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The picture drawn of the children ot England iu Lord Ashley’s speech is a disgrace to a nation ca’ling itself civili zeffi We are aware—we write it with regret—that in our land, in many of our states, their is lamentable ignorance—a suicidal neglect of the all-important cause of education. There have been individ ual cases of juvenile crime, and enquiry commissioners might find in our cities an amount, large enough, of juvenile de pravity. But it has never been our lot to read of such details as are here pre sented. If the people are true to their trusts, such never can be presented.— But it is well to look at these exhibi tions fully, and profit by the warning they afford. If ignorance and crime have not reached the extent of that of the old countries, it may be well to remember that the same evil principles, imported into this country from the old world, have worked, and will continue to work, evil. While all that we enjoy of real prosperity and progress as a nation can be traced to a free spirit, guided by a high toned morality, seeking equal laws tor the orencral good. And it New England has risen aliove other portions ot our land in intelligence, comfort, and real in dependence of thought and action, it is, as much as to any one cause, owing to its early adoption of, and persevering ad herence to, the noble principle that ev ery CHILD HAS A NATURAL RIGHT TO AN EDUCATION, AND THAT PROPER I A SHOULD PROVIDE THE MEANS TO SE CURE it. And every town —every dis trict -that dots our wide territory, ought to furnish its few zealous individuals who are willing to devote a portion ot their time and powers to see to it that tins principle is not frittered away by heed lessness or parsimony. From the Boston Post. Children of Knslnnd~Cau«es— Remedies. Millions of the children of England, whose looks should speak health and vigor, whose every motion should indi cate cheerfulness, whose natural right is as clear to food for body and mind as i is to the air they breathe, have their lot cast as we have seen, in ignorance and drunkenness, debauchery and crime !- Why ‘s it so ? What arc the remedies ? Os course the degradation of the off spring springs from the degradation ot the pTirent. What causes tins . I o as cribe such a state of things to the multi plication of the powers of production to the advancement of science and the arts, to the extension of commerce or m histry, is an abuse of terms. It is to say, that in proportion as the comforts of life arc increased, its miseries are. increase. . These arc the elements of civilization ; and to say this, is to affirm that in pio portion as these become developed man becomes degraded. Nor will it do to as cribe this state of tilings to the natural features of the country or its natural fa cilities for the employment ot capital. The coal formations, the mineral produc tions, the climate and territory, all point out England as a manufacturing country. In seizing upon these great advantages her enterprising people have but fulfilled the order of Providence in turning na ture’s agencies into vast laboratoiies loi the supply of human wants. The cause ot this degradation lies in a different direction. It is as deep-rooted in its origin as it is ill its nature. It is the development of evil principles that lie at the foundation of the political fab ric. In Great Britain, more than in any civilized country on the face of the globe, the strong, by means of vicious institu tions, seize upon the earnings of the weak—property' is privileged, while la bor is crushed. The foundation of these institutions being laid in injustice, the superstructure is a monument of wrong. The oligarchy who rule the destinies of Great Britain have a keen scout for what ever will tend to perpetuate their wealth and power. Its royalty—established church—pensions—system of entails— class legislation—unequal representation —close suffrage—nobility —national debt all are necessary for this end. Its con stant horse-leech cry is give—give.— This cry is a command that must be obeyed. And hence the enormous taxes to sustain the taste and the church. It is this taxation, in all its hydra shapes, hat degrades the mass of the nation, for ultimately it comes out of the laborer. It is too much for him. Hence his de gradation and that of his children. No thing will account for the misery of the ten tnillions of the population of Great Britain who live on oatmeal and potatoes that does not look this fact full in the face. It has taken ages to produce such misery and wealth—side by side—as ex ists in England; generations must elapse before it can even be sensibly mitigated. Such being the causes of the degrada tion of the mass of the British nation, what are the remedies ? The probe must go to the bottom of the wound, or it will but trifle with it. Half-way mea sures are not the things for such a “ deep rooted” disease. The necessity of some action the aristocracy feel and acknowl edge. A do-nothing policy, says Lord Ashley', in twenty years would “bring on a general convulsion and displace ment of society.” The proper remedy is to give track to the people their rights —to acknowledge, in practice, the demo cratic principle, and to go for the adop tion of such measures as this principle demand l Here would be reform. 1 ,ord Ashley has made a fine speech : British journals, tory and whig, are fujl of his praises—he is benevolent, zealous, able and willing to do for the people ; ny, but is he willing to let the people do for themselves 1 What is the measure of this “ noble lord's” “ benevolence P Is he, with some few hundred others situa ted like him, with titles, wealth, power, and intelligence, willing to subject mon archy and peerages, the established church and the crown revenues, the roy al palaces and royal stag hounds, the pensions, places, national debt and taxa tion —in u word, all that makes up the compound known as the “British consti tution”—to subject all to the discussion and decision of a delegated l.od\ r of men elected by the freemen of Great Britain? No, not lie nor they. Whatever is done must be done by the oligarchy as a gra cious boon, not by the people as of right. Lord Ashley and Lis compeers, by virtue of the existing political organism, claim the right to bind the noble but suffering Jack "Cades, whom they place below them, in all cases whatsoever, and to pro scribe also for their diseases. The pre scription now offered is “ moral awl re ligious education and this, too, with a nice regard to the claims of the establish ed church! They would send the school master and the priest to children who are in want and misery ! The spelling-book and the catechi’sm for those who are suf fering the {Kings of hunger ! AN hat a mockery for a remedy. This suffering mass of children arc not in a fit state even to ask this, and they' do not need this first. They need their rights and their future labor shall be made their own, so that when they arc of age they can take possession of the one, and reap the fruits of the other. It is for Lord Ashley and his compeers to deil with the fathers of these children. They are men , made of as good stuff as lords are made of—men, until society corrupts them, as highminded, of as good capaci ties, as open to the bountiful blessings of a bountiful Providence—men, having just as good a right to govern Lord Ash ley as Lord Ashley has to govern them. And these men ask but for tne right that includes all other rights, that of self-go vernment, and they will see to the rest. Is Lord Ashley willing to grant this?— So far from this, the chartist who attends public meetings to advocate such a rem edy is indicted for sedition and treason, and sentenced, if not to Tyburn, at least to a dungeon—a proceeding as disgrace ful to England to-day' as was the detest able career of Judge Jeffries in other days. The Children of England* AA'c have been surfeited, until llic heart sickens with accounts of the degraded, suffering condition of the working popu lation of Great Britain. From the agri cultural, manufacturing, and mining dis tricts comes the same general report poverty, misery', crime, and ignorance, in appalling statistics. The disgusting de tails spread abroad concerning the facto ries and collieries excited every where a shudder. These details are not confined to such individual instances as may be found in every country ; they apply to whole districts, to whole classes; the numbers whose condition is thus charac terized are thousands yea millions. Another exhibit, of the same general character, has been recently made by Lord Ashley, in a speech in the House of Commons. It is upon the state of the children of England. Not the state of the children of the favored population of the few hundred thousand of the no bility or wealthy classes —but the state of the children of the toiling mass of mil lions the men who create the wealth, fight the battles, and support the splen dor of Great Britain. This speech is im portant in its character. It is a matter of fact speech. Its details concerning chil dren will vie with the same sort of de tails we have had of men nnd women: they are made up of information from au thentic sources from reports of com missioners instituted for inquiry, of sher iffs, of police officers, of overseers of houses of correction, of clergymen, of justices, and from other like sources. After stating some general statistics, not very definite, in which the number of children without daily instruction in England, and Wales is set down at about one million, Lord Ashley' goes into de tails. By such means he arrives at a cor rect view of the nature of the “ vast un cultivated waste” that is spread over the country. He begins with the police re turns of Manchester. In six months, up to July, 1542, there were taken into cus tody 8,341 persons; males, 5,510; fe males, 2,531. Os those who could nei ther read nor write, there were 3,09S males; females, 1,'19 ; total, 4,017. Os these 2,300 were between 15 and 20 years of age, and 005 between 10 and 15. The number of beer-houses, (709,) broth els, thieves’, and other houses, are then given. Similar statistics, also, are given respecting Birmingham and Leeds) In the latter case, Lord Ashley goes into de tails — loathsome enough, in this town, “the early periods of life furnish the greatest portion of criminals.” Setting aside early drunkenness, thieving, and ; ignorance, we find statements that seem I hardly credible concerning early' prosti j tution. This is promoted by the multi i tude ot beer houses, which have apart ments in the upper stories devoted to this i purpose. One of the police officers says "there are many beer-shops which are frequented by boys only, as early as 13 years ot age. The girls arc, many of them, loose in their conduct, and accom pany the hoys.” Air. Raynor, superin tendant of the police, say's “ Lads from 12 to 14 years of age constantly frequent beer-houses, and even at that age have their girls with them” AVe give but one more extract. It is from a clergy man. He says “ the most revolting fea ture of juvenile depravity is earl tamination from the association of the sexes. The out-skirts of the town are absolutely polluted by this abomination.” Such is a sample the most decent of two columns of such statistics ! Shef field. Wolverhampton, AYillenhall, AVed nesfield, Dariston, are then dwelt upon. | At th j latter place evidence stated that there were one thousand men who “did not know their own names, but only their nick-names.” Then follow Bilston, I where the girls “drive coal carts, ride astride upon horses, drink, swear. liMit, smoke, whistle, sing, and care fbrno bedy.” Scdgelev, “ the district es fe male blacksmiths,” as loathsome in hab its as in details already given AYarring ton, the district of the potteries, where “more than three-fourths of the persons cannot read nor write.” Nottingham, where it is stated “ immorality prevails to an awful extent” —in all these, details, similar to those we have quoted, are given. But I/nd Ashley is more general still; lie says “ this state of things prevailed more or less throughout the whole king dom.” There is evidence, direct, that it runs over the coal and iron fields of Brit ain and AVales. From the east of Scot land, the evidence was as follows : “ The condition of the lower classes is daily be coming worse in regard to education.” (if North AVales it is said : “ Not one col lier boy in ten can read so as to compre hend what he reads.” Os South AVales: “ Alany are almost in a state of barbarism. Religious and moral training are out of the question. I should certainly be with in bounds by saying that not one grown male or female in fifty can read.” Os the west of Scotland : “A large portion of the colliery and iron-work hands are living in an utterly depraved state.” But we find the whole summed up in a letter from a person “ whose opportunities of observation were unequalled.” He be lieves that “ the middle-aged and rising generation” are “ worse and more de based than any previous generation for the last 300 years.” After such details of early depravity, Lord Ashley passes to the evidences in his possession respecting drunkenness. These consist of the common but too true statistics of the effects of this habit in bringing upon a community wretch edness and ruin in filling lunatic asy lums, jails, houses of correction, and pris ons with inmates. Their only variation is, that children are the subjects of his terrible story, rather than men. He then dwells upon the effects of such debase ment upon the physical organization and inefital capacities of the children. Os course, it deteriorates the former and weakens the latter. His conclusion is as follows: “The criminal tables and criminal statements, furnished evidence that the evil was deep rooted and increas ing, and that if something were not done, twenty years would not elapse before there would be a general convulsion or displacement of society.” Bodou Newspapers. AYhat a revolution in our periodical journals has taken place within less than a quarter of a century ! llow many jour nals, that were as familiar to us as house hold names, have sunk their identity, or what is worse, have been annihilated, and how many new ones have usurped then place ! Y\ here are the Chronicles, the Patriots, the Palladiums, the Ccntinels, the Gazettes, the Galaxys, that in by-gone days ministered to our instruction, and catered for our amusement? Echo an swers, where ? Not only have they gone to the tomb of tlic Capulcts, and many of their editors followed them, but scarcely is a tear shed to their memory. Os the secular papers which boast a green old age, we can recognize but three at pres ent in our midst, the Daily Advertiser, Courier, nnd the Evening Gazette ; and long may they be perpetuated ! Os the religious papers, the Register nnd Recor der occur to us among the most venera ble, and associated in our minds with the recollections of the past. All else is com paratively new, nnd of recent date; and while we would not underrate the labors or the talents of our present phalanx of editors, we would not be unmindful of the obligations we owe to those veterans of the profession —such as Russell, Minns, Young, Gardner, and others, who acted as pioneers in the cause. Home Affections. The heart has memories that cannot die. The rough rubs of the world can not obliterate them. They are memories of home, early home. There is magic in the very sound. There is the old tree, under which the light-hearted boy swung in many a summer day, yonder the river in which he learned to swim, there the house in which he knew a parent’s love, and found a parent’s protection now there is the room in which he romped with brother or with sister, long since, alas ! laid in the yard in which lie must soon be gathered, overshadowed by yon old church, whither with a joyous troop like himself he has often followed his parents to worship with, and hear the good old man who gave him to God in baptism. Why, even the very school house, associated in youthful days with thoughts of ferule and tasks, now comes back to bring pleasant remembrances of many an attachment there formed, many an occasion that called forth some gener ous exhibition of the traits of human na ture. There he learned to tell some of his best emotions. There, perchance, he first met the being who by her love and tenderness*in after life has mode a home for himself, happier even than that which his childhood knew. There are certain feelings of humanity,and those too among the best, that can find an appropriate place for their exercise only by one’s own fireside. There is a sacredness in the privacy of that spot which it were a spe cies of desecration to violate ! He who seeks wantonly to invade it, is neither more nor less than a villain: and hence there exists no surer test of the debase ment of morals in a community, than the disposition to tolerate in any mode the man who disregards the sanctities of pri vate life. In the turmoil of the world, let there he at least one spot where the poor man may find affection that is disin terested - where he may indulge a'confi dencc that is not likely to be abused. The reign of incredulity is as fatal to the temporal interest of religion, as that of superstition is: it will lie the best un derstood in an ago when good sense con ducts dispassionate inquiry. 1D333H OYTALa.'VA. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 41, 1843. FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. JOHN C. CALHOUN, FOR VICE PRESIDENT: LEVI WOODBI'RY, FOR GOVERNOR, MARK A. COOPER, OF MURRAY. FOR CONGRESS, JAMES 11. STARK, OF BUTTS. We marked the birth-day of our ! Journal, by unfurling to the breeze the broad banner of Democracy, and inscribing upon its bright field the stainless name of John C. Calhoun, the American Aristides, as our First Choice for President of the United Slates; and for the Vice Presidency , the name of that u ise, honest and able Statesman and unswerving Patriot , Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire: Subject, of course, to the decision of a Na tional Democratic Convention: The Delegates to be chosen directly by the People —to convene at Balti more, May, 1844, and there individu ally express Faithfully, the will of their Constituents. We as/c but a fair field and fair play —and then “ God defend the Bight.” Why his the American Democrat been estab lished at all T Why in this City ? To these reasonable queries, a general and very truthful reply may be made by stating the following undeniable facts—that from a considerable time back, a desire has been prevalent in our community to have an additional journal. For, though our Whig neigh bor has a dashing editor—makes judicious and taste ful selections, is capitally printed and on the whole a very creditable publication (always, saving and ex cepting its po-li-tics, “bad manners” to them, as fa ther Tom used to say) still folks, as in almost every thing else, like variety in their newspapers. Many also believe, that full competition in production, ne cessarily tends to improve the articles on which it bears and at the same time to lower their price. An other motive, also existed, viz: the urgent desire of many members of the Democratic party, both in Macon and tho surrounding country. Macon was chosen for the place of publication from tlic ccntricity of its position "in a widely extended and [densely peopled section of the State. We consider many of the contests which have heretofore divided the people of Georgia, as de rogatory to the good sense and high dignity that should always characterize a free people, because, the fiercest and the worst of them, have had generally no better foundation, than a cant catch word, a political nickname artfully disseminated among the people, to advance the selfish interests, or gratify the false or mischievous ambition of indi-s viduals, or secure unmerited honors and emolument to their tools and adherents—such contests are de grading to freemen, and tend inevitably to destroy their institutions. Ail that is good, kind and noble in man’s heart — all that is dear to the sincere, disinterested patriot the genuine democrat, demands that every tiling connected with the former unhappy discords among our citizens, to which we more immediately allude, should be consigned to ever during oblivion—and any attempt to drag tho expiring bale fire from the dark recesses of prejudice, and fan its all but extin guished embers into life and activity, should be met by the withering contempt of every honest Georgi an, and the sternest rebuke, that Patriotism inflicts upon treachery. If there be any honest and respect able men who through mistaken views, or soreness, from supposed, or the actual unmerited neglect of their services, wc beseech them to pause before they lend their countenance to the pernicious ma neuvers, hints and whisperings, about new and old panncls, Ac. Ac. they all go, inevitably, to scatter dissatisfaction, distrust and division through the ranks of the Democratic party, and place it under the feet of the enemy, overwhelmed in humiliating and un pitied discomfiture. To others of a different stamp, who are engaged in this labor of love to the Demo cratic party, appeal would be useless, they are in their vocation—they must live—though it might be difficult to detect any natural connection between that and the welfare of society. It would be assuming a “ virtue we have not,” to pretend wc have not been highly pleased by the approbation in several instan ces bestowed on the tone and spirit of our labors, not only by our friends, but by our liberal political op ponents —for the marked manner in which the South Carolinian of the 30:h ult. and other Democratic journals, of high standing for talent and patriotism, have spoken of the Democrat and its editor, we should be unjust to ourselves did we not acknowl edge their kindness and impute it to the warmth with which, when a generous mind approves, it ex press its approbation. It has already been shown, that in getting up the Democrat no design or wish was entertained of competing with, or impairing the interests of any other paper. Such results were not reasonably to be anticipated. The Democrat, if found useful and amusing will be sufficiently pat ronized. This place, formerly, with a much smaller population had two democratic presses. Ollier pa pers have made a choice different from ourselves, be it so—we have made ours—what then 7 Why nothing—we are all pledged to support the nominee of the National Democratic Convention. 4\ e call upon all denocrals to prove that they are worthy of the name, by cxreiting themselves in goodjaith and in earnest, to cement and consolidate the union of the Democracy of Georgia. In the next great struggle, they will need their whole strengih—their foe will be formidable. The Demo cracy to win, must present an unbroken front —charge the enemy in solid column, foot to foot—shoulder to shoulder —their cry— For our Country. Our position, respecting the Candidates for Nomination by the National Democratic Convention. They arc Calhoun, Vau Curen, Tyler, Buchanan, Cass, and R. M. Johnson. The arrangement is made without any- invidious reference to the supposed fit ness, or unfitness of any of them for the high office he aspires to, but simply to the chance, according to our best and most deliberate judgment, he has of success. The American people should feel a sentiment of lofty exultation of eleva ling pride, at having so noble a field from which to make their selection. Os Mr. Calhoun and his prospects, we have already expressed our opinions and expectations so fully-, repetition is unnecessary. These opinions and ex pectations, have been formed after a wide, deliberate and (as we think) impartial view of the whole ground, and we have been compelled to the conclusion, that J. C. Calhoun is the only man, who can concentrate the heart, mind and strength, of asa fe majority of the great Democratic party of the Union the only man embodying in himself, all the peculiarities ot mind ind character that constitutes him the man ot the crisis the man of destiny—the Redeeming spirit of our country, he is equally able and disposed, aided by the noble hand who rallied round him in the Senate, to restore our national government to its pristine republican simplicity and economy, its im partiality and unimpeachable integrity, from which it is sad and humiliating to think, how widely within the last twenty-five years, it has deviated. In that period the disorders affecting the adminis tration of the national government, have been rapid ly augmenting and are of such a character, that if not timely arrested and the deadly taint thos oughly removed from the system, they naturally and inevitably tend to a fatal termination. The disturbing action of our national legislation, on the Financial, Commercial, Agricultural and even on the rnanufacluring concerns of this country, have been deplorably pernicious. A formidable national debt now exists, liable, if the present course be persisted in, to large yearly additions—within the period above stated, the ex penses of the government, have increased in the proportion of three to one, compared with the increase of our population —this flagrant enormity has been occasioned, by the unnecessary multiplation of offi ces, with shamelessly exorbitant emoluments annex ed—too often the rewards or bribes for political cor ruption. Is it wonderful, the U. S. government h g j been embarrassed, bankrupt and disgraced! It is silly to contend about who at, or who perpetrated most of these treasons against the penple—the nui sance exists and must be abated, or the Union is a rope of sand. To no guidance can this great reforming move ment be so safely, so securely entrusted as to that of John Caldwell Calhoun for additional to the aptitude for such a task, wc have stated as his, he has shown by his whole legislative career a familiar ity with the golden maxim, “ that all great changes, to secure the maximum of good and the minimum of evil, must be effected gradually. We believe, the non-nomination of that gentleman by the National Democratic Convention, would be the deadliest wound ever inflicted on the Free In stitute, the Union and the future prosperity of this country —and to the democracy tantamount to an act of suicide. We again solemnly aver, that now, as previ ously, we have spoken not for the man, but for our country. We regret that a want of space does not permit us to do the justice, wc arc eager to accord to Mr. Van Buren : scarcely to notice a great misapprehension of our views and feelings respecting that eminent dem ocrat. The pungent animadversions upon that gen tleman, that through inadvertance, found their way into the columns of the Democrat, are entirely at variance with our scnliments; and among his warm est friends, none think of him more kindly than our selves. President Tyler. We hold the opinion, that whoever casts an unne cessary aspersion on the President of the United States, or attempts to degrade him, or any other high public functionary in the pul lie estimation, weakens unnecessarily, the confidence of the peo ple in their own form of government, lowers the character of this country with foreign nations, and degrades himself to tho same extent, as an indi vidual member of the Slate. Shall we forget our own self-respect, and sink tho character of gen tlemen into tho mere wrangling partisan 7 shall party spirit in this country like some wandering demon dismissed from the world below, hold nothing hon orable or sacred in the land 7 shall we forget the great political maxim, “that character is as necessary to a Slate, a3 to a private man, and that the glory of a State is the common property of all its citizens 7” heaven forbid. If Mr. Tyler is the liar, scoundrel, villian and trai tor —if he deserves these “ soft impeachments," and tho various other gentle and delicate appellations applied to him if he is no gentleman and unworthy of Col. James Watson Webb’s notice —it follows that this must be a nation strangely and hopelessly demented, or that the people must have been under some great moral hallucination when they voted for him as one of the first “Old Virginia” gentlemen one of the purest statesmen and patriots of the times, or else we must be a very corrupt and unprincipled nation, to have conferred any important office on such a notoriously- bad man. Although tho Democratic party did not elect Mr. Tyler, and cannot be justly considered accountable for any of his acts good or had, yet they feel in duty bound, to sustain such measures of his administra tion as may be in accordance with their principles and the good of the country. They arc, also under inestimable obligations to him for the Roman firm ness and great moral courage with which he resisted in the face of every danger to himself, a re-charter of the Bank. If every other act of his administra tion had been stamped with stupidity and folly, if this were his only merit—if he had rendered no ser vice to his country but his vetoes — if he had been unknown before, like Leonidas, the work of one day covers him with unfading laurels. The vetoes, like the glory of Thermopylae, although but the history of a day as it were, will place the name of John Ty ler high in the list of his country’s benefactors. The unsparing and malignant abuse lavished on Mr. Tyler, by the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, and a number of other prints, we consider as injurious to the national character as it is degradiug to them selves —as unequivocally condemned by the public mint), as it is unnecessary and futile ; for, however, strange it may appear to them, he has conclusively shown that there is very little probability of his be ing driven from his position, or headed by such means. It is certainly very little to the credit of any man in the community, to prove, were it possible, that the highest officer in the Union, was one of the greatest scoundrels in existence. There is a very preposterous notion entertained by some, that the office of editor of a newspaper, carries with it a carteblanche to lavish, with licensed impunity, the most indiscriminate abuse on anv and every body, from the highest dignitaries of the Gov ernment, down to thchumblest citizen. And dire is the hue and cry, which is raised about the head of the luckless individual, who attempts to resist this gross and mischievous fallacy, truly aston ishing to the community at large, and amusing to those who arc in the secret, that is in some cases, the contemptible insignificance of those who raise the clamor. W hen wc think of the high and noble purposes for which the printing press was designed, and the almost sacred character of its mission, which is to disseminate the truth to all men, and then of the cowardly and base uses to which this powerful en gine is applied, we are forcibly reminded of Croby’s powerfully descriptive lines, where he speaks of “ Vipers that creep where men disdain to climb, And having wound their loathsome track to the top Os some huge mouldering monument, Hang hissing at the nobler man below.” Sundersvil e Teh scope. We congratulate our friends in that neighborhood on the banquet of fun and fancy to which they arc weekly invited by that sprightly paper, aud arc sorry for ourselves, not having an carl.cr opportunity of forming an acquaintance with it. If all its numbers are charged with good things to the very muzzle, aa that now lying on our table is, it will blow the veter an joker, Joe Miller, the Repository and Encyclope dia of wit, Ac. Ac. clear out of the field, and when a bon-mot, or jcu d’esprit is let off, the Telescope will be quoted in prefer authority. lu those days of grave faces, when so many things concur to produce something like the caricature of a laugh on the wrong side of the mouth. The man who, by his wit and humor produces a genuine, full grown cachimation, on the right sides, should be viewed as a benefactor. We advise those who appreciate justly the advan. tages, moral and physical of such salutary excite ment, to peep through the Telescope and be merry. [For the American Democrat.) There appear to be strong exertions making on the part of our opponents, to create a division in our ranks by stirring up the old Troup and Clark feud, knowing that their only hope of success is the divis ion of the Democratic party. But thanks be to heav en, the spirit of Democracy anticipates every thing. However we may differ among ourselves, about lo cal matters, as Rail Road Banks, taxes, or about the claims of our friends to this or that office, our maxim is and ever will be, a cheerful acquiescence to the will of the majority, and a hearty support of our can didates, whose success is so necessary to carry out those great principles which are contained in the Constitution of our country. The ensuing campaign is to be fought on elevated ground; our flag is now unfurled to the breeze, and on its bright field arc inscribed, Free Trade ; Low Dudes; No Debt; Separation from Banks; Econo my; Retrenchment; And a strict Adherence to the Constitution —with this for our motto and a gallant leader to bear our flag aloft, victory will again perch upon our banner. The Old Ship Constitution, now proudly rides upon the bosom of the deep, with an able commander and patriotic crew, with her sails all spread, and her deck cleared for action. All have confidence in the skill of their commander to conduct them safely through the storm. The watch-word is onward, and swearing on the altar of our country, never to slrikc until the Consti tution has been redeemed, and the principles of 76 and 98 again triumphant. Where is the Democrat that is so lost to the great interest of his country’s good, that will not enlist and render good service for the benefit of himself and posterity. Let all heart-burnings and dissentions be laid aside for the good of our common country, and rally to the rescue and the victory will be complete. [CO.MMUNICXTKJ).] Odd Fellowship. Odd Fellowship commenced its career in the Uni ted States, under the disheartening influences us obscurity, distrust, and persecution yet it only re quired to be known to be appreciated —and the re sult has shown that ~ “ Like a true gem, it brightens in the wearing.’* But little more than twenty years have elapsed since its establishment amongst us, and behold the happy change in its prospects. From the ice-wrap ped hills of Maine, to the burning plains of the far South, bands of faithful brothers meet to embrace and carry out its benign and god-like purposes. Men of all nations, professions and creeds, abandon ing petty jealousies and local prejudices, surround the same altar, and arc united by the bright links of Friendship, Love and Truth. It is a beautiful attribute of our institution that it calls forth the best and warmest impulses of the hu man heart that the fraternal affection which its members so sedulously cherish towards each other, is not selfishly restricted within the limits of tho Or der, but beams its heart-cheering warmth over all upon whom the chilling flight ol soriow has fallen the afflicted arc ever our brothers. “Wide and more wide, the o’erflowing of tho mind “Takes every creature in, of every kind “Earth smiles around, with boundless bounty blest, “And Heaven beholds its image, in its breast.” This is a hasty glance at the rise and progress of Odd Fellowship amongst us. Let U3 turn to con template it« prospects in Georgia. In the early part of the present year, some five or six men, personally unknown, recognized and hailed each other alone by the mystic signs peculiar to the Order— and uni ting in a common cause and common interest, diffi dently petitioned the Grand Lodge, at Baltimore, for a charter, and with many discouragements, small means and smaller influence—instituted Franklin Lodge, No. 2, at Macon, on the 27th of Jan. 1843. To their delight and astonishment, in less than one month, ninety brothers had rallied around them, and the cry is still “They come,” for at the present time, June Ist, we count upwards of 130 members, and are without a halt spacious enough to accommo date them when called together on important busi ness. The Order is advancing with rapid strides, and many of our mo3t valuable citizens have already en listed under its banner. The voice of benevolence and good will to man, is uplifted and eloquent in our midst, and we are united in the sweet bonds of Cov enant affection and Fraternal Love. On the 13th of last month, the citizens of Macon were gratified by witnessing the first public celebra tion of this society in their city; on that day ninety two members, the elite of the place, assembled at an early hour at Odd Fellows Hall, where, after ar ranging themselves in full regalia, a procession was formed under the direction of the Chief Marshall, Capt. Holmes, assisted by brothers Freeman and Howell, accompanied by a band of Music. They marched through Cherry, Second, Walnut and Mul berry Sts., to the Presbyterian Church, where 4 the services commenced by a prayer from the worthy chaplain of the day, Br. Ellison, after which an ad dress was delivered by the Hon. E. A. Nisbet, in a manner both honorable to himself, and gratifying to his audience, a3 the marked attention with which it was received sufficiently testified. Several appro priate pieces of Music diversified the performances which concluded with a prayer from the Rev. Mr. Hooker, and the benediction from Br. Ellison. The proceedings of the day were viewed with manifest interest by all classes of the community, and the fine appearance of the procession received high commendation. The banner particularly, which, on that occasion first waved its silken folds above them deserves a passing notice. It was composed of rich materials, and tastefully adorned with allego ric paintings, executed on a pure white ground. Upon one side appeared the vestibule of a temple beneath which was an altar with the huly scriptures lying open upon it, above this, the words “In God wo trust,” were printed in golden letters, whilo the “all-seeing eye” shed its rays over the whole. On the reverse, a dove was seen descending to earth with a scroll in his beak bearing the characteristic motto of “Friendship, Love and Truth,” beneath him appeared the emblematic clasped hands, and under all a sketch of a landscape representing the part ing scene between David and Jonathan, as de scribed in Kings, 20th chap., and the bow of the cove nant is here introduced in perspective. This celebration will long be remembered by the brethren, as an event of unusual interest. It was in every respect creditable to the Order, and calculated to promote its respectability and influence. “ Lochhat t"*> Spanish Ballads.” We have noticed with pleasure, that Mr. Boar dm an