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SPEECH OK COL. R. M. JOHNSON, _i< the Reception fircn to him in Sprinpjt Id. Illinois , May ISt, thO. Col. Johnson then ascended the plat form occupied by the chair of the speak er. and addressed the assembly, in a re ply of about two hours in length—a reply which did not seem to us to occupy more than half an hour, so deeply inter esting were his remarks. The old hero did not attempt to make any display of oratory or eloquence. He was eloquent eloquent in his language, in the dar ing deeds he described, in the justice he rendered to his brave commander and his brother soldiers, and his very appearance spoke to the heart of every beholder in terms of patriotic eloquence which no language can describe. We cannot undertake to follow Colonel Johnson through his speech. We took no note of it, and the speaker himself did not make the slightest preparation. He began by returning his most sincere and heartfelt thanks'to the persons pres ent for the honor they had conferred upon him, and to the orator of the day for the eloquent and flattering speech to which we had all listened. He said he had left his home iu Kentucky about forty-five days previous, without the least expecta tion or wish of making any parade thro’ the country. In fact, he had approached every place he had visited without no tice— he was actually in St. Louis, he said, Indore the people there knew of his presence. He could not but feel the deeper gratitude, and the higher gratifica tion, in having become the object of such high distinction and honor wherever he went. During the course of his speech, Col. Johnson would often refer to many well known persons in the crowd from ‘‘Old Kentucky’ who had left a good country fora better—as be was compelled to say since he had passed over the rich and beautiful prairies of Illinois. In the scenes which he described during the last war, he would often refer to Col. Craig and several other brave and meritorious sol diers in that war, who confirmed every statement made by Col. Johnson. The old hero said that, while he was a mem ber of Congress in 1812, news of the massacre at the river Raisin, by Proctor and his murdering bands, had thrown all Kentucky into mourning. He applied to President Monroe, who gave him a commission to raise 1,000 mounted vol unteers, and join the army under Gen. 1 iurrison. Ile performed the duty. The regiment was raised. Every man in it was made out of the right stulf. The massacre of three hundred of their coun trymen at the river Raisin where they were inclosed in a bullock pen, and shot down in cold blood, one by one, under the eye of Proctor, the British General had created a spirit in his troop which caused them all to make their wills before they left Kentucky, resolving never again to return, unless they came back con querors over the butchery murderers of their countrymen. Each man was moun ted, and was armed with a rifle and pis tols. a good sword, and a sharp knife, sim ilar to the Indians. In fact the men knew who they had to contend with. They did not go out to fight by the day, but by the job. When they arrived at the American camp, in Canada, 1 lurrison was on the watch for Proctor. "Oh ! how 1 did want to catch that fellow,” said Col. Johnson. “I never thirsted for man’s blood; but Proctor was a monster. Even Tecumsch, an Indian warrior, whose na ture was savage, and whose education taught him that a scalp was honorable, no matter how obtained, was shocked at the conduct of the cowardly assassin. While Proctor was silently looking on at the massacre of our men in the bullock pen, Tecumsch came up and put a stop to the cold-blooded murders, telling Proctor ‘you could have prevented this, but did not.’” * We all wanted to catch Proctor, said Col. Johnson. 1 asked permission of Gen. Harrison to go in search of him. 1 shall never forget the fire in his eye as he re plied, “Go, Cos!., but remember discipline. The rashness of your brave Kentuckians heretofore destroyed themselves. Be cau tions sir, as well as brave and active, as 1 know you all are.” We were near that beautiful river of Canada, the Thames. 1 departed with my regiment in search of Proctor. In a short time we caught a spy, who begged hard for his life. 1 told him that if tie dill not tell us where Proc tor was I would instantly' shoot him. 1 talked big, said Johnson, to scare him. 1 don’t know whether I should have killed him or not. However, he said he was an American, and had been compelled by Proctor to come out as a spy. lie said that the British army was only within a few miles of us. I instantly sent word to Gen. Harrison of what this spy had developed; and afterwards in marching to the spot designated, sure enough there was Proctor and his soldiers, drawn up in beautiful order o:i a rising ground, about 700 strong. 1 again sent word to General Harrison that “we had tree’d Proctor;” and in a very short time Gen. Harrison came up with the main body of the army on foot. I again asked per mission of Gen. Harrison to begin the battle. He granted that permission; and here let me say that Gen. Harrison beha ved throughout the engagement like a brave officer. He was where he ought to have lieen —in the place where duty called him. As to my regiment, it was a pious regiment—that is we had many religious men in it. Preacher Suclcet was an uncommon man. I do lieliovc lie loved fighting better than any thing else, except praying—that is, fighting the en emies of his country. Well, I divided my regiment into two bodies. My bro ther James commanded the 500 of them who were opposed to the British. Upon die first onset of brother James with a lew of his men, the British line fired entire— upwards of 350 of them all fired togeth er, and what do you think was the dam- age? Why, fellow-citizens, they killed one horse \ Those falling back, the re maining portion of the British also ad vanced and fired; but this time not a soul was hurt; they did not even touch a horse. Our men then advanced at full speed on the British, who threw down ttieir weapons, calling out, “we surrender —we surrender!” Proctor, the coward, had fled long before: like the captain 1 once heard of, who told his men that they might fight or retreat as they deemed most advisable ; but as ‘retreat’ might lie the word, and as he (the captain) was a little lame, he would set out now, so that he might not be behind too far! So it was with Proctor. He had run away some time before. Such was the battle of the Thames, said Col. Johnson. The British were de feated by my brother James and his brave men, without losing scarcely a man. [Here Col. Johnson concluded, but was called upon to give an account of the conduct of that part of the regiment en gaged with the Indians.] Col. Johnson said that at his age it was wrong to put oil any false modesty ; and as he had been called upon to relate that portion of the fight which took place with the Indians, he would endeavor to do so. The Indians were 1,400 strong, com manded by Tecumseh, one of the bravest warriors who ever drew breath. He was a sort of Washington among the Indians that is, they looked upon him as we look upon Washington. The Indians were in ambush on the other side of what we were informed was an impassible swamp; but just before they came on, a narrow passage across the swamp was dis covered. Knowing well the Indian char acter, I determined to draw forth the en tire Indian fire, so that the remainder of the regiment might rush forward upon them while their rifles were empty. Hav ing promised the wives, mothers, and sis ters of my men, before I left Kentucky, that I would place their husbands, sons, and brothers in no hazard which I was unwilling to share myself, I put myself at the head of these 2U men, and we ad vanced upon the covert in which I knew the Indians were concealed. The mo ment we came in view, we received the whole Indian fire. Nineteen of my twenty men dropped in the field. 1 felt that 1 was myselfseverely wounded. The mare 1 rode staggered and fell to her knees : she had fifteen balls in her, as was after wards ascertained : but the noble animal recovered her feet by a touch of the rein. I waited but a few moments, when the remainder of the troop came up, and we pushed forward on the Indians, who in stantly retreated. 1 noticed an Indian chief among them, who succeeded in ral lying them three different times. This I thought 1 would endeavor to prevent; because it was by this time known to the Indians that their allies, the British, had surrendered. I advanced singly upon him, keeping my right arm close by my side, and covered by the swamp ; he took to a tree, anti from thence deliberately fired upon them. Although I previously had four balls in me, this last wound was more acutely painful than all of them. Ills ball struck me on the knuckle of my left hand, passed through my hand, and came out just above the wrist. 1 ran my left arm through the bridle rein, for my hand instantly swelled,and became use less. The Indian supposed he had mor tally wounded me; he came out from behind the tree, and advanced upon me with uplifted tomahawk. When lie had come within my mare’s length of me, 1 drew my pistol and instantly tired, having a dead aim upon him. He fell : and the Indians shortly after either surrendered or had fled. My pistol had one ball and three buckshot in it; and the body of the Indian was found to have a hall through his body, and three buckshot in different parts of his breast and head. [Thus fell Tecumsch, cried out some one of the audience.] (fob Johnson said lie did not know that it was Tecumsch at that time. [Circum stances have since rendered this a matter of certainty. No intelligent man, we be lieve, now pretends to doubt the fact.] As Col. Johnson described those thrill ing incidents, the vast hall was so still as to render the fluttering of one of the win dow curtains distinctly h#hrd all over the room. Some cried out “Huzza for the hero,” and the siumtaticous shout which instantly arose from a thousand voices, might have waked the dead. We have given a very imperfect sketch of the re marks of Col. Johnson ; they are taken entirely from memory. His speech was interspersed with lively anecdotes—such as he knows how to tell, and which we should only spoil by attempting a repeti tion. lie concluded by saying that the noble animal upon which he fought that day survived only till she had borne him out ot the press of the battle ; when she fell dead, and [ was myself unable to rise. I felt that dreamy feeling coming over me consequent upon the loss of blood, and after the excitement of deadly strife had passed away, I was reported as dead to Gen. Harrison, who instantly rode up to the spot: when it was found that i was not dead, but only possuming. 1 cannot conclude, said Col. Johnson, without doing justice to the memory of my brave commander Geu. Harrison. He was a brave and experienced General. He was just where he ought to have been throughout this battle -/’lie was ready, with the remainder of the army to push forward to our support if it had been ne cessary. But Proctor was an arrant cow ard, and ran away at the commencement ot the battle. The foot-soldiers of 1 larri son s forces were also drawn up in a hoi- j low spunre, just iu the position where j they could do the greatest service to either division ol my mounted regiment. Braver j men never trod the earth than those foot soldiers. Col. Johnson concluded by again returning his sincere thanks to all: present for the unmerited honors they had conferred upon him. freal the Albany Argos. minis. It is said to be a gratification to see the strong struggling through a morass —but this gratification is much increased when we see the weak, with an honest heart and a resolute tv iti, struggling through the same morass, until they plant their feet upon firm ground. The present and past position of Illi nois give rise to these reflections, and we believe a few minutes attention will con vince our readers that they are not un timely. During the Banking mania and Internal Improvement fever, Illinois was one of those States which embarked the most recklessly. Her system of Internal Improvement was the most comprehen sive of any State in the Union. Two great lines of railway were to intersect the whole length of the State. One of these was no less than 400 miles long nearly as long as the Erie rail-road. She also commenced the construction of the Illinois and Michigan canal, to connect the waters of Lake Michigan and those of the Mississippi. This too. was on a gigantic scale lOO miles long, 00 feet wide a:id 0 feet deep. The population of the State was not over 300,000, and the taxable property not over $40,000,000. Half ot the State was yet a wilderness. Millions of acres were unoccupied. The “credit system enabled her for three years to move on swimmingly; but she soon paid the pen alties of violating the laws of trade. The fever of financial delirium inevitably brings a corresponding depression. Cap italists began to question the ability of the State to pay. Her assets were evidently small, and her debt was becoming enor mous. She was borrowing to pay her in terest. This excited suspicion and dis trust. They refused to lend another dol lar. As credit was her only resource the State stopped payment, the works were suspended and a debt of $10,000,- 000 was already created, and a mile of canal or rail road completed. I'nder circumstances like these, it isnot a wonder she was deemed but a few months since hopelessly insolvent. In December, 1842, Illinois (i per cts. which in 1838 had commanded 100 cents on the dollar, were sold for IS cents on the dollar, and were regarded as a poor investment at that price. This is one of the most impressive lessons of the dangers of excessive borrowing, there is in the history of the times. The Legislature of 1841 made no ef forts to pay. Wc believe they even re solved that they could not pay. The whig party, who generally go for resolu tions to pay, rather than paying, uncorked some of their peculiar morality, and im mediately stigmatized Illinois as a State that would never pay her debt. Those repudiating resolutions were subsequently rescinded, but unquestion ably had a serious effect on all American credit. Capitalists are so sensitive, that even after they give up all hopes of seeing their money again, the are still more alarmed when they hear their debtors de clare they will not pay. This tears away even their last hope of possible payment. During 1 the canvass of 1812, the public debt question was much agitated through out Illinois, and it was suggested that something might still be done by a settle ment and compromise,which would save the character of the State, relieve the peo ple from heavy taxation, and yet satisfy their foreign creditors,and thus take away the reproach of repudiation. The dem ocratic party swept the State. Gov. Ford was elected by 8000 majority, and a large majority of democrats in bot h Senate and House. When the legislature assembled, it was acknowledged by all that Illinois could not pay in money, but she had property, and this might be turned over to the creditors, with their consent. The money article of the N. Y. Herald of Thursday, sketches the subsequent ef forts of Gov. Ford and the Democratic party to lift Illinois out of the morass, and also the success of their measures and the confidence capitalists already begin to repose in the acts of the last legisla ture. “Gov. Ford in his message ably and skilfully sketched the plan, which was vigorously followed up. The $3,100,- 000 subscribed to the banks are with drawn and cancelled near SBOO,OOO of bonds issued to Stebbing & McAlister, were settled by a law passed on the ap plication of those gentlemen. There re main about $9,000,000, of which $5,000,- 000 have a lien upon the canal and its property. This canal and its property are promptly put in their possession by the new law, on condition that they com plete it and pay themselves, principal and interest, in full. The State debt will then be reduced to $4,000,000 improvement bonds. Its means will be enhanced by the completion of a work which may be considered one of the most important of the age, if reference is had to its locality and connections. 'File canal itself is 100 miles in length, but the Illinois river is navigable from the canal to its mouth, and completes the circle of water com munication round the United States. The population of thecountries through which this canal passes, was in 1840,200,000, and is now fully 250,000. 'l’lie immi gration into the State lias alone been 120,000, or 50,000 per annum, according to the most accurate returns. “The consideration in which it is held by the leading interests in this country, may he estimated from the fact that Mes srs. Oakly & Ryan arrived in this city to open their mission at a time when the stock and money market was nearly stag nant. From some of the warmest friends of Illinois, they met with but little encour agement. The experienced skill of Col. Oakley, and the cool judgment of Mr. Ry an, soon, however, satisfactorily explain ed the nature of the operation, and it was j easily entered into. The American Ex- j change Bank and other holders in the \ city, immediately subscribed their quota, amounting to $9)0,000 bonds. Yester- [ day a letter was received from the Comp troller, stating that about $225,000 are held by the free-hanks of this State, which have expressed a desire to sub scribe, making $052,000, which are all the canal bonds held here. The public have appreciated the movement, and the stock has risen from 18 to 41. The cap italists of Boston, who look upon the ca nal of Illinois as an important adjunct to the Albany rail-road, have freely tendered their assistance, and the success of the loan is beyond a doubt. The buoyancy in Illinois stock has been communicated to all others, and the rise has been enor mous, because full confidence is enter tained that the movement of Illinois will go far to restore American credit, and in duce foreign creditors to retain their stocks, and during the plenteousness of money there, perhaps to increase their in vestments in the best description of Uni ted States securities.” Messrs. Evan and Oakley sailed from Boston to England on Thursday. It ap pears that $25,000 is subscribed in this country. The foreign bond-holders (who hold to the amount of $3 800,000) are entitled to subscribe the residue wanted, that is, $970,000. We cannot doubt hut they will avail themselves of this privil ege. Interest will induce them so to act, and the plenteousness of money is such in England that a failure does not seem probable. But if the commissioners should return unsuccessful, there is a fair proba bility that the money will be subscribed in New York and Boston. At any rate, the canal will be recommenced at least by the first of September, on the money al ready subscribed, and in two years it is calculated that the waters of Michigan will flow into the Illinois river. We have given this subject an exten ded notice, because it is considered as in timately connected with the credit of all the States. If one of the heavily indebt ed States can reach dry land by her own exertions, she will be a beacon light to all the States similarly situated. Illinois was one of the first to fall, and she is the first to resume. She has no money, but with an honest heart, she yields her whole property to her creditors, and does all she can to make it available. It also shows that an assumption of the State debts is not needed. The States will best work out their own regeneration. They will .compromise to the satisfaction of their creditors, and ultimately pay all, by the agency of the boundless but yet undeveloped resources of a soil as fertile as ever trod by the foot of man. Finan cial tricks and stratagems, and resolu tions to pay, will not do. Statesnmst either levy a tax or surrender ala thftir property to their creditors. means alone, can credit be maintained. The embarrassments and sufferings of the past will teach them the dangers of debt, and they will learn to do without those “improvements,” for which they cannot readily pay. Annexed is a summary of the present debt of Illinois: “The amount of the debt of Illinois, Dec. 1,1842, was $14,497,472 Which has been subsequent ly reduced as follows: By settlement with the Banks $3,100,000 Sale of internal improvements, 1,720,000 Settlement with M’- Allisterifc Stebbins, 000,000 55,420,000 $0,077,472 If the canal law goes into ef fect, the debt which will be still farther reduced, $5000,000 A sum upon which, the commissioners think, the people of the State are abun dantly able to pay the interest by taxa tion.” In justice to the American people, we would add, that the apparent repudiation of the western states lias arisen entirely from unavoidable inability, rather than from nnv design or intention on their part to defraud their creditors. As their means improve, they will do all they can to pay their debts to the last dollar. The de pression of prices has been so intense, and the revulsion so extraordinary, from the times of ’3O to those of 1842, that it is rather a wonder that men so surrounded and borne down by the wrecks of their once supposed ample property, should make an effort to struggle through this Dead Sen, * *'' * * ' * From the Tuscaloosa Monitor. Port: aits of the Fourteenth Congress. In the speech of Mr. Wilde, of Georgia, delivered in the House of Representatives in 1842, ou the Tariff, he thus introdu ces, in a style of beauty peculiar to his own classic genius, sketch of some of the distinguished men of the Fourteenth Congress, (1810.) Mr. Wilde says The restrictive system is more plainly to be traced to the embargo, noil-inter course, non-importation, war. and double duties. When peace came, these duties were about to expi re. Anew system of revenue was to be devised, and the man ufacturers, threatened, as they believed, with ruin, earnestly and humbly entreated that the amount required ns revenue should he so imposed as to enable them to stand the shock. It was under such circumstances that the Fourteenth Congress assembled. At that time I had the honor to be a member of this House. It was an honor then. What it is now, 1 shall not say. It is what the twenty-second Congress have been pleased to make it. I have neither time, nor strength, nor ability, to speak of the legislators of that day, as they de serve: nor is this the fit occasion. Yet I the coldest or most careless nature, can | not recur to such associates, without some j ! touch of generous feeling, which, in j quicker spirits, would kindle into high! i and almost holy enthusiasm. Lowndes. Pre-eminent yet not more proudly than humbly pre-eminent —among them, was a gentleman from South Carolina, now no more: the purest, the calmest, the most philosophical of our country’s modern statesmen. One no less remark able lor gentleness of manners, and kind ness of heart, than for that passionless, unclouded intellect, which rendered him deserving of the praise if ever man de served it —of merely standing by and letting reason argue for him. The true patriot, incapable of all selfish ambition, who shunned office and distinction, yet served his country faithfully, because he loved her. He, i mean, who consecra ted by his example, the noble precept, so entirely bis own, that the first station in the republic was neither to be sought af ter nor declined —a sentiment so just and so happily expressed, that it contin ues to be repeated, because it cannot be improved. Pinckney. There was, also, a gentleman from Maryland, whose ashes now slumber in your cemetery. It is not long since I stood by his tomb, and recalled him, as he was then, in all the pride and power of his genius. Among the first of his coun trymen and contemporaries, as a jurist and statesman, first as an orator, he was, if not truly eloquent, the prince of rheto ricians. Nor did the soundness of his lo gic suffer any thing, by a comparison with the sickness and classical purity of the languagein which he copiously pour ed forth those figurative illustrations of his argument, which enforced while they adorned it. But let others pronounce his eulogy. I must not. 1 feel as if his mighty spirit still haunted the scene of its triumphs, and when I dared to wrong them, indignantly rebuked me. These names have become historical. There were others, of whom it is more difficult to speak, because yet within the reach of praise or envy. For one who was, or aspired to be a politician, it would be prudent, perhaps wise, to avoid all mention of these men. Their acts, their words, their thoughts, their very looks, have becomesubjectsof party controversy. But he whose ambition is of a higher or lower order, has no need of such reserve. Talent is of no party exclusively; nor is justice. Itaiutolph. Among them, but not of them, in the fearful and solitary sublimity of genius, stood a gentleman from Virginia—- whom it were superfluous to designate. Whose speeches were universally read. Whose satire was universally feared. Upon whose accents did this habitually listless and unlistening House hang, so frequent ly, with wrapt attention ? Whose fame was identified with that body for so long a period ? Who was a more dextrous debater? a riper scholar? better versed in the politics of our country ? or deeper read in the history of others? Above all, who was more thoroughly imbued with the idiom of the English language more completely master of its strength, and beauty, and delicacy ? or more capa ble of breathing thoughts of flame in words of magic, and tones of silver! Cathoun. There was, also, a soil of South Caro lina, still in the service of the Republic, then, undoubtedly, the most influential member of this House. With a genius eminently metaphysical, he applied to politics his habits of analysis, abstraction, and condensation, and thus gave to the problems of Government something of that grandeur which the higher mathe matics have borrowed from astronomy. The wings of his mind were rapid, blit capricious, and there were times when the light which flashed from them as they passed, glanced like a mirror in the sun, only to dazzle the beholder Engrossed with his subject careless of his words his loftiest flights of eloquence were sometimes followed by colloquial or pro vincial barbarisms. But, though often incorrect he was always fascinating.— Language, with him, was merely the scaffolding of thought—employed to raise a dome, which, like Angelo’s, lie suspended m the heavens. It is equally impossible to forget, or to omit, a gentleman from Kentucky, whom party has since made the fruitful topic of unmeasured panegyric and detraction. I Os sanguine temperament, and impetuous I character, his declamation was impas sioned. his retorts acrimonious. Deficient in refinement, rather than in strength, his style was less elegant and correct, than animated and impressive. But it swept away your feelings with it, like a moun tain torrent, and the force of the stream left you little leisure to remark upon its clearness. His estimate of human nature was, probably, not very high. It may Le that his past associations had not tended to exalt it. Unhappily, it is, per haps, more likely to have been lowered than raised by his subsequent experience. Yet then, and ever since, except when that imprudence, so natural to genius, prevailed over his better judgment, ho had, generally, the good sense, or good taste, to adopt a lofty tone of sentiment, whether he spoke of measures, or of men, of friend, or adversary. On many occa sions he was noble and captivating. One, I can never forget. It was the fine burst of indignant eloquence, with which he replied to the taunting question, “what have we gained by the war ?” WVebster. Nor may I pass over in silence, a rep resentative from New Hampshire, who has almost obliterated all memory of that dis'inetion, by the superior fame he has attained as a Senator from Massachusetts. Though then but in the bud of bis po litical life, and hardly conscious, perhaps, of his own extraordinary powers, he gave j promise of tire greatness he lias since j achieved. 'File same vigor of thought ; I the same force of expression ; the short sentences ; the calm, cold collected man tier; the air of solemn dignity ; the deep, : sepulchral, imimpassioaed voice; all I have been developed only, not changed, even to the intense bitterness of his frigid irony. The piercing coldness of his sar casm was indeed peculiar to him ; they seemed to be emanations from the spirit of the ice ocean. Nothing could be at once so novel and so powerful —it was frozen mercury, becoming as caustic as red hot iron. Realities of Whipg ry# The Whig papers express much as tonishment, because of the old Union party having adopted Mr. Calhoun ns one of their candidates for nomination to the Presidency. We have selected a few “elegant extracts” from the Whig diary which the pure and spotted soi disaiit Whigs are at liberty to “ read and circu late.” “ Mr. Clay, has long since forfeited all claims to the suffrages of the South, by his zealous support of the Tariff; and his advocacy of the Force Bill, will afford an additional reason for his receiving the determined opposition of the State Rights Party.” Georgia Journal, Bee. 25, 1838. “ We can never support thedistinguish ed Orator, whose powerful eloquence, has in so many instances, been directed against the interests of the South. We can never support an advocate of the ‘ Force Bill’ we cannot support ‘ Har ry of the West.’ ” Georgia Journal, Feb. 20, 1839. “ We we were among those who lie lievcd Mr. Clay was wedded to a U. S. Bank, but events as they have transpired, convince us that wc are in error.” “We are pleased that he has abandoned the project, and sincerely hope that the ener gies of his great and powerful mind, will be directed to the support of what we conceive to be more beneficial to the country.” Georgia Journal, May 28, 1839. ' “ The opposition which is made to Henry Clay by the State Rights Party, is one of principle. They have no pre-di lections for him as President of the Uni ted States, nor love for his political creed. He has always been the open and avowed, but generous opposer of their doctrines. They cannot, to be consistent, cast their suffrages in his favor, and opposition to his election will be as firmly persevered in, as will be the opposition of the same party, to Martin Van Buren.” Georgia Journal, June 11, 1839. “ Wo will strive to promote the cause of State Rights, by placing before the people, the acts and opinions of a distin guished son of Georgia, (G. M. Troup,) in contrast with those of Martin Van Ru ren and Henry Clay.” Georgia Jour nal, July 9,1839. “ Mr. Clay has identified himself with a course of policy on the part of the Fed eral Government which is in our opinion no less unjust than injurious to the best interests of the South ; against his views, we have warred hitherto, and shall con tinue to war uncompromisingly.”— Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838. “Our correspondent with all his zml, cannot arrive at the forced construction, that we, necessarily,because Mr. Calhoun is in favor, and Clay and Webster op posed to the Sub-Treasury scheme, arc tinctured with Clayism, Websterism, Federalism, the American System and Abolitionism. Os these sins we have ne ver been accused by our enemies, and it is too late in the day for us to be cate chised by our friends.” To answer our correspondent categor ically, we have to say, that we are neither a Clay nor Webster man, and so far as the Sub-Treasury is concerned we are not a Calhoun man.”—- Georgia Mes senger, April 2f>, 1838. “ As to the other charges of minor con sideration, but no less false, viz : That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor of a National Bank. That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor of Henry Clay. That the Georgia Whigs, arc panegyr ists of Daniel Webstcr. We would express our denial in a very emphatic monosyllable, were not the use of it offensive to “ears polite.”—Geor gia Messenger, August 23, IS3B. Tj the Editors of the Georgia Messenger, July 24, 1938. “ My best reflections and most careful investigations have confirmed the opin ion that Congress has no power to char ter a Bank.” “ Opposition to a National Bank lies deep in the elements of our party organi zation. We shall in vain expect the re spect due to consistent politicians, if we become the advocates of a National Bank” “ I belong neither to the house of York or of Lancaster. My principles will not permit me to support either Van Buren or Clay.” —E. A. JSesbit. Addressed to Committees , of the citizens of Taliaferro ond Franklin counties , Sept. 13, 1839. I am requested to make known my choice for the next President, between Van Buren, Clay, Webster and Harrison. These men all stand charged with along catalogue of unpardonable political sins against the South. They were all advo cates and supporters of the Tariff, or A merican System, as it was called. They were in favor of the Force Bill, and the doctrines of the Proclamation. They entertain the opinion, that Congress has power under the Constitution, to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia and the right and is in duty bound to re ceive abolition petitions. “He, (Mr. Clay,) has recently hoisted the Flag of a Fifty Million Bank. This is his last great move for the Presidency. He says in language not to 1 e misunder stood, to the Commercial Manufacturing interests of the North, make me Presi dent and I will give you a Bank of fifty millions. He was the father of the Amer ican System, and new seeks to he the fa ther of a National Bank. Such a progeny leagued with such a parent, would con solidate this Union into an unmitigated despotism, or break it into fragments,” Thomas Butler King.