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DAILY TIMES.
I. W. WAR REX, --- Editor.
COLUMBUS:
Monday Morning, December 5, 1864.
Wm. F. Samford,
We give place in our columns to-day to an
elaborate essay on “ The War and the Way to
End it,” written by that great-minded man,
Wm. F. Samford, and addressed to Dr. A. A.
Lipscomb, chancellor of the University of
Georgia. In the absenoe of the editor, we
shall non attempt an analysis of the subject
matter of this letter, nor inv?!v? ourself in
the expression of an opinion either pro cr con-
It will be seen that Mr. Samford proposes some
new elements of diplomacy, and that his ar
guments on negotiation are the same as urged
in bis Norris lei ter of December, 1863, origi
nally published in the Richmond Enquirer,
ami is vu opposite view to the one so lumin
ously displayed in the article of Miss Evans,
of Mobile — ho.h of which taken together pre
sent an able expose of the whole subject from
Alabama writers. Mr. Samford, though in
advance of most of our statesmen in the advo
cacy of a wise aad energetic diplomacy, we
are satisfied has no ambition to lead public
opinion in this matter, but merely to elicit re*
flection and discussion This letter was writ
ten before the author had seen Gov. Brown's
late message or the letter of Vice Preslut-nt
Stephens to Senator Serames.
[For the Times.
The War, and the Way to End It.
ADURI3&BD TO OR. A. A. LIPSCOMB BY WM. P.
SAMFORD.
auburn, Ala., November 3, 1864.
My Dkar Doctor : I shall empty my heart
into youi bosom on the subject of the war
and the way to end it. Bear with me, if you
differ from me. You have loug known me,
in the ties of a close friendship, and will, I am
sure, give me credit for good motives, how
ever I may err in judgment. This, then, is
what 1 think ; I take up the question where
our last conversation left it:
The political world has its Calvary, as well
as the religious. War comes to crucify its
victims, who make up in multitude what they
lack in merit. Our Saviour redeemed the
world. He was Divine. Millions must die for
Liberty. We are human. “Offences must
needs come.'' “Woe to that man by whom
they come !’ : Woe to the people who clamor—
“their blood be on us and our children !”
Woe to bloody men —even when they fight the
battles of the world’s regeneration !
We have shed blood enough in this war.
Let us try to bring it to an end ! Let us try,
and not shut our eyes and fight on blindly to
our utter extermination. Let us bury our
dead! Negotiation is not dishonorable or
unwise. Yes, lam “tired of the war”—was
always tired of it. I have done, and shall do,
all I could—all I can—to wage it, as a dire
necessity, to a favorable conclusion. I have
always thought that negotiation ought to go
hand in haDd with the war ; that there has
been much to say which has been unsaid ;
that the elements of a treaty of peace have
existed , and that reason, and conscience, and
common sense, have been silenced by the
clamor of passion and the clangor of arms. I
was opposed to secession at the lime, and in
the mode, it was effected; but not opposed to
separation from the North, which I deemed
inevitable. I accepted secession, and every
brother and son of mine, and every kinsman
1 have in the world, went into the war, and
“for the war,” and those who survive are in
it to-day. I need not tell you that I would not
sacrifice honor, conscience , or independence, for
peace. I would not do this, because I could
not. We die but once in this world and death
is inevitable, and I think that a man’s time to
die has come, when be cannot preserve life,
and honor, and conscience, all together, f
think there are worse things than death ; but
if I may preserve all, I will preserve all. and
this is what I propose to do—nothing more—
nothing less. I mean no base surrender—no
unmanly abandonment of the cause of truth
and justice ; I mean what I say, and say what
I mean. Let us try to settle the matters in con
troversy between the North and the South by
an appeal to reason. Ido not believe that this
implies any relaxation of military preparation
ox efficiency. It may, or may not, imply an
armistice, even. While our generals are fight
ing, our commissioners might be negotiating.
M e shall have to negotiate a peace sometime, or
fight on forever, or cease to fight, only from
exhaustion. I want to negotiate while we are
strong and can tight. I think it wise to back
our arguments with blows, and our blows with
arguments.
Negotiation does not mean u re-construction :i ;
it could not lead to it; no sane man can be in
favor ot it—that is a stark impossibility. Ne
gotiation might lead to anythiny else , but to
that— never ! “ Re-construction !' : —that would
be resurrection! The buried nations would
get up out of their tombs, to see that! We
had as well talk about re-constructing Eng
land, as she was in the dajs of “good Queen
Bess” ; or France, as she was in the illustrious
reign of her Great Henry; or the earth it
self. as it was, with all its water-falls and
wind-falls, before the flood of Noah, as about
re-constructing the Union of these States
as it was. The elements are gone—the found
ations ar> pulverized !—the floods and the
winds have swept away the place where it was !
—the seal is upon its sepulchre! Let, there
fore, the jangle about “re-construction” cease!
It can do no good.
As to my relations to the President and bis
administration, I have this to say, and I say it
ah imo pectore. I have no part nor lot with
any factious opposition to either. [ have just
as little sympathy with any factious or blind
support of either. lam not his judge nor critic.
He as not now on his trial. It is our country.
I see from his printed speech in Macon, Ga.,
that he “reads all the letters the people send
him, tho’ he has not time to repl}’ to them.”
In 185u-'sl, he called me his “friend. * My
great and good friend, Walter T. Colquitt,
made me so. Subseqent evonts have bourne
him out so far in the wide ocean, that be can
not see me on the humble shore; but whether
l am his friend or not, I am the same friend
o our beautiful and beloved country L huve
always been. It makes very little difference
to him or to me, whether I am his friend or
not. We have both read the history of Courts
_th sufficient attention to know, that a wise
1 does not “put (his) trust in princes”;
that, their best friends are often capriciouslv
“cursed” from their “sides,”*aud that their
worst enemies, like the “ honest lago,” in “the
Moor of Venice," insinuate themselves into
their favor, and maintain their influence by
dissimulation and flattery.
My only claim to his attention is that I am
one of “the people,” and that every human
being in the world of the masculine gender?
who is sixteen years of age—brothers, sons,
cousins and nephews—except myself, who
have been for twenty years a hopeless invalid,
and my venerable father, who is nearly eighty
▼ears of age and has been for half a century
an active minister of the Gospel— every one
that I ever heard of, that is not in a bloody
grave, is in this war, and not one of them in a
soft place. Besides this, if I were speaking to
a man who knows me, I should—like Othello
—say, “I have done the State some service,”
and say it as proudly and modestly as he said
it. In ray sick room lor my sanctum, I have
wrought t.omewhat for the common cause—
humbly, it is true, and without reward—pre
paring the popular heart for the seed which
he, and you, and your compatriots and com
peers scattered from your high places.
1 have no envy of men in power. Charles
V. and Henry Bth and Francis Ist, were not
more fortunate than their friends or enemies
—I he Maurices and Wolseys and Warwicks—
the Luthers and Sir Thos. Mores and Crau
mers and Cromwells—who rose upon the
wheel of fortune and rolled it over themselves !
And in the grave? it all comes to the skull of
Yorick! I think I have something to say to
you —to your head and heart —to the President
and to the people. I submit it to you as one
honest man may talk to another. Ido not
think the President faultless—l do not think
his policy perfect—l do not think he antici
pates events —l do not think he uses other men's
brains enough. I think he is often too inflexi
ble sometimes a little prejudiced, and perhaps
not altogether free from personal attachments,
too strong for the good. These are
matters he will settle with Governor Brown
and the people and with his own conscience
when alone with his God. I give him credit
for great candor—great devotion to our glo
rious cause—great abilities—uncommon elo
quence—-courage and patriotism. He ought
to despise me if I should sing of him as Virgil
does of Octavius Caesar :
“Nam que erit ille mihi Semper Deus."
He is no God of mine ; I do not sacrifice in his
temple. I drive my cattle about and play
upon ray rustic pipe, without any sense of his
divine permission! But I honor his station and
I honor him who fills it worthily—not faultless
ly but faithfully. When Governor Brown and
Vice President Stephens aud Mr. Toombs
mounted the Habeas Corpus Hobby, I was the
first man in the Confederacy, to take the con
spiracy by the throat. ‘Those men were all
my friends.
Let my action vindicate my pretentions to
the claims of a Virtue and Patriotism above
all personal considerations! I know perfectly
that this is the cant of unprincipled factionists
—men who assail him from motives of self
aggraucizeraent ; and of warn and wicked men
whose failure to support the cause of their
country, they endeavor to eonceal, by a pre
tentious affectation, that they are wiser and
better patriots than lie and bis associates in
office. But why is this their cant? Certainly
because there is a virtue and a devotion above all
personal considerations. I aspire to that virtue
and that devotion! My earnest defence of him
proves that I have made some progress towards
the exaltation of sentiment and character
which they impart. I talk plainly and freely
of myself, because I am indifferent to myself—
and would have you to know that I write to
you, in the hope of being useful. I have no
prejudices—no expectations—no. hopes—no
fears. All I ask is for our country —in the in
terest of peace—honor and religion. Then,
“hear me for my cause," aud let all prejudice
“be silent that you may hear.”
I have read the President’s speeches to the
people, during his late visit to the Array of
Tennessee, with great attention. I have read
Mr. Vice President Stephens’ late letter upon
negotiation. I have also read Senator llesch
ell V. Johnson's letter, and the Resolutions and
speech of Mr. Parsons in the Alabama Legis
lature. I have not seen Mr. Boyce’s letter,
which the Press does not seem willing to cir
culate. lam observant of the state of things
in the United States, and the progress of opin
ion in Europe. lam cognizant of the real
condition of the Confederacy—among our
home people and in the army. lam not in
different to the influences of moral causes, or
the effects to be anticipated from the march
of Time. All these elements in the great prob
lem of our national policy and destiny are
distinctly before me. I know that it is that
problem which consumes your days and nights
in anxious thoughts, and unmitigated labors.
I take it for granted that, like the first of the
Bourbon line, the President having come to
his exalted position “through greatexpsrienees
and many sorrows,” comprehends perfectly
the evils of civil war, and deems his “King
dom well worth a mass.” I mean that although
a warrior, like Henry 4th, he had rather, like
him, conciliate aud negotiate a lasting peace
than to “conquer” it—that like him he had
rather “so manage matters that th 9 poorest
peasant “in the country” “may have meat each
day in the week, and moreover be enabled to
put a fowl in the pot on a Sunday” than to
wear the bloody laurels of all the Bourbons
and Guises who ever desolated the altars and
homes of their country. It was by peaceful
and unselfish and generous sentiments like
these that this illustrious King so attached
I the affections of his people, that at the an
, uouncemeut of his death by the hand of the
bigot Ravaillac, “many fell speechless in the
| streets” of Paris, and “others died from excess
of grief,” while “all felt that they had lost
! more than a father."
It is Plutarch. I believe, who says that Cen
sure is a tax which all must pay for being
eminent, and iu the spirit of the President’s
ovrti illustration. that “when men ar# dazzled
with the brightness of the sun, they shade
their eyes with their hands, and straightway
begin t>' seek i'«.r sp ois oU his disc*” Without
aeekiug for than, the effect upon the optic
nerve is such that they appear, not only on
the sift's luminous disc, but on every object on
earth —in the clear air and in the pure heav
ens. lam willing that he should think, and
that all m n ?hould think, that he and his ad
ministration are justly described by this rhet
oric of Plutarch and of bis speeches. I am
uoi a pai ty to tee insignificant question of
his merits or of any man's fame. What shall
be done to save our country ? is the one absorb
ing question vuth him—with.you—with me.
and with every patriot. That is the question
1 propose to discuss.
We do not consider so wild a project as
“reconstruction.” Before we would enter
tain that proposition, we would stand to the
eDd. against our foe, like the Knights of Malta,
under John de Valette, four to one! We
would re-produce a thousand times over, the
insurrection of the Sicilian vespers.
There is no conflict between Negotiation and
War. I honor the men who fight; and we
will do all in our power to strengthen their
arms. If we can do anything by “Negotia
tion” to help them, let us who cannot fight—
the old and infirm— think and talk. We shall
owe any success we may have, to the prowess
of their arms. It is in their interest that we
negotiate—to lessen their labors—to save
their lives, and if, as it is sometimes sneering
ly said, it be to save “our property too,” that
is not beneath the legitimate aim3 of an exalt
ed and patriotic statesmanship.
But with whom shall we negotiate? “With
Lincoln?” “What for?” How shall we ne
gotiate? “Wl. at ferns can we offer ?” And
“ who can negol iate—the States ? or the Confed
erate Government ?”
With respect, to these momentous questions,
I beg to be allowed to speak plainly —in the
hearing of Congress—of the President and of
the People—not rudely—not without charity
—not too confidently—but plainly and earnest
ly—as one who comes “not to woo honor,”
but having already won, “to wed her.”
“Tbink’st tnou that duty shall have dread
“to speak whoa power to flattery bows? To
“plainness honor’s bound, when majesty
“stoops to lolly.”
There is a clamor on all hands to put ne
groes in the army! England suggests it—
winks at it—apologizes for it! Many of our own
people urgoitfrom the most patriotic motives.
It is our rigkt to do it. I may fight ray slave as
well as work him—l may fight him as well
as Ido my horse. There is no degradation
in it. There is no “equality” of the negro
•implied by it. The Greeks fought their
slaves ; and old Abraham, who was as muoh
of “a gentleman” as you or I, fought his
slaves. But it is a question of policy. Isay
to put your negroes in the army is to abolish
slavery. Not because you admit his equality,
or impair your property by it—nor because of
any other abstraction or fiction—but because
of a plain, practical effect upon his character.
When you make him a soldier he will never
again be an humble, useful, contented slave.
If you teach him to fight for your liberty and
your wives and children, he will soon fight for
his own and for his own wife and children.—
You do not obviate the difficulty by declaring
him a free man a3 long as you hold his wife
and children in bondage. When you labor
by his side, you soothe his pride by descend
ing to his platform. He is all the more con
tented with his lot when you seem to share it.
When you elevate him to fight by your side,
you arouse his ambition to attain your digni
ty and position. So it is, that by proposing
to put negroes into the army, we seem to say
that
“Our enemies have beat us to the pit :
“It is more worthy to leapr in ourselves.
“Than tarry till they push us.”
This war was begun for the “protection” of
slave property. That was denied us in the
old Union, and we resolved to abandon the
Union Philosophers think that its progress
has developed irreconcilable antagonisms in
the characters of the Northman and the South
man, aud we hear that it has become a war for
Independence per se —that slavery or no slave
ry, we are to be a separate people. I think
that this ia the truth, and I am prepared to
go to thatrextent, and to declare that I pre
fer Independence with gradual emancipation
to re-construction, with any guarantees of
slavery whatever, and I am not sure but that
I should say this, if I believed, as I do not
believe that such guarantees might be made
effective. lam satisfied that there is a deep
substratum of public sentiment which sus
tains a growing opinion that gradual emanci
pation may become the policy of the Confed
eracy—-its war policy to secure Independence.
This opinion may derive some support from
an increasing apprehension that slavery may
be found inconsistent with the new system of
industry and the new interests, domestic and
foreign, which will spring up, in the new re
lations of our separate nationality. I do not
say that there is any truth' in this apprehen
sion. What I say, is this : The proposition to
put negroes in the army in defiance of conse
quences—the readiness to accept Indepen
dence, even at the cost of slavery—the idea
that slavery may prove to be a transient insti
stitution, giving away under the pressure of
new relations to a modified system of labor—
furnish the elements of a successful diplomacy .
Os course we should not bind ourselves to any
definite policy by a treaty with the nations of
Europe or the North. The “logic of events”
must determine that policy—and will deter
mine it, whatever we may say, in one form or
another. We may achieve our Independence
and slavery may endure as long as the world
stands, and I think it will so endure in spite
of all the laws and treaties that may be adop
ted by opposing men and nations. I may be
mistaken and slavery may pass away from
among human institutions in spite of all the
laws and treaties which may be adopted by
men and nations to foster and preserve it.—
The destiny of the African race, as well as
that of any other race of men, is in the AK
mighty hand es the Creator of men. We of
ten mistake the design of Hie Providence.—
The lessons of history are too dim for our weak
humaneyes,until they arepresented to us in the
strong light of realized results. The contingen
cies of the institution of slavery are recog
nized by all men. Asa matter of speculative
philosophy, he weuld be ridiculed as an emp
ty pretender, who should dogmatise on the
subject
We can afford to recognize the fact in the
case. It will cost us nothing. The destiny of
slavery is very far beyond the reach of our
laws and treaties. W e may, if we will, con
ciliate the nations by recognizing this fact, and
yet avoid any serious committal ou the ques
tion. A return to the old Union r>n any terms—
with any guarantees ichatever is abolition, at (he
discretion of the enemies of slavery and the Soudk.
The policy I indicate is this. Let us make sure
of Independence, and if it is necessary to do
this, to recognise the possibility of future, grad
ual emancipation, in our discretion, at our own
time and on our oum terms, then let us recog
nize that possibility, and , c rive European
nations a good excuse to •:> us. The
hope of future, gradual emancipation by the
States, held out to Europe, without binding us
in any way (the Confederate Governmen t
would have no power to bind the bti.les) would
fix pur nationality, and end the war in three
months.
I should not advise “an armistice'’ at this time.
Tn my opinion the winter rains and Northern
elections in connection with the successful
defense of Richmond by that obstinate man,
Gen. Lee—who io almost too great and good
for popular admiration—and the bewildering
campaign of Hood and Beauregard, aided by
that magical genius of war, Gen. Price, and
“that man on horseback” of mystery and
might—Bedford Forrest, “the wizard of the
saddle”—“the war eagle”—will enforce an ar
mistice of more value to us, than any that can
be agreed upon. But if an armistice must be—
why, let it be, and let U3 see to it, that the ene
my takes no advantage by it. Let our activi
ty and vigilance be superior to his and our
preparations for renewed war, if it should be
forced upon us, more ample than his.
Everybody ought to “negotiate”—the Presi
dent—the Congress—the State Legislatures—
the Governors —the newspapers and orators
and writers—all ought to work together.
The treaty making power is confided to the
General Government. Congress in its popu
lar branch may defeat a treaty by withholding
the means of its execution. The State Gov
ernments may exercise a practical veto on
subjects within their sole jurisdiction. A trea
ty of peace will have to com.'land the consent
of all the parties to the compact of Govern
ment. In their proper spheres, it is right that
the President and Congress and the State Leg
islatures and Governors should all advise and
negotiate, and act. The Confederate Govern
ment as the agent of the people in each of the
States, must by its commissioners or minis
ters negotiate the treaty, in form. Informal
commissioners may consult, advise and recom
mend- The States may well consider the sub
ject and propose such action as they deem for
the public good. Newspapers and private citi
zens ought to be allowed to express the public
opinion freely. The great popular heart must
pulsate or the government will perish. The
strong common sense of the masses—the in
stincts even of the ignorant are not to be des
pised.
Yes—“negotiate with Lincoln !” —with the
North— parties, in the majority or minority—
their States—their Governors—their Legisla
tures —their people. Do all we can, in ferm
and out of form —in the battle-field and coun
cil-hall, to overthrow their organized war poli-.
cy—its supporters and the influences which
maintain it. Do all we can to increase the
sentiment of peace and justice among the
masses of the North, and to elevate it to power.
We must negotiate with European States and
peoples. War is ay argument , and only one
way to enforce it. Conscience is a power in
the universe. Reason ha3 a throne in the
hearts of all men. God is not only a ‘ God of
battles”—but of peace too. The mightiest in
fluences are often the most silent. If He star
tles the world with His lightning and shakes
it with his thunders and whirlwinds, He ani
mates by His radient sunshine and genial
showers, and noiseless electrical currents and
combinations.
I do not say that the South ought to accept
any and certainly not all or the conditions of
peace in the Chicago Platform—but I confess
that it seems to me the government might turn
it to good account. A party in the North an
tagonizing the War party presents a power to
negotiate with. Every revolution of the gov
ernmental wheel there, will complicate and
embarrass administration. I believe that Gen.
McClellan’s election to the Presidency would
lead to peace—l do not think that the Black
Republicans would vote men and money to
prosecute a war which avowedly recognizes
slavery and restores the captured slave to his
master. McClellan would be thrown upon his
own party , for the means to wage such a war
as he proposes. Such a tear is impracticable,
and he would be surrounded by men opposed
to all-war.
I am not sure that the Democratic party of the
North oven if Jbincoln should be re-elected, which
is most probable, will not attain a power in the
pending contest which will so cripple him that h e
can never inaugurate another formidable cam
paign against us. Unquestionably, if stung by
defeat and persecution—they will throw themselvo* )
with thoir whole weight, upon the wheels of his
administration. It is our highest interest to
strengthen and encourage that party. Even if
adversity should befall our arms, peace may com®
as you say,it does always come, “as a thief in the
night.” I pray that God may send it an angel of
mercy, in the high-noon of victory.
Ido not say it wouid be wise, at this time, to
submit the question of independence and slavery
to a convention of all the States North and South,
as Mr. Stephens proposes. The idea is entirely
historical and in keeping with American prece
dents, but it may be premature. A little pre
liminary negotiation might be advisable. I should
prefer that Congress should appoint diplomatic
commissioners to layb®fore the Washington au
thorities a well digested plan of peace—in extenso
and thoroughly argued, in the hearing of the peo
ple of the North and of European nations. If the
United States Government should refuse to receive
them their appeal to the public opinion of that
country, and of all countries, might not be less
effective. It is not probable that the first proposi
tions for peace will be accepted. We shall have
to begin at some time, and the sooner we do begin
the sooner we shall attain the end—especially if
we begin now, while our armies are equal to those
of our enemies, and able te give a significance to
our arguments.
It i3 mere child’s play to be discussing who shall
make the first proposition ? It is humiliating in
an age of Christian light for men and nations not
to have learned that God despises “a proud look.”
This brings me to the last topic I propose to dis
cuss and that briefly.
What is the law of Christian charity on this sub
ject o t negotiation? Will not the God of nations
require of us a conformity to His will before He
grants us peace? Shall our hot blood rebel
against His sovereignty, and dash our fortunes
against His Almighty Providence ? I confess that
I find in His holy word no warrant for a pri ’e that
would sacrifice human life in an unnecessary strife
Our Divine Saviour taught us humility, as a
virtue and patience too. He said “agree with
thine adversary quickly.” “Resist not evil.” “Love
your enemies.” Whatever these scriptures mean
is the rule of our obligations and interests, as
well as of His' Providence. Let us sec to it, that
we do not forfeit His protection !
“A peace is of the nature of a conquest,
For then both parties nobly are subdued,
And neither party loser.”
And if any man suggests that these are the sen
timents of a timid man, I reply in the language
of Shakopear—“Blind fear, that seeing reason
leads, finds safer footing, than blind reason stum
bling without tear. To /ear the worst, oft cures
the worst”
“Grace, Mercy and Peace."
Your constant friend,
Wm. F. Samvord.
P. S.—l bare written so hastily, that I ever- '
looked a common bjcction to a Convention of
the States. It is said “it would dissolve the Con
federate Government.” Taken separately I am
not sure* that it would be a very great calamity,
if it were dissolved. But it is certain that if it
would dissolve our Government it would also dis
solve the United States Government, and I am
sure that no event conceivable could bo more for
tunate for us than that.
But it would not dissolve either, in law or in
fact, any more than a Convention of the people
of Alabama would ipso facto dissolve our State
Government, even if a National Convention should
be vested with the power of absolute decision,
without reference to the people es the several
States. The fact would be that its action would
be only advisory, and of no effect, without the
ratification of treaty making powers and of the
States, each acting for itself. By such action
the General Government might or might not be
dissolved. I suppose no Government would be
dissolved even in this way by a Convention whose
sole office would be to devi«B means of peace.
Haveto, Wm. F. Samforp.
♦Rev. A. A. Lipscomb, D. D., Chaucrllor of Uni
versity Athens, Ga.
TELEGRAPHIC.
REPORTS OP THE PRESS ASSOCIATION.
Entered according to act of Congress in the year
1863, by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerk’s office of
the District Court of the Confederate States for
the Northern District of Georgia.
FROM THE NORTH.
Mobile, Dec. 3—A special dispatch to the Ad
vertiser dated Senatobia, Dec. 2d, says the St.
Louis Republican, 26th ult., and the Memphis
Bulletin of the 30th has been received.
A New York dispatch of the 24th says it is a
fixed fact that S. P. Chase is to be Chief Justice.
Gen. Lee is contracting his lines to send troops
to Georgia.
Gen. Early’s headquarters are between Tim
bervillo and New Market, with his flanks well
covered by cavalry.
A cavalry fight occurred in the Shenandoah
Valley, in which the Federals olaim a victory.’
The New York Herald publishes Sherman’s or
der to his army before his march commenced. —
Howard is in command of the right wing, con
sisting of the 15th corps; Slocum the loft, con
sisting of the 18th and 20th corps. Ilis habitual
order of march whenever practicable will be .by
four roads, as nearly parallel as possible. Kil
patrick commands the cavalry. His march will
be ten miles a day. The cavalry will forage on
the country, but not destroy property in any lo
cality where they are unmolested. Horses, mulos,
wagons, and able-bodied negroes will be appro
priated freely.
A Nashville dispatch of the 24th, says Duck
river has been adopted as the Federal line of de
fence.
A Louisville dispatch of the 25th, says Pulas
ki is evacuated and a battle expected at Columbia
that day.
The Louisville Journal thinks Brackenridge
has his eye on Kentucky and is moving in that
direction. Burbridge and Stoncman are watching
him.
Memphis papers notice the capture of Ned
Montgomery while attempting to cross the Mis
sissippi river with a train ot tobacco. A quarter
of a million of .[Sterling exchange was found on
his person.
FROM MISSISSIPPI.
Osyka, Dec. 3.—lnformation from the vicinty
of Franklin report Davidson’s raiders in that
place, and their foraging parties ravaging the
country around. They told the citizens they in
tended remaining several days. No particulars of
their doings in the town.
The weather is raining and the roads very bad.
The Situation.
By private advices, says the Telegraph & Con
federate of 3d. inst-., we learn that Shermsn was
at Millan on the 28th, still proceeding towards the
seaboard.
It is said a large fleet is in Broad River, South
Carolina, and troops are landing near Graham
vilie. If this be true, the troops and fleet are
probably a co-operating force, with supplies for
Sherman.
Gen. Wheeler has been doing most valuable ser
vice, retarding the enemy materially, and killing
large numbers.
During the whole night of tho 28th, and the
day of the 29th, Gen. Wheeler was fighting the
Yankee cavalry, commanded by General Kilpat
rick. Charge after charge was made upon the
enemy, who fought stubbornly.
General Wheeler, in person, led his columns. At
last the Yankees stampeded and Kilpatrick came
very near being captured. The fleetness of his
horse, a fast runner, alone saved him. He lost his
hat, which is now in possession of our cavalry,
and will be kept as a trophy.
Our loss was between sixty and seventy. Gen.
Robertson, one of our most gallant officers, was
severely wounded. The enemy’s loss was much
greater than ours.
Our cavalry, during the protracted fight, be
haved with the greatest gallantry.
Gens. Bragg and Hardee—the former in Augus
ta and the latter in Savannah—are actively en
gaged in perfecting dispositions to defeat the
enemy.
—/ - • UP II
The Situation.—lr is generally conceded (says
the Augusta Constitutionalist of the 30th ult.,) that
Sherman, avoiding both Augusta and Macon, has
gone on hi3 winding way, either to Savannah,
Brunswick or Port Royal. To reach either Bruns
wick or Savannah, he has to traverse a barren
waste of land to meet as he approaches his desti
nation swamps impenetrable to an army, save by
causeways which could easily bo destroyed before
him. One good ridge road, indeed is at his option,
but then he may find upon that road opposition
which he little dreamed of, and which may snag
his march. Should ho attempt to reach Port
Royal, he wnl probably cross the Savannah at
Sister’s Ferry. On the South Carolina side, im
mediately opposite this ferry, the soil is porus and
marshy. There, too, he may possibly encounter
masked batteries and other obstacles too namor
ous to mention.
Somehow, we are, in common with our fellow ;
citizen, strongly of the opinion that Shopman and
his robbers are marching to doom. We know
some very good news and so* some excellent signs. |
Be patient, the fruit is not yat ripe.
OBITUARY,
“Lone are the paths, and sad the bowers,
Whence thy meek smile is gone;
But oh ! a brighter home than ours,
In Heaven is now thine own.”
Died, in Opelika, Ala., on the 22d of September
after a few days illness, Ann Eliza, daughter of
John T. and Fannie Smith, aged four years and six
months. True it is that little Ann Eliza hath left
us, her childless form greets no longer the vision of
fond parents and admiring friends; h c r innocent
pratlings have ceased, and a households darkened,
made desolate by the absence of a loved one. Yet
weep not fond parents, or wish to call tby idol back,
she dwells .in a holier clime, angels bright have
twined an immortal wreath for Ler infant brow, she
sweetly sleeps, her slumbers are unbroken, thy dar
ling is in Heaven.
"The Lord gave and the Lord takmh away, bles
sed be name of the Lord.,’
Weep not for thv child that has gone to its rest,
Ere life with its troubles began ;
In white robes ’twas borne to the land of the blest,
To chant in that angelic band.
Why dost thou weep mother? thy child is uot dead,
Heaven has but given her birtn ;
And halos of glory float over her heaa.
Far brighter than any of earth.
Weep not for her father wht has passed away,
To realms of bliss on high; ..... ,
The rose- bud no’er witaers mid fa!is to decay,
Its essence ascends ;o the sky.
My darling, my daili. r no'longerwe 11 sith,
Thou art free from sorrow and strne ;
But pray that like thee, we may ascend on high
To meet in an eternal life. &. E. r.
OX e 3?~2\
T- J. JACKKpy LOCAL EDITOR.
Theatre.—We understand that Mr Crisp’s
Company, in obedience to the expressed wish o'
many citizens, have concluded to remain in this
city a few nights longer, and will appear to-ni» t
in the groat sensation Drama of the <•
Ashore,” to be followed by the popular and am .
sing afterpiece of “The Jolly Cobler.” Those w ,
have not’attended, should avail themselves of ta ß
present week.
The City Election.— Our municipal election
we believe takes place next Saturday. Tho read!
er will learn from our advertising columns that
there area number of aspirants for tho varba;
positions of trust and profit in our citv. w 0
briefly netice the names of each.
For Mayor we see the name of the present a
cumbent, F. G. Wilkins, Esq., who has raprs
sented the city for several terms, ably and we. ,
and we have no doubt will do so again if elected.
There is B. F. Coleman, announced for the ?a as
position. He is one of our oldest and best citi
zens, has served the city iayarious positions,know<
well the wants of the oity, and would also make
an excellent Mayor. Then there is W. R. B'rowu,
who, also we believe has served the city several
terms as Alderman, is a thorough going, energe:
business man, and quito popular. He, too, wou.J
fill the office of Mayor with credit. We would *
pleased to see either eat>of theso gontlemen elect
ed. Let tho people weigh the claims of all and
vote understanding^.
For the office of Marshal we notice the names
of Thomas P. Callier, Wm. S. Robinson and Jo’aa
Cleghorn. Mr. Callier is the present iccumbaa , 1
and as far as we know has made an excellent offi
cer. He would do so again if chosen. Win. L.
Robinson is a disabled soldier who deserves well.
He has rendered some fine service in the field, and
has unfortunately been wounded several times, fl*
would, we think, serve the city as well as he did
his country. Mr. Cleghorn is a soldeir who ha?
seen some hard service, having been in the war
for nearly four years ; was severely wounded
in the battles around Riohmond, and has been a
prisoner in Yankee hands since the 6th of May
He has been lately paroled, and we learn is ['emi
nently disabled.
For tho Office of Deputy Marshal, we notice ia
our columns tho name of Wm. N. Allen. Mr.
Allen is a young man, raised in Columbus, and
early in the commencement of the war enlisted a
the Terrell Artillery, with which company hs
served his country faithfully for about twelve
months, when he was transferred to the 43d Gi.
Reg’t. At the siege of Vicksburg he lost an arm
and was taken prisoner. After being parolled ae
returned to this city and has dono good service ia
the enrolling office ever since. He would, ni
doubt, make a good and efficient officer.
For City Sexton there are several candidate!,
though we see but one name in our columns, that
of the present iacumbent, Bob Simons. Mr. ,*i
mons has made an excellent officer during most *f
the present year, and we have no doubt will coa
tinue to perform his functions well, if ro elected.
We have thus noticed briefly the names of all
candidates for city offices as far as we know. The
public can make their choice from among them,
and let who may be chosen, the probability a
that all the city offices will be creditably filled ai
ring the next term.
We are authorized to announce JOHN F. OLBfl-
HORN as a candidate for the office of Marshal at the
ensuing municipal election,
dec 5 td
thbatub!
At the REQUEST OF MANY PATRONS the
Manager has made arrangements to remain a raw
NIGHTS LONGER.
MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 4th.
First time here of the Grand Sensation Drain* »f
the
WRECK ASHORE ;
OR
Bridegroom so s the Sea!
Mr. and Mrs. W. H. CRISP, in thoir popular
characters of Miles Bertram and Alice.
Mr- Theo. Hamilton, as Grampai
Miss Cecilia Crisp, as Bette
Mr. C. T. Wolfe, as Ma
THE MURDER IN THE IIEATII !
THE DEATH SHOT; DOUBLE MARRIAGI;
RETRIBUTION—SAILOR’S RETURN!
PUNISHMENT AND DEATH!
To followed by the Roaring Farce of the
JT oily Ootobler!
dec 5-lt
AUCTION SALES
By Elli§, Livingston & Cos,
ON TUESDAY, 6th inst, at 11 oVietk,
we will sell in front of our store
A Likely Negro Girl, 17 years old,
good field hand,
dec 2td sl2
By Ellis, Livingston & Cos.
-
WE will sell on TUESDAY, 6th December, it
11 o’clock, in front of our store
1 Negro Woman, 35 years old, Extra
No 1 cook washer and ironer.3
1 Negro Woman, 21 years old, Fia*
seamfress and house servant.
1 Likely Negro Boy, 18 years old.
1 Wheeler & Wilson, full case, Sewing
Machine.
50 doz. White Spool Cotton,
2 Fine Parlor Stoves.
1 Case Surgical Instruments.
1 Excellent Open Buggy.
77 bbls. and Sacks Salt.
Ready Made Clothing, Furnituro
c&c., &c., i£c.
t e« 2 td $42
BLOCKAGE GOODS
BY LATE ARRIVALS.
JBy James H. Taylor-
On Wednesday, Dec. 6, at 9 o’elof L
WILL be sold at my Store, corner of Broad
Campbell streets,
Augusta, Ga.,
A large assortment of
Foreign and Domestic Good*.
Particulars in a fumre advertisement.
Conditions Cash. nov2l-eedtfL
Coufederate Tax Satire.
} .SHALL com ence on Monday next, s(k
1 collecting all Taxes that are due the Confeder al
Tax payers must come up promptly and pay, yt
penalty of the law will be visited upon therm iy .
are now many delinquents on their Quarterly - \
Tax. Mr. Green, o, myself, will at all tiiii*
ready to receive the money. , T Tcv
t J. A. L. rbr
dec 5 31 Collector 41m Dut.
Plantation to Rent or Sell.
< \NE and a half miles north of Union Springs. M ‘
' ' con county, Ain. It contains four hundred
eiahty acres, a little less than four hundred -
cleared. Most of the cleartd land is black pra*
and creek bottoms. For particulars apply to
GEORGE STRAY And.
dec 5 Iw Union Springs, A“ 4
HF’OIO. SAXiE.
\ W ILL FARM, containing about 100 acres.. v
\ ill Ihe woods and forty cleared, about one “
above ihd Fountain Factory, on the river, a
place is a good dwelling with three rooms, a ar*
apnle and ( each orchard and variety ofottmr
trees, good water, Ac. For terms apply to
Mrs. J. A. JU-ociby
dec 5 ts near Cclumba'-
