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About Columbus times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1864-1865 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 5, 1864)
DAILY TIMES. I. W. WAR REX, --- Editor. COLUMBUS: Monday Morning, December 5, 1864. Wm. F. Samford, We give place in our columns to-day to an elaborate essay on “ The War and the Way to End it,” written by that great-minded man, Wm. F. Samford, and addressed to Dr. A. A. Lipscomb, chancellor of the University of Georgia. In the absenoe of the editor, we shall non attempt an analysis of the subject matter of this letter, nor inv?!v? ourself in the expression of an opinion either pro cr con- It will be seen that Mr. Samford proposes some new elements of diplomacy, and that his ar guments on negotiation are the same as urged in bis Norris lei ter of December, 1863, origi nally published in the Richmond Enquirer, ami is vu opposite view to the one so lumin ously displayed in the article of Miss Evans, of Mobile — ho.h of which taken together pre sent an able expose of the whole subject from Alabama writers. Mr. Samford, though in advance of most of our statesmen in the advo cacy of a wise aad energetic diplomacy, we are satisfied has no ambition to lead public opinion in this matter, but merely to elicit re* flection and discussion This letter was writ ten before the author had seen Gov. Brown's late message or the letter of Vice Preslut-nt Stephens to Senator Serames. [For the Times. The War, and the Way to End It. ADURI3&BD TO OR. A. A. LIPSCOMB BY WM. P. SAMFORD. auburn, Ala., November 3, 1864. My Dkar Doctor : I shall empty my heart into youi bosom on the subject of the war and the way to end it. Bear with me, if you differ from me. You have loug known me, in the ties of a close friendship, and will, I am sure, give me credit for good motives, how ever I may err in judgment. This, then, is what 1 think ; I take up the question where our last conversation left it: The political world has its Calvary, as well as the religious. War comes to crucify its victims, who make up in multitude what they lack in merit. Our Saviour redeemed the world. He was Divine. Millions must die for Liberty. We are human. “Offences must needs come.'' “Woe to that man by whom they come !’ : Woe to the people who clamor— “their blood be on us and our children !” Woe to bloody men —even when they fight the battles of the world’s regeneration ! We have shed blood enough in this war. Let us try to bring it to an end ! Let us try, and not shut our eyes and fight on blindly to our utter extermination. Let us bury our dead! Negotiation is not dishonorable or unwise. Yes, lam “tired of the war”—was always tired of it. I have done, and shall do, all I could—all I can—to wage it, as a dire necessity, to a favorable conclusion. I have always thought that negotiation ought to go hand in haDd with the war ; that there has been much to say which has been unsaid ; that the elements of a treaty of peace have existed , and that reason, and conscience, and common sense, have been silenced by the clamor of passion and the clangor of arms. I was opposed to secession at the lime, and in the mode, it was effected; but not opposed to separation from the North, which I deemed inevitable. I accepted secession, and every brother and son of mine, and every kinsman 1 have in the world, went into the war, and “for the war,” and those who survive are in it to-day. I need not tell you that I would not sacrifice honor, conscience , or independence, for peace. I would not do this, because I could not. We die but once in this world and death is inevitable, and I think that a man’s time to die has come, when be cannot preserve life, and honor, and conscience, all together, f think there are worse things than death ; but if I may preserve all, I will preserve all. and this is what I propose to do—nothing more— nothing less. I mean no base surrender—no unmanly abandonment of the cause of truth and justice ; I mean what I say, and say what I mean. Let us try to settle the matters in con troversy between the North and the South by an appeal to reason. Ido not believe that this implies any relaxation of military preparation ox efficiency. It may, or may not, imply an armistice, even. While our generals are fight ing, our commissioners might be negotiating. M e shall have to negotiate a peace sometime, or fight on forever, or cease to fight, only from exhaustion. I want to negotiate while we are strong and can tight. I think it wise to back our arguments with blows, and our blows with arguments. Negotiation does not mean u re-construction :i ; it could not lead to it; no sane man can be in favor ot it—that is a stark impossibility. Ne gotiation might lead to anythiny else , but to that— never ! “ Re-construction !' : —that would be resurrection! The buried nations would get up out of their tombs, to see that! We had as well talk about re-constructing Eng land, as she was in the dajs of “good Queen Bess” ; or France, as she was in the illustrious reign of her Great Henry; or the earth it self. as it was, with all its water-falls and wind-falls, before the flood of Noah, as about re-constructing the Union of these States as it was. The elements are gone—the found ations ar> pulverized !—the floods and the winds have swept away the place where it was ! —the seal is upon its sepulchre! Let, there fore, the jangle about “re-construction” cease! It can do no good. As to my relations to the President and bis administration, I have this to say, and I say it ah imo pectore. I have no part nor lot with any factious opposition to either. [ have just as little sympathy with any factious or blind support of either. lam not his judge nor critic. He as not now on his trial. It is our country. I see from his printed speech in Macon, Ga., that he “reads all the letters the people send him, tho’ he has not time to repl}’ to them.” In 185u-'sl, he called me his “friend. * My great and good friend, Walter T. Colquitt, made me so. Subseqent evonts have bourne him out so far in the wide ocean, that be can not see me on the humble shore; but whether l am his friend or not, I am the same friend o our beautiful and beloved country L huve always been. It makes very little difference to him or to me, whether I am his friend or not. We have both read the history of Courts _th sufficient attention to know, that a wise 1 does not “put (his) trust in princes”; that, their best friends are often capriciouslv “cursed” from their “sides,”*aud that their worst enemies, like the “ honest lago,” in “the Moor of Venice," insinuate themselves into their favor, and maintain their influence by dissimulation and flattery. My only claim to his attention is that I am one of “the people,” and that every human being in the world of the masculine gender? who is sixteen years of age—brothers, sons, cousins and nephews—except myself, who have been for twenty years a hopeless invalid, and my venerable father, who is nearly eighty ▼ears of age and has been for half a century an active minister of the Gospel— every one that I ever heard of, that is not in a bloody grave, is in this war, and not one of them in a soft place. Besides this, if I were speaking to a man who knows me, I should—like Othello —say, “I have done the State some service,” and say it as proudly and modestly as he said it. In ray sick room lor my sanctum, I have wrought t.omewhat for the common cause— humbly, it is true, and without reward—pre paring the popular heart for the seed which he, and you, and your compatriots and com peers scattered from your high places. 1 have no envy of men in power. Charles V. and Henry Bth and Francis Ist, were not more fortunate than their friends or enemies —I he Maurices and Wolseys and Warwicks— the Luthers and Sir Thos. Mores and Crau mers and Cromwells—who rose upon the wheel of fortune and rolled it over themselves ! And in the grave? it all comes to the skull of Yorick! I think I have something to say to you —to your head and heart —to the President and to the people. I submit it to you as one honest man may talk to another. Ido not think the President faultless—l do not think his policy perfect—l do not think he antici pates events —l do not think he uses other men's brains enough. I think he is often too inflexi ble sometimes a little prejudiced, and perhaps not altogether free from personal attachments, too strong for the good. These are matters he will settle with Governor Brown and the people and with his own conscience when alone with his God. I give him credit for great candor—great devotion to our glo rious cause—great abilities—uncommon elo quence—-courage and patriotism. He ought to despise me if I should sing of him as Virgil does of Octavius Caesar : “Nam que erit ille mihi Semper Deus." He is no God of mine ; I do not sacrifice in his temple. I drive my cattle about and play upon ray rustic pipe, without any sense of his divine permission! But I honor his station and I honor him who fills it worthily—not faultless ly but faithfully. When Governor Brown and Vice President Stephens aud Mr. Toombs mounted the Habeas Corpus Hobby, I was the first man in the Confederacy, to take the con spiracy by the throat. ‘Those men were all my friends. Let my action vindicate my pretentions to the claims of a Virtue and Patriotism above all personal considerations! I know perfectly that this is the cant of unprincipled factionists —men who assail him from motives of self aggraucizeraent ; and of warn and wicked men whose failure to support the cause of their country, they endeavor to eonceal, by a pre tentious affectation, that they are wiser and better patriots than lie and bis associates in office. But why is this their cant? Certainly because there is a virtue and a devotion above all personal considerations. I aspire to that virtue and that devotion! My earnest defence of him proves that I have made some progress towards the exaltation of sentiment and character which they impart. I talk plainly and freely of myself, because I am indifferent to myself— and would have you to know that I write to you, in the hope of being useful. I have no prejudices—no expectations—no. hopes—no fears. All I ask is for our country —in the in terest of peace—honor and religion. Then, “hear me for my cause," aud let all prejudice “be silent that you may hear.” I have read the President’s speeches to the people, during his late visit to the Array of Tennessee, with great attention. I have read Mr. Vice President Stephens’ late letter upon negotiation. I have also read Senator llesch ell V. Johnson's letter, and the Resolutions and speech of Mr. Parsons in the Alabama Legis lature. I have not seen Mr. Boyce’s letter, which the Press does not seem willing to cir culate. lam observant of the state of things in the United States, and the progress of opin ion in Europe. lam cognizant of the real condition of the Confederacy—among our home people and in the army. lam not in different to the influences of moral causes, or the effects to be anticipated from the march of Time. All these elements in the great prob lem of our national policy and destiny are distinctly before me. I know that it is that problem which consumes your days and nights in anxious thoughts, and unmitigated labors. I take it for granted that, like the first of the Bourbon line, the President having come to his exalted position “through greatexpsrienees and many sorrows,” comprehends perfectly the evils of civil war, and deems his “King dom well worth a mass.” I mean that although a warrior, like Henry 4th, he had rather, like him, conciliate aud negotiate a lasting peace than to “conquer” it—that like him he had rather “so manage matters that th 9 poorest peasant “in the country” “may have meat each day in the week, and moreover be enabled to put a fowl in the pot on a Sunday” than to wear the bloody laurels of all the Bourbons and Guises who ever desolated the altars and homes of their country. It was by peaceful and unselfish and generous sentiments like these that this illustrious King so attached I the affections of his people, that at the an , uouncemeut of his death by the hand of the bigot Ravaillac, “many fell speechless in the | streets” of Paris, and “others died from excess of grief,” while “all felt that they had lost ! more than a father." It is Plutarch. I believe, who says that Cen sure is a tax which all must pay for being eminent, and iu the spirit of the President’s ovrti illustration. that “when men ar# dazzled with the brightness of the sun, they shade their eyes with their hands, and straightway begin t>' seek i'«.r sp ois oU his disc*” Without aeekiug for than, the effect upon the optic nerve is such that they appear, not only on the sift's luminous disc, but on every object on earth —in the clear air and in the pure heav ens. lam willing that he should think, and that all m n ?hould think, that he and his ad ministration are justly described by this rhet oric of Plutarch and of bis speeches. I am uoi a pai ty to tee insignificant question of his merits or of any man's fame. What shall be done to save our country ? is the one absorb ing question vuth him—with.you—with me. and with every patriot. That is the question 1 propose to discuss. We do not consider so wild a project as “reconstruction.” Before we would enter tain that proposition, we would stand to the eDd. against our foe, like the Knights of Malta, under John de Valette, four to one! We would re-produce a thousand times over, the insurrection of the Sicilian vespers. There is no conflict between Negotiation and War. I honor the men who fight; and we will do all in our power to strengthen their arms. If we can do anything by “Negotia tion” to help them, let us who cannot fight— the old and infirm— think and talk. We shall owe any success we may have, to the prowess of their arms. It is in their interest that we negotiate—to lessen their labors—to save their lives, and if, as it is sometimes sneering ly said, it be to save “our property too,” that is not beneath the legitimate aim3 of an exalt ed and patriotic statesmanship. But with whom shall we negotiate? “With Lincoln?” “What for?” How shall we ne gotiate? “Wl. at ferns can we offer ?” And “ who can negol iate—the States ? or the Confed erate Government ?” With respect, to these momentous questions, I beg to be allowed to speak plainly —in the hearing of Congress—of the President and of the People—not rudely—not without charity —not too confidently—but plainly and earnest ly—as one who comes “not to woo honor,” but having already won, “to wed her.” “Tbink’st tnou that duty shall have dread “to speak whoa power to flattery bows? To “plainness honor’s bound, when majesty “stoops to lolly.” There is a clamor on all hands to put ne groes in the army! England suggests it— winks at it—apologizes for it! Many of our own people urgoitfrom the most patriotic motives. It is our rigkt to do it. I may fight ray slave as well as work him—l may fight him as well as Ido my horse. There is no degradation in it. There is no “equality” of the negro •implied by it. The Greeks fought their slaves ; and old Abraham, who was as muoh of “a gentleman” as you or I, fought his slaves. But it is a question of policy. Isay to put your negroes in the army is to abolish slavery. Not because you admit his equality, or impair your property by it—nor because of any other abstraction or fiction—but because of a plain, practical effect upon his character. When you make him a soldier he will never again be an humble, useful, contented slave. If you teach him to fight for your liberty and your wives and children, he will soon fight for his own and for his own wife and children.— You do not obviate the difficulty by declaring him a free man a3 long as you hold his wife and children in bondage. When you labor by his side, you soothe his pride by descend ing to his platform. He is all the more con tented with his lot when you seem to share it. When you elevate him to fight by your side, you arouse his ambition to attain your digni ty and position. So it is, that by proposing to put negroes into the army, we seem to say that “Our enemies have beat us to the pit : “It is more worthy to leapr in ourselves. “Than tarry till they push us.” This war was begun for the “protection” of slave property. That was denied us in the old Union, and we resolved to abandon the Union Philosophers think that its progress has developed irreconcilable antagonisms in the characters of the Northman and the South man, aud we hear that it has become a war for Independence per se —that slavery or no slave ry, we are to be a separate people. I think that this ia the truth, and I am prepared to go to thatrextent, and to declare that I pre fer Independence with gradual emancipation to re-construction, with any guarantees of slavery whatever, and I am not sure but that I should say this, if I believed, as I do not believe that such guarantees might be made effective. lam satisfied that there is a deep substratum of public sentiment which sus tains a growing opinion that gradual emanci pation may become the policy of the Confed eracy—-its war policy to secure Independence. This opinion may derive some support from an increasing apprehension that slavery may be found inconsistent with the new system of industry and the new interests, domestic and foreign, which will spring up, in the new re lations of our separate nationality. I do not say that there is any truth' in this apprehen sion. What I say, is this : The proposition to put negroes in the army in defiance of conse quences—the readiness to accept Indepen dence, even at the cost of slavery—the idea that slavery may prove to be a transient insti stitution, giving away under the pressure of new relations to a modified system of labor— furnish the elements of a successful diplomacy . Os course we should not bind ourselves to any definite policy by a treaty with the nations of Europe or the North. The “logic of events” must determine that policy—and will deter mine it, whatever we may say, in one form or another. We may achieve our Independence and slavery may endure as long as the world stands, and I think it will so endure in spite of all the laws and treaties that may be adop ted by opposing men and nations. I may be mistaken and slavery may pass away from among human institutions in spite of all the laws and treaties which may be adopted by men and nations to foster and preserve it.— The destiny of the African race, as well as that of any other race of men, is in the AK mighty hand es the Creator of men. We of ten mistake the design of Hie Providence.— The lessons of history are too dim for our weak humaneyes,until they arepresented to us in the strong light of realized results. The contingen cies of the institution of slavery are recog nized by all men. Asa matter of speculative philosophy, he weuld be ridiculed as an emp ty pretender, who should dogmatise on the subject We can afford to recognize the fact in the case. It will cost us nothing. The destiny of slavery is very far beyond the reach of our laws and treaties. W e may, if we will, con ciliate the nations by recognizing this fact, and yet avoid any serious committal ou the ques tion. A return to the old Union r>n any terms— with any guarantees ichatever is abolition, at (he discretion of the enemies of slavery and the Soudk. The policy I indicate is this. Let us make sure of Independence, and if it is necessary to do this, to recognise the possibility of future, grad ual emancipation, in our discretion, at our own time and on our oum terms, then let us recog nize that possibility, and , c rive European nations a good excuse to •:> us. The hope of future, gradual emancipation by the States, held out to Europe, without binding us in any way (the Confederate Governmen t would have no power to bind the bti.les) would fix pur nationality, and end the war in three months. I should not advise “an armistice'’ at this time. Tn my opinion the winter rains and Northern elections in connection with the successful defense of Richmond by that obstinate man, Gen. Lee—who io almost too great and good for popular admiration—and the bewildering campaign of Hood and Beauregard, aided by that magical genius of war, Gen. Price, and “that man on horseback” of mystery and might—Bedford Forrest, “the wizard of the saddle”—“the war eagle”—will enforce an ar mistice of more value to us, than any that can be agreed upon. But if an armistice must be— why, let it be, and let U3 see to it, that the ene my takes no advantage by it. Let our activi ty and vigilance be superior to his and our preparations for renewed war, if it should be forced upon us, more ample than his. Everybody ought to “negotiate”—the Presi dent—the Congress—the State Legislatures— the Governors —the newspapers and orators and writers—all ought to work together. The treaty making power is confided to the General Government. Congress in its popu lar branch may defeat a treaty by withholding the means of its execution. The State Gov ernments may exercise a practical veto on subjects within their sole jurisdiction. A trea ty of peace will have to com.'land the consent of all the parties to the compact of Govern ment. In their proper spheres, it is right that the President and Congress and the State Leg islatures and Governors should all advise and negotiate, and act. The Confederate Govern ment as the agent of the people in each of the States, must by its commissioners or minis ters negotiate the treaty, in form. Informal commissioners may consult, advise and recom mend- The States may well consider the sub ject and propose such action as they deem for the public good. Newspapers and private citi zens ought to be allowed to express the public opinion freely. The great popular heart must pulsate or the government will perish. The strong common sense of the masses—the in stincts even of the ignorant are not to be des pised. Yes—“negotiate with Lincoln !” —with the North— parties, in the majority or minority— their States—their Governors—their Legisla tures —their people. Do all we can, in ferm and out of form —in the battle-field and coun cil-hall, to overthrow their organized war poli-. cy—its supporters and the influences which maintain it. Do all we can to increase the sentiment of peace and justice among the masses of the North, and to elevate it to power. We must negotiate with European States and peoples. War is ay argument , and only one way to enforce it. Conscience is a power in the universe. Reason ha3 a throne in the hearts of all men. God is not only a ‘ God of battles”—but of peace too. The mightiest in fluences are often the most silent. If He star tles the world with His lightning and shakes it with his thunders and whirlwinds, He ani mates by His radient sunshine and genial showers, and noiseless electrical currents and combinations. I do not say that the South ought to accept any and certainly not all or the conditions of peace in the Chicago Platform—but I confess that it seems to me the government might turn it to good account. A party in the North an tagonizing the War party presents a power to negotiate with. Every revolution of the gov ernmental wheel there, will complicate and embarrass administration. I believe that Gen. McClellan’s election to the Presidency would lead to peace—l do not think that the Black Republicans would vote men and money to prosecute a war which avowedly recognizes slavery and restores the captured slave to his master. McClellan would be thrown upon his own party , for the means to wage such a war as he proposes. Such a tear is impracticable, and he would be surrounded by men opposed to all-war. I am not sure that the Democratic party of the North oven if Jbincoln should be re-elected, which is most probable, will not attain a power in the pending contest which will so cripple him that h e can never inaugurate another formidable cam paign against us. Unquestionably, if stung by defeat and persecution—they will throw themselvo* ) with thoir whole weight, upon the wheels of his administration. It is our highest interest to strengthen and encourage that party. Even if adversity should befall our arms, peace may com® as you say,it does always come, “as a thief in the night.” I pray that God may send it an angel of mercy, in the high-noon of victory. Ido not say it wouid be wise, at this time, to submit the question of independence and slavery to a convention of all the States North and South, as Mr. Stephens proposes. The idea is entirely historical and in keeping with American prece dents, but it may be premature. A little pre liminary negotiation might be advisable. I should prefer that Congress should appoint diplomatic commissioners to layb®fore the Washington au thorities a well digested plan of peace—in extenso and thoroughly argued, in the hearing of the peo ple of the North and of European nations. If the United States Government should refuse to receive them their appeal to the public opinion of that country, and of all countries, might not be less effective. It is not probable that the first proposi tions for peace will be accepted. We shall have to begin at some time, and the sooner we do begin the sooner we shall attain the end—especially if we begin now, while our armies are equal to those of our enemies, and able te give a significance to our arguments. It i3 mere child’s play to be discussing who shall make the first proposition ? It is humiliating in an age of Christian light for men and nations not to have learned that God despises “a proud look.” This brings me to the last topic I propose to dis cuss and that briefly. What is the law of Christian charity on this sub ject o t negotiation? Will not the God of nations require of us a conformity to His will before He grants us peace? Shall our hot blood rebel against His sovereignty, and dash our fortunes against His Almighty Providence ? I confess that I find in His holy word no warrant for a pri ’e that would sacrifice human life in an unnecessary strife Our Divine Saviour taught us humility, as a virtue and patience too. He said “agree with thine adversary quickly.” “Resist not evil.” “Love your enemies.” Whatever these scriptures mean is the rule of our obligations and interests, as well as of His' Providence. Let us sec to it, that we do not forfeit His protection ! “A peace is of the nature of a conquest, For then both parties nobly are subdued, And neither party loser.” And if any man suggests that these are the sen timents of a timid man, I reply in the language of Shakopear—“Blind fear, that seeing reason leads, finds safer footing, than blind reason stum bling without tear. To /ear the worst, oft cures the worst” “Grace, Mercy and Peace." Your constant friend, Wm. F. Samvord. P. S.—l bare written so hastily, that I ever- ' looked a common bjcction to a Convention of the States. It is said “it would dissolve the Con federate Government.” Taken separately I am not sure* that it would be a very great calamity, if it were dissolved. But it is certain that if it would dissolve our Government it would also dis solve the United States Government, and I am sure that no event conceivable could bo more for tunate for us than that. But it would not dissolve either, in law or in fact, any more than a Convention of the people of Alabama would ipso facto dissolve our State Government, even if a National Convention should be vested with the power of absolute decision, without reference to the people es the several States. The fact would be that its action would be only advisory, and of no effect, without the ratification of treaty making powers and of the States, each acting for itself. By such action the General Government might or might not be dissolved. I suppose no Government would be dissolved even in this way by a Convention whose sole office would be to devi«B means of peace. Haveto, Wm. F. Samforp. ♦Rev. A. A. Lipscomb, D. D., Chaucrllor of Uni versity Athens, Ga. TELEGRAPHIC. REPORTS OP THE PRESS ASSOCIATION. Entered according to act of Congress in the year 1863, by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the Confederate States for the Northern District of Georgia. FROM THE NORTH. Mobile, Dec. 3—A special dispatch to the Ad vertiser dated Senatobia, Dec. 2d, says the St. Louis Republican, 26th ult., and the Memphis Bulletin of the 30th has been received. A New York dispatch of the 24th says it is a fixed fact that S. P. Chase is to be Chief Justice. Gen. Lee is contracting his lines to send troops to Georgia. Gen. Early’s headquarters are between Tim bervillo and New Market, with his flanks well covered by cavalry. A cavalry fight occurred in the Shenandoah Valley, in which the Federals olaim a victory.’ The New York Herald publishes Sherman’s or der to his army before his march commenced. — Howard is in command of the right wing, con sisting of the 15th corps; Slocum the loft, con sisting of the 18th and 20th corps. Ilis habitual order of march whenever practicable will be .by four roads, as nearly parallel as possible. Kil patrick commands the cavalry. His march will be ten miles a day. The cavalry will forage on the country, but not destroy property in any lo cality where they are unmolested. Horses, mulos, wagons, and able-bodied negroes will be appro priated freely. A Nashville dispatch of the 24th, says Duck river has been adopted as the Federal line of de fence. A Louisville dispatch of the 25th, says Pulas ki is evacuated and a battle expected at Columbia that day. The Louisville Journal thinks Brackenridge has his eye on Kentucky and is moving in that direction. Burbridge and Stoncman are watching him. Memphis papers notice the capture of Ned Montgomery while attempting to cross the Mis sissippi river with a train ot tobacco. A quarter of a million of .[Sterling exchange was found on his person. FROM MISSISSIPPI. Osyka, Dec. 3.—lnformation from the vicinty of Franklin report Davidson’s raiders in that place, and their foraging parties ravaging the country around. They told the citizens they in tended remaining several days. No particulars of their doings in the town. The weather is raining and the roads very bad. The Situation. By private advices, says the Telegraph & Con federate of 3d. inst-., we learn that Shermsn was at Millan on the 28th, still proceeding towards the seaboard. It is said a large fleet is in Broad River, South Carolina, and troops are landing near Graham vilie. If this be true, the troops and fleet are probably a co-operating force, with supplies for Sherman. Gen. Wheeler has been doing most valuable ser vice, retarding the enemy materially, and killing large numbers. During the whole night of tho 28th, and the day of the 29th, Gen. Wheeler was fighting the Yankee cavalry, commanded by General Kilpat rick. Charge after charge was made upon the enemy, who fought stubbornly. General Wheeler, in person, led his columns. At last the Yankees stampeded and Kilpatrick came very near being captured. The fleetness of his horse, a fast runner, alone saved him. He lost his hat, which is now in possession of our cavalry, and will be kept as a trophy. Our loss was between sixty and seventy. Gen. Robertson, one of our most gallant officers, was severely wounded. The enemy’s loss was much greater than ours. Our cavalry, during the protracted fight, be haved with the greatest gallantry. Gens. Bragg and Hardee—the former in Augus ta and the latter in Savannah—are actively en gaged in perfecting dispositions to defeat the enemy. —/ - • UP II The Situation.—lr is generally conceded (says the Augusta Constitutionalist of the 30th ult.,) that Sherman, avoiding both Augusta and Macon, has gone on hi3 winding way, either to Savannah, Brunswick or Port Royal. To reach either Bruns wick or Savannah, he has to traverse a barren waste of land to meet as he approaches his desti nation swamps impenetrable to an army, save by causeways which could easily bo destroyed before him. One good ridge road, indeed is at his option, but then he may find upon that road opposition which he little dreamed of, and which may snag his march. Should ho attempt to reach Port Royal, he wnl probably cross the Savannah at Sister’s Ferry. On the South Carolina side, im mediately opposite this ferry, the soil is porus and marshy. There, too, he may possibly encounter masked batteries and other obstacles too namor ous to mention. Somehow, we are, in common with our fellow ; citizen, strongly of the opinion that Shopman and his robbers are marching to doom. We know some very good news and so* some excellent signs. | Be patient, the fruit is not yat ripe. OBITUARY, “Lone are the paths, and sad the bowers, Whence thy meek smile is gone; But oh ! a brighter home than ours, In Heaven is now thine own.” Died, in Opelika, Ala., on the 22d of September after a few days illness, Ann Eliza, daughter of John T. and Fannie Smith, aged four years and six months. True it is that little Ann Eliza hath left us, her childless form greets no longer the vision of fond parents and admiring friends; h c r innocent pratlings have ceased, and a households darkened, made desolate by the absence of a loved one. Yet weep not fond parents, or wish to call tby idol back, she dwells .in a holier clime, angels bright have twined an immortal wreath for Ler infant brow, she sweetly sleeps, her slumbers are unbroken, thy dar ling is in Heaven. "The Lord gave and the Lord takmh away, bles sed be name of the Lord.,’ Weep not for thv child that has gone to its rest, Ere life with its troubles began ; In white robes ’twas borne to the land of the blest, To chant in that angelic band. Why dost thou weep mother? thy child is uot dead, Heaven has but given her birtn ; And halos of glory float over her heaa. Far brighter than any of earth. Weep not for her father wht has passed away, To realms of bliss on high; ..... , The rose- bud no’er witaers mid fa!is to decay, Its essence ascends ;o the sky. My darling, my daili. r no'longerwe 11 sith, Thou art free from sorrow and strne ; But pray that like thee, we may ascend on high To meet in an eternal life. &. E. r. OX e 3?~2\ T- J. JACKKpy LOCAL EDITOR. Theatre.—We understand that Mr Crisp’s Company, in obedience to the expressed wish o' many citizens, have concluded to remain in this city a few nights longer, and will appear to-ni» t in the groat sensation Drama of the <• Ashore,” to be followed by the popular and am . sing afterpiece of “The Jolly Cobler.” Those w , have not’attended, should avail themselves of ta ß present week. The City Election.— Our municipal election we believe takes place next Saturday. Tho read! er will learn from our advertising columns that there area number of aspirants for tho varba; positions of trust and profit in our citv. w 0 briefly netice the names of each. For Mayor we see the name of the present a cumbent, F. G. Wilkins, Esq., who has raprs sented the city for several terms, ably and we. , and we have no doubt will do so again if elected. There is B. F. Coleman, announced for the ?a as position. He is one of our oldest and best citi zens, has served the city iayarious positions,know< well the wants of the oity, and would also make an excellent Mayor. Then there is W. R. B'rowu, who, also we believe has served the city several terms as Alderman, is a thorough going, energe: business man, and quito popular. He, too, wou.J fill the office of Mayor with credit. We would * pleased to see either eat>of theso gontlemen elect ed. Let tho people weigh the claims of all and vote understanding^. For the office of Marshal we notice the names of Thomas P. Callier, Wm. S. Robinson and Jo’aa Cleghorn. Mr. Callier is the present iccumbaa , 1 and as far as we know has made an excellent offi cer. He would do so again if chosen. Win. L. Robinson is a disabled soldier who deserves well. He has rendered some fine service in the field, and has unfortunately been wounded several times, fl* would, we think, serve the city as well as he did his country. Mr. Cleghorn is a soldeir who ha? seen some hard service, having been in the war for nearly four years ; was severely wounded in the battles around Riohmond, and has been a prisoner in Yankee hands since the 6th of May He has been lately paroled, and we learn is ['emi nently disabled. For tho Office of Deputy Marshal, we notice ia our columns tho name of Wm. N. Allen. Mr. Allen is a young man, raised in Columbus, and early in the commencement of the war enlisted a the Terrell Artillery, with which company hs served his country faithfully for about twelve months, when he was transferred to the 43d Gi. Reg’t. At the siege of Vicksburg he lost an arm and was taken prisoner. After being parolled ae returned to this city and has dono good service ia the enrolling office ever since. He would, ni doubt, make a good and efficient officer. For City Sexton there are several candidate!, though we see but one name in our columns, that of the present iacumbent, Bob Simons. Mr. ,*i mons has made an excellent officer during most *f the present year, and we have no doubt will coa tinue to perform his functions well, if ro elected. We have thus noticed briefly the names of all candidates for city offices as far as we know. The public can make their choice from among them, and let who may be chosen, the probability a that all the city offices will be creditably filled ai ring the next term. We are authorized to announce JOHN F. OLBfl- HORN as a candidate for the office of Marshal at the ensuing municipal election, dec 5 td thbatub! At the REQUEST OF MANY PATRONS the Manager has made arrangements to remain a raw NIGHTS LONGER. MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 4th. First time here of the Grand Sensation Drain* »f the WRECK ASHORE ; OR Bridegroom so s the Sea! Mr. and Mrs. W. H. CRISP, in thoir popular characters of Miles Bertram and Alice. Mr- Theo. Hamilton, as Grampai Miss Cecilia Crisp, as Bette Mr. C. T. Wolfe, as Ma THE MURDER IN THE IIEATII ! THE DEATH SHOT; DOUBLE MARRIAGI; RETRIBUTION—SAILOR’S RETURN! PUNISHMENT AND DEATH! To followed by the Roaring Farce of the JT oily Ootobler! dec 5-lt AUCTION SALES By Elli§, Livingston & Cos, ON TUESDAY, 6th inst, at 11 oVietk, we will sell in front of our store A Likely Negro Girl, 17 years old, good field hand, dec 2td sl2 By Ellis, Livingston & Cos. - WE will sell on TUESDAY, 6th December, it 11 o’clock, in front of our store 1 Negro Woman, 35 years old, Extra No 1 cook washer and ironer.3 1 Negro Woman, 21 years old, Fia* seamfress and house servant. 1 Likely Negro Boy, 18 years old. 1 Wheeler & Wilson, full case, Sewing Machine. 50 doz. White Spool Cotton, 2 Fine Parlor Stoves. 1 Case Surgical Instruments. 1 Excellent Open Buggy. 77 bbls. and Sacks Salt. Ready Made Clothing, Furnituro c&c., &c., i£c. t e« 2 td $42 BLOCKAGE GOODS BY LATE ARRIVALS. JBy James H. Taylor- On Wednesday, Dec. 6, at 9 o’elof L WILL be sold at my Store, corner of Broad Campbell streets, Augusta, Ga., A large assortment of Foreign and Domestic Good*. Particulars in a fumre advertisement. Conditions Cash. nov2l-eedtfL Coufederate Tax Satire. } .SHALL com ence on Monday next, s(k 1 collecting all Taxes that are due the Confeder al Tax payers must come up promptly and pay, yt penalty of the law will be visited upon therm iy . are now many delinquents on their Quarterly - \ Tax. Mr. Green, o, myself, will at all tiiii* ready to receive the money. , T Tcv t J. A. L. rbr dec 5 31 Collector 41m Dut. Plantation to Rent or Sell. < \NE and a half miles north of Union Springs. M ‘ ' ' con county, Ain. It contains four hundred eiahty acres, a little less than four hundred - cleared. Most of the cleartd land is black pra* and creek bottoms. For particulars apply to GEORGE STRAY And. dec 5 Iw Union Springs, A“ 4 HF’OIO. SAXiE. \ W ILL FARM, containing about 100 acres.. v \ ill Ihe woods and forty cleared, about one “ above ihd Fountain Factory, on the river, a place is a good dwelling with three rooms, a ar* apnle and ( each orchard and variety ofottmr trees, good water, Ac. For terms apply to Mrs. J. A. JU-ociby dec 5 ts near Cclumba'-
