad dress —said ne w;i ■ instructs i ta le-ive it until ca*-ri for. The owner can get the same by calling at th» office of JOHN L>. GRA\ i CO., and paying yn' this.advertisemenp -rO - DRESS GOODS! rRENCH GAITER'. HOSE. TBIMMIN».S. THPEAD. Ac., A-’.", Sc?. ROO'l COOK’S HOTEL. Wanted liniiiediately. *■ THIS OFFICE For l.ow ! r . Jj clt'. ; i *i f at 1 Cover, tvii.ssd-. cdUP- ? » / ill ‘aV q vi ‘V ; ..a -4 \ plenty of wat^r. “ A-v •.» ' ‘ ‘ T. McK.EE. nt3 ft* • * T^o i«ry, Coles a **•