The Louisville gazette and republican trumpet. (Louisville, Ga.) 1800-1809, November 12, 1800, Image 1

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THE LOUISVILLE GAZETTE; AND REPUBLICAN TRUMPET. VOL. ll.] GEORGIA, LOUISVILLE:—PubIiIhed every Wcdnefday, by AMBROSE DAY A wi?f v » i ” and FRI.i TING tn all its variety, is executed with ncatnefs and dilpatch. STATE of GEORGIA. MESSAGE Of His Excellency GO E'ER NOR JACKSON, to both Hcujes of the Legiflature. fellczo Citizens of the Senate , and of the Houfe of Reprefen tativeSy * TI IE period is again arrived at which it becomes my duty to jay the fiate of the republic and an account of the laft year’s ad minillration before you. The war which has for fo ma ny years defolated Europe, Hill continues, and is likely fo to do until the pride and perfeverance cf one of the two great rival powers Ha ail yield to the gallant condufl and determination of the other. The United States have happily evaded a part In this dreadful contcft, in the courfe of which, millions of fellow crea tures have been facrificed to the manes cf royalty, and the ambi tion oi individuals. But, altho’ we have hitherto efcaped this declared warfare —a warfare al moft as deftrudlive has been waged on our commerce by both thofe powers, and on the perfons of our citizens by one of them; torn from their country, their cleared: relatives and con nections, they have been im pelled on board Britifh fhips of war, compelled to fight their battles, and to afiill in the conti nuation of this plundering fyftem agamft the Hates they belonged to.—Should, however, the arm ed neutrality fo much talked of prevail, we have room for hope, that that haughty nation, which ■-prclcnt rules the ocean, with -f r flat trampling under foot f,ie law s of nations and hofpitali- T as fhe lifleth, will foon be re f-'iced to the necefilty, as fhe at the clofe of our glorious evolutionary war, to relinquifh tne kingly contcfb, and reftore Uace to the world, for which u ‘ e fnends of humanity muff E int > and even the defpots of , Uro P e appear to figh. Satiat e V; ith blood, Ruffia, Prufila, a fie r ted Aufiria, have withdrawn from the coalition “pinfi rcpublicanifm ; Britain e me keeps up the flame, and it by depredations on trade of all nations. Al it cannot be the interefi r; l ‘ c United States, that either thofe powers fhouid altoge -oreak down the other, it Mainly is their interefi: that ,Ihould check each other, y daat fomc limits fhouid be . t 0 die maritime power of w^°fe fbips proudly ti fe pthe ocean from the north to fouthern pole, and WEDNE S D A Y, November i 2f 1800. I IRERTt IS 01 R MOT'/ 0 ASD TRUTH Ul’R GUIDE. - whofe politics, inimical to every principle o! government but mo narchy, would lead her to exter minate from the catalogue of words the term republic. If we have to fear, it is from her, and the nature ot her government; and had the coalition fucceeded in breaking down France, there appears more than bare probabi lity, that our happy form of go vernment would have been next attacked. It is aflerted, and with feme colour of authority, that an influence exifis in America, partial to Britifh rule, and ready for a monarch—indeed, the con fpiracy of governor Blount, fiified in the enquiry after great expence ; the million of Mr. Bowles to the Creek Nation, to which he was convoyed by a Britifh (loop of war, and where he fiill is, or hovering with the tomahawk on the frontiers of Georgia—The governor of Ca nada’s addrefs fome time fince to the northern tribes of Indians, and a variety of other circum fiances, warrant a fufpicion, if not belief, that feme plan was in agitation, hofiile to the confti tution and liberties of the United States.—lt is on the other hand declared in the papers, that the Britifh minifier has allured our government, that Bowies is not Supported by that power; but is it ufual for fhips of war to be employed in the efcort of a mere adventurer ? whether, however, this be or be not the fa6l, it is a duty w r e ow r e our country, our felves and pofterity, to keep a watchful eye over our republican rights and conftitutions, and to refill every monarchical impref fion or influence, which we have reafon to lament there Ihould be room even for fufpicion of, as being in exifience among u; an influence hofiile to our inde pendence and our rights, which were purchafed at the expence of oceans of the blood of our fathers. The papers and information refpedling Bowles, to which your attention will be more im mediately drawn, as being more interefiing to this than to any other fiate in the Union, toge ther with my proclamation, if fued in the month of July lafi, forbidding his enlifiing or raiflng men, which he attempted to do within this flare, will be found in the bundle marked No. i, and among them a mod inlolent j letter to myfelf, proffering ami- j ty, and future correfpondence ; i thinking no doubt, as I have j mentioned on this fubjeft to the fecrctary of flare of the United Stares, that as I was fligmatiged as a jacobin in the papers of Georgia) and feme of the other dates, I mud he prepared to join any party hoftile to the United States. It to be of republican principles, and to enjoy my own opinion of public meafures, and declare that opinion freely, conditutc a jacobin, I do not deny the charg *, for I am one ; they were principles middled in to me in the trying’hour of 1776, and I trull I lb all never defect them.—But if to fupport the United States, which was done by that proclamation, and my offer to the agent of Indian affairs, as well as the govern ment of three, or even five thou fand Georgia militia, to crufli general Bowles, conflitute a fe deralift, then am I a federaliff. The richefl monarch of Europe is too poor to purchafe my principles, or to dice my firm adherence to the conffitutions of our country. The documents marked No. e., K ing extracts of letters from the cornmifiioners appointed by this (hue to treat with comrnif fioners of the United States, ref pe&ing aceflion of our Wedern Territory, and a copy of their minutes will inform you that no thing has as yet been concluded on between them. The propo rtions of the latter a copy of which you will find with the mi nutes, were of fuch a nature as our cominiflioners were not au thorized to ait on, and not a lit tle furprized to receive. Thofe proportions and an ail of Con gress, under which the United States commifTionersderive their powers, deferve your mod fe rious confuleration. The ail entitled “ an ail fupplemental to the ail for an amicable fettic ment of limits with the date of Georgia, and authorizing the edablifhment of a government in the MiflilTippi Territory,” is I humbly conceive, as well as the ail to which it is fupplementary a violation of the rights of Geor gia, and a conditional infringe ment, inafmuch as it edablifhes a government within her limits, independent of her authority, and without her ednfent, contra ry to the ninth article of confe deration, and perpetual union which provides that “ no date dull be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States,” which engagement is ratified by the fixth article of the federal condition, and the third ftdion of the fourth article whereof further declares “ new dates mav be admitted by the Congrefs in to this union, but no new date dial! be formed or eredlcd with in the jnrifdlclion of any other date, date be formed by the junct ion of two or more Hates without the content of tho legillature of fuch Hates as well as ot the Congrefs,” and again the Congrefs fhall have power ro difpofe of and nuke all need ful rules and regulations rcfpcdb ing the territory cr other pro perty belonging to the United States, and nothing in this con- Hitution fliall be lo conflrued as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular Hate.’' The twenty third feltion ot the firfl article of our flatr conflitution is in perfect unifon with the articles of confederation and the conflitution of the Uni ted States, where it is “ provi ded nevertliek Is that nothing herein contained fliall be eon timed fo as to prevent a fair to or contract with the United States by the legillature of this Hate of and for all or any pare ot the Weftern T erritory of this Hare, lying weft ward of the river Chatahoochie,” and it is again provided, that “ the legillature may give its confcnt to thCcftab lifhment of one or more govern ments wed ward thereof.” Is it ncceflary for,me to afk the Icgif laturc of Georgia if fhe has no claim of foil and jurifdi<slion to the territory eftabliflied into a government by tliat aft ? Is it not exprefsjy included within the limits of Georgia by your lam! law's, by other laws of force, and further, by the faid twenty third feftion of the rtrll article of the* conflitution ? Is it not evident that if Congrefs have aconftitu tional power to ere<sl the territo ry claimed by Georgia on the MilTiffippi, into a government without her confcnt, that they have a right to form one on the Okmulgee without that confent, or even on a cavilling principle that the charter of Georgia ex tended no further than the Ala tamaha, to erect Glynn and Camden counties into a territo rial government ? If it be faid, that Congrefs alfo claims the MifllfTippi Territory, ought not thofc clafhing claims find to have been adjufled, and then the go vernment eflablifhcd ? Is it juft, is it magnanimous in the United States, with the ftrong arm of power thus to evade the claim of Georgia ? It may alfo be faid, that it is provided, that the rights of Georgia fhall not be impaired by that aft. But is not its very exiftence an impairing and vio lation of them, and the principle dangerous to all Rate rights, and oppreftive tothe inhabitants over whom the government unconfti tutionally prefides ? As well might a man in private life enter another per fans houfe, keep pof- [No. 93,