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The following interesting correspon dence we copy from tlie New Orleans Courier Donaldsonville, April 23,1843. My Dear Sir: When the interests of the south are in danger; one naturally turns one’s eyes to youwho have so long proved yourself to be their vigilant, able and devoted guar dian. It seems to me that tlie impending crisis is fraught with as much and seri ous mischiefs as could easily be brought to bear on the prosperity of any people. A fanatical war waged against our two great staples, with a vindictive energy on both sides of the ocean that has rarely been equalled, should admonish us to husband our resources, at all events to a’-oid the danger of division. The cotton and the sugar planter have a common property to defend against the machina tions of an artful, sagacious and bold en emy. Under the guise of philanthropy, he seeks to deprive us of that kind of la bor, which he contributed more than any oth-r to plant on our soil,and which long habit, the character of our climate and productions have rendered necessary to us. But they have too much art to attempt by violence and openly, what his cunning and knowledge has taught him may, if he can deceive us, more effectually Ire ac complished by indirection. It our pn> ductions can be rendered unprofitable,his object, he sees, will be accomplished.—• Should the slave holders be also brought into disrepute, his whole purpose will be fully attained. A disreputable and un profitable culture he knows will necessa- rily be abandoned. To tliis end have the British Sugar Is lands been destroyed, and that product sought to be transferred to the more genial climate of India. Hence, also, the great efforts to draw their supplies of cotton from the same region. It would seem to me questionable whether a plentiful and cheap supply of sugar can be drawn from thence,and still more so as to cotton. The China war has given, it is true, to the cot ton experiment an apparent success; but this, probably, does not belong to it. A rapid increase in the production of sugar in Cuba and elsewhere, has prevented the effects of tlie destruction of the British Islands, from being as yet fully felt. But this will soon be experienced by the sup pression of the slave trade, effectually checking any further extension, even if it do not diminish the product. The su gar interest may, and probably will be prosperous, if not sacrificed by its own government in the pending adjustment of the Tariff. Sugar growers are large consumers of most of the articles of manufacture and products on which the duty will fall, and if they do not obtain a corresponding du ty on their product when imported', it is their settled conviction that this branch of Southern agriculture must be abandoned. Yoa know that this culture was not for ced into existence by a protective tariff. That it does not owe its being to any for ced or fulse system, but was cherished by a duty that was purely a revenue one. Sugar has been a very fruitful source of revenue to the government, although the duty never has been a very heavy or enormous- one. Having grown up by the side of the wants of the Treasury, it would seem hard that this interest should be abandoned to its: fate, whilst others, that sprang out of the false system of an avowed protective tariff, should con tinue to receive an ample protection. I confess I never was an advocate, I never can be, of a Protective Tariff, as such; but have never been able to see tire impropri ety of so adjusting the Tariff, as to-yield such incidental protection to the great in estsof the country, as could fairly and honestly be given. But as ours is an ag ricultural and Southern interest, unaided by active agents, and having nothing to enlist the sympathies of the Tariff side of the house, we must be sacrificed, unless those who are in principle and habit anti- Tariff, will see thatequal justice be done- us. Strong as your feelings and principles have always been against the protective policy, I do not think that you ever con tended that fair incidental protection was either inexpedient or adverse to any sound principle. But even if you were, you could not, I think, fail to perceive that when such favors were being dispensed, the South would be entitled to a fair par ticipation. My great fear is, that the friends of free iior will see in it a too favorable oppor tunity to aim a fatal blow at the profitable ness of slave labor, relying on your and our friends genera! hostility to protection, rendering you not unwilling spectators of the move. Should they succeed in put ting down the culture of sugar, the great force now so employed, must necessarily be employed in cultivating cotton ; prom ising results on the price of that article, much more immediate as well as perma nent than the culture in India. We make <h> an average 100,000 hhds. of sugar; it is fair to say, that no more than from three to four hogsheads per hand .are made, which gives you the effective force so employed* at say about 30,000. The force employed on. tlie rich lands of the Mississippi, would produce from 150 to 200,000 bales. As the increase of all the negroes, not only those employed in cot ton, but in all the slave holding States, woulcLtlieuexclusively be thrown on that crop, you will see how rapidly the cul ture would be extended, as well as how certainly the production would overtake tha extreme point of consumption. To me- it seems equally certain that if success in India, be render ed unproductive, the force that would be drawn from it, to the culture of cane, would soon iuvolve it in the same ruin. T have no doubt that the entire consump t ®>i of sugar, not more than half being now made, could be furnished ; but not profitably, till the suppression of the slave be fully felt, except under the pro- PlKLioa of a very heavy tariff. But even, if the full consumption were supplied,this, in the event of cotton being unprofitable, would absorb but a very small part of the slave labor. The inevitable consequences would be over production, and the con sequent depreciation in the value of that species of labor. To me it seems certain, that whether cotton or sugar be first rendered valueless, the sa.ne evil must soon follow the other. If such be the fact, anything promising that effect, will come powertully recom mended to the Abolitionists. Success in cultivating cotton in India, or the de struction of the culture of sugar cane here, would give them all they could de sife. In their wild zeal to accomplish their object, it is not to be expected, that they will pause to consider the injustice of throwing this branch of industry open to the destructive competition of the for eign products, whilst they furnish them selves with ample protection. No one knows better than you, how blind fanat icism is to all such considerations. It is the more especially so, when stimulated by interest, and emboldened by the pre sumed weakness of the oppressed party. On both sides of the Ocean, it has been so often asserted that the South is too weak to defend herself; and that, without contradiction, that it may, and probably will produce measures that might not otherwise be thought of—is it not time that it should l»e contradicted ? Unless it be, our own people may come to believe it. A slave population does not necessa rily make a people weak. Wcdid not show ourselves weak ill either of the wars in which tlic country has been involved. Neither reason nor experience warrants the belief that slaves could more readily bo turned against ail invading enemy. It is in the nature of ignorant men, more particularly of negroes, to be distrustful of strangers. Without we have entirely mistaken their feelings towards us, it is surely ridiculous to suppose that they would readily abandon those they have known all their lives, in support of those whom they had never seen. Should it become our interest to use that kind of power, we can hold out to them as strong inducements as strangers; and might ren der them very efficient, either in repelling invasion, or redressing grievances. Per haps no State could, in time of war, more easily spare a part of its labor, certainly none so promptly call It into action, as a Slave State. It would afford me great satisfaction to have your views on topics which so deep ly interest us all. Your time, I am’ well aware, is very folly occupied ; and noth ing but the deep importance belonging to the subject could have induced me to in trude 0:1 it, with these ili-digcsted re marks, much less to have asked ttiO ben efit of your opinions. 1 will barely au’J the assurance of my great respect and esteem. ROBERT CARTER NICHOLAS. Washington, 7th May, 1813. My Dear Sir : You do not state too strongly the dan ger to which the South, and in fact the whole country is exposed. Never, in my opinion, has the country becrt in more danger than at present. The administra tion is powerless, and the Whigs infatua ted ; and if the object was to ruin, in stead of saving the country, it would be scarcely possible to take a more effectual way than that which has been pursued. I concur in most of your views and reflections on the identity of interest (fair ly considered) between Cotton and Sugar; and as far as my principles will admit, WILL SEE FI LL JUSTICE DONE TO TIIE LATTKir, TO THE EXTENT THAT IT CAN BE EFFECTED BY MY EXERTIONS. I can, however, agree to no duty but such as the revenue may require ; and none so high on any article as will push it be yond the greatest AMOUNT OF REVEN UE that can be uerived from the ar ticle. These are the limits within which I may act, and with them, exercise a sound discretion. But in determining the a mount of revenue required, I shall ex pect economy and retrenchment, on the part of those having the control, as far as public policy may permit, and that no part of the public reverine shall be given away. Observing these rules, and with the scope they will admit, I shall take pleasure in PROTECTING your great staple against the machinations of the opponents of Slave labor. They are ev er on the watch,, and stand ready to seize every opportunity to render our labor wortlrless, and to weaken our title to our property. J. C. CALHOUN. Correspondence of the New York Herald. Vicksburg, Miss, June 7, 1843. Assassination of Dr. Hagan State of Society. Ft is with the deepest regret that I in form you of one of the most outrageous murders that was ever perpetrated in Vicksburg) this day, a few moments be fore 3 o’clock, almost in the centre of our city. A young man aboi it twenty-seven years of age, by the name of D. W. Adams, a soil of Judge Adams, of Natchez, basely assassinated l)r. Hagan* the Editor and Proprietor of the Vicksburg Sentinel. An editor, who is thoroughly and extensive ly known as the defender of ti,e poor man’s rights, the advocate of the rights of the planters, mechanics and laboring men, and against the notorious swindling banks with all their satellites. The Doc tor was one of the most quiet and unob truding gentlemen we had amongst us, and had a very large- circle of strong friends. The facts are as fed lows : • This assassin came from Jackson in the morning cars, armed with three pis tols, with premeditated determination to cowardly murder him on sight, although he took good care not to have it known, until after the atrocious murder was com mitted. He by enquiry was shown the house where tlie doctor boarded, and stood waiting to see him when he shoilld come from his dinner, and the Doctor not knowing him, he would seek some pretence for killing him. The doctor after a while made his fatal appearance on the street, and noout one half the distance (100 yards) from his boarding house to his office, the villain came up behind him unawares and struck him with his cane. The doctor turned round and caught hold of the as sassin and threw him, although the doc tor is a small man about 6 feet 4 or 6 inches high and weighs about 120 lbs.; and the murderer is about 6 feet high and will weigh 160 lbs. It appears his intention was to let the doctor defend himself as much as possible so that he could have some pretence for shooting him. I ought to have said murdering him in cold blood. Whilst they were down the murderer being underneath pulling out his pistol the doctor attempted to rise ; he caught the Dr. by the head and held him down in such a manner that he threw his arm with the pistol over the doctor’s left shoulder and shot him through the heart, and the doctor fell a murdered man. Good God, how re volting to the feelings of a civilized com munity, and yet 1 have heard some of the bankites say he ought to have been killed long time ago. What would they not see done to carry out their hellish purpo ses. But so it is. The planters, mechanics and laborers have lost in him the strongest advocate of their inalienable rights. Accompany ing these few lines I send you the edito rial for which the Doctor has been mur dered. There has been the greatest fraud per petrated on the citizens of the State of Mississippi, by a few head men of the State, from th i Governor down, and Dr. Hagan exposing them has been the se cond victim (Col. Shelton first, by drowning himself) caused by the im becility of our Governor. Although the doctor has been coward ly and basely murderdd, I hope his chair will bo filled by some fearless man, who will deal out justice to the planters, &e., be defending them against their common enemies, and brand the murderer and his accomplices, whoever takes sides with him, for the assassination of a peaceable citizen, with eternal infamy and disgrace. Truth. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. From the New York Plebeian. REPEAL OF THE UNION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. ct 'fn the Christian world there never was a people so 0111611/ treated as the Irish.'*— O'ConndTß Ireland. Such is the conclusion arrived at by one of Ireland’s ablest advocates and tru est patriots ; and such, we believe is that which will be drawn by any impartial reaufor of Irish history. Nearly seven hundred ve.nrs have rolled away since the shores oi Ireland were visited by Euglish invaders,’ to commence the work of plunder, devastate 11 and mur der. And at the end of this involution of ages, we find Ireland unconqucred, the races unassimilated or unincorpora ted. History does not ad'ord another ex ample. Extraordinary indeed must be the |>o\vers of repulsion between two na tions planted by the hand of nature so contiguous to each other, so long enjoy ing the same government and laws, and nearly the same climate and soil, with out complete identification. . Wonderful, moreover, to reflect, that at various times during this period, the stronger of the two aimed at nothing less than the total extinction of the weaker; not only without success, but with man ifest disadvantage to herself and with re novated powers in the injured. Yea, the weaker, has almost invariably come forth from the conflict more vigorous, more compact, less vulnerable, and with greater powers es indurance. Such is the vitality of the Irish branch of the Celtic race ; although so long exposed to a series of the most ruthless persecu tion, the most extensive system of plun der, and the most cold blooded butche ries that ever the pages of histo ry. Ur >m the first landing of the Eng lish in 1172 to the present day, the ad ministration of the affairs of Ireland has been, with few and forced exceptions, wicked in its enactment, barbarous in its tendency, torturous in its policy, and cruel in its operation. A more detesta ble code of legislation never was enact ed for the persecution of a people.—From beginning to end, it is one immense mass of turpitude and crime. For the abrogation of tins enormous collection ot legislative wickedness the Union must be repealed. Every friend of justice must desire this consummation. The invasion of Ireland was first prompted by the grasping ambition of the unscrupulous Henry 11. on pretexts as weak as they were wicked ; the invita tion of the traitor McMorrogh, King of Leinster, who had been banished for his crimes; and the grant of Pope Adrian, who undertook in accordance with usa ges of these times, to hand over Ireland to- his virtuous countrymen, for her bet ter government and greater improvement. Armed with Pontificial authority, en couraged by traitorous submission, and supported by English- gold scattered a mong rival chieftains, Henry landed in Ireland-; and at once proceeded to give the Irish a specimen of Norman justice, by “ cantonizing the whole island among ten of his needy followers, leaving noth ing for the natives ! !!” although the Euglish power was not extended univer sully over Ireland for 500 years after wards! In the reign of their successor, John Snnsterre* Giraldus Cambrensis, who accompanied the English Court to Ireland, as historian, first laid down the axiom—that “the only way to civilize the kingdom, was to murder all tlie peo ple and take their property !” Never was an axiom more fully or more flagitiously acted upon. It was in fearful operation during the respective lines of the Plnrltagenets the Tudors, the Stuarts, and the first three of the Guelphs ; confiscation, plunder, robbery, domestic treachery, violation of public treaties, deliberately planned famines, wholesale slaughter, eoneerted massa c:es, followed each other with destruct ive certainty and fearful fnpidity; accor ding as the cruelty or cupidity of the conquerors suggested. No page of Irish history is unstained with English crime. Such is the manner in which England has ruled Ireland for revolving centuries. It is to put an end forever to an atrocious system of misrule like this, that the Uni on should be repealed. It cannot tie too often brought before the American people, that in the same proportion as England is prosperous and powerful, so does she most cruelly op press ami persecute the Irish people; and so often as England is weak, em barrassed or humbled, so often does she relax her ruthless grasp to allow her victim a slight respite ; until again em boldened by success she resumes the of fice of the executioner. Although the successftil resistance of America in 1776, the terrific French re volution in 1793, and the untiring exer tions of O’Connell for the last 40 years, has extorted concession after concession from British tyranny, still are the peo ple of Ireland held in thraldom, wretch edness and misery ; oppressed arfd ground to the earth by the onerous sup port of a hated Church Establishment, exorbitant rack rents, burdensome taxes, want of trade or employment, ruined commerce, decayed manufactures, harsh and unequal laws, wide-spread pauper ism, unparalleled under any government calling itself Christian. One fact may elucidate the sad detail of woe. Out of a population of nine millions, there are a |>opulation of two millions and a half of paupers or beggars, subsisting on alms ! more than one out of every four of the whole kingdom —a beggar ! What a comment on English domination.- It is to remedy this horrible state of things that the Irish people demand a repeal of the execrated Union. If nations, like individuals, must expect a day of retribution, assuredly the fitfur of England’s accountability will be, like that of Babylon drunk with the blood of nations, most fearful. Look at her rob beries, spoliations, and murders for the last century in Hindoostan ; at her recent marauding expeditions and massacres in Afghanistan, in China, in Scinde. But beyond all and above all, look at her hor rible acts of treachery, her hideous mur ders, her wholesale robberies, her shock ing and deliberately created famines practised and perpetrated in Ireland—< not for 5, 16, 20, 50, or 100 years, but with slight intermissions, for nearly 700 years ! It is scarcely possible for the im agination to conceive or words to de scribe the horrors of this dark and dreary period. (tne item of the dismal catalogue, and probably productive of a greater amount of Irish misery than' arry other, is tlie wasting and ruinous annual drain of re- I yenue, absentee rents and transit duties opt of Ireland. By parliamentary and othei' documents, it is ascertained, that England id this manner draws from Ire land every yea. r ; the immense sum of forty-five millions oi dollars! or four .hundred and fifty millions every ten years ! Could any country in the world endure so stupendous a robbery with out irretrievable ruin, degradation and wretchedness ! It is to remedy this en ormous evil, the plundered and oppres sed Irish seek a Repeal of the Union. Nothing can lie more just than the claims of the Irish people. They ask for nothing inconsistent with reason contrary to the dictates of honor, of humanity—or at all injurious to the pre rogatives of a parental government; they merely ask an inalienable right, the right to govern themselves ; they ask for the restoration of their native govern ment, who can legislate fitly, seasona bly and undeistandiugly, for Ireland: who will foster trade and commerce, promote manufactures, cherish science and art, encourage agriculture by secu ring Fixity of tenure, and abolishing the Tithe Rent-charge ; who will extend the franchise, rural and urban ; restrain the Grand Jury Cess, give employment to the starving millions, with peace, plen ty, prosperity, equality, freedom and hap piness to all without distinction of caste or creed. The Repealers of Ireland seek no as cendancy, but they will brook no infe riority— they insist on equality. They wish-no disseverance or dismemberment of the empire ; they are most anxious to preserve the connection withs England, but on a fair equitable footing of perfect equality, civil and religious. They ac knowledge the sovereign of the British Empire as the sovereign of Ireland, but they must have their own domestic par liament, the making of their own laws, the enjoyment of their own revenues, their own industry ; and like the immor tal patriots of ’76, they “will not be tax ed without their own consent.” Who would not wish success to a cause so holy, so righteous, and so pa triotic. ! Is there any American citizen, native or adopted who would not enlist all his sympathies, his energies, his heart and purse* in behalf of oppressed hu manity? In this glorious contest of right against might, who would not cheerfully “ pledge his life, his fortune* and his sacred honor.” S arsfi eld. Coleridge’s Pr -aching. It was in January 1798, that I rose one morning before daylightto walk ten miles jn the mud, to hear this celebrated person preach. Wlren I got there, the organ was playing'the 100th psalm, nild when it was done; Mr. Coleridge rose and gave out Iris text, “And he went up into the mountains to pray, Himself alone.” As he gave out his text, his voice “rose like a stream of rich distilled perfumes and when he came to the last two words, which he pronounced loud, deep and dis tinct, it seemed to me, who was then young, as if the Sounds had echoed fro*n the bottom of the human heart, and as if that prayer might have floated in solemn silenfce through the universe. The idea of St. John came into my mind, “of one crying in the wilderness, who had his loins girt about, and whose food xvas lo custs, and wild honey.” The preacher then launched into his subject like an ea gle dallying with the wind. * * * And for myself I could not have been more delighted if I had heard the music of the spheres. Poetry and Philosophy had met together. Truth and Genius had embra ced under the eye and with the sanction of Religion. This was even beyond my hopes. I returned home well satisfied. The sun that Was still laboring pale and wan through the sky, obscured by thick mists, seemed an emblem of the great cause; and the cold, dank drops of dew, that hung half melted on the beard of the thistle, had something genial and refresh ing in them; for there was a spirit of hope and youth in all nature that turned eveiy thing into good.— Hazlitt. From the Charleston Mercury. Death of Mr. Legare. The news of this event, most sudden and unlooked for, reached here on Satur day, and filled the city with gloom.— Groups of men gathered around the an nouncement, throughout the day, re;*] and walked away sadly as if each one felt a sense of bereavement. It is indeed a loss to South Carolina —one of her most gifted sons is taken from her —one of her brightest lights is quenched forever. It is, too, an addition to the causes of grief, that he had just attained that high posi tion where all the great qualities and glo rious culture of his mind might expand their wing and take their flight over the gaze of the world.- Alas, that station has crumbled under his first step —that proud wing- is folded in the grave. How resist less! y, comes up the thought, those strong words of Milton: Fame i* 'he spur lhat the clear spirit doth raise (That last infirmity of noble minds) To ecorn delights an I live laborious days : But the fair guerdon when we hope to firs'l, And think to burst out into sudden blaze, Comes the blind Fury with >he abhorieut thoars And slits the thiti-.-pan life. Mr. Legare left Washington on last Tuesday a week, in apparently perfect health and excellent spirits. There was truly something inspiring to a soul like his, in the thought of witnessing that mighty gathering of the American people to give the crowning glory to a noble memorial of the First Day of the Revolu tion. He did not witness it—the trium phal inarch of the multitude that day came to his car dimly through walls of a ! sick chamber. He arrived in Boston on Friday, the day before the celebration, and received the visits of his friends at tile Tremomt House. At 1 o’clock on Sat urday morning he was seized with a vio lent attack of bilious cholic, a complaint to which he had been occasionally subject ever since he went to Washington, but which had always readily yielded to med ical treatment. Dr. Thomas, who accom ied the President, was instantly called in and prescribed for him, but without effect. He gradually grew worse, and on Sunday afternoon was removed from the Tremont to the house of his friend Mr. Tick nor. Additional medical aid was called in, but the disease was beyond the reach of hu man remedy. His sickness only lasted about 78 hours, and in the early stage of it he suffered greatly, but towards the close he became entirely free from pain. His mind was calm and clear to the last, and so gentle and peaceful was the part ing of spirit and body, that Mr. Ticknor, in whose arms he died, did not perceive the change, till the physician touched him and whispered “he is dead. ’ So died Hugh Swinton Legare. It is of little consequence to his memory to enumerate the places he has filled ; for it may be safely said of him, that never in his life, till near the close of it, did lie hold a plaee equal to his acknowledged abilities —and if it be inded true that Congress affords scope for the greatest minds, still, the rude contentions, the low lived strife, the everlasting storm of per sonal abuse, the triumphant tramping of blockheadism over sense, learning, elo quence and liberal discussion, made the House of Representatives the last place in the world for the display of the pow ers of a fastidious scholar like Legare. But though he had never held an office that afforded room for the play of his mind, his great talents and consummate learning were known and appreciated, and his appointment to the Cabinet was hailed with lively satisfaction by the whole country —it was felt that at last he had gained his position, and that .a bril liant and noble fame lay before him, glowing with fair promise for liimselfand for his country. How much died there, when he breathed his last! Mr. Legare was a native of Charleston, born we believe in 1796. He graduated at the South Carolina College, where he stood, longo intervallo, first in his class in all departments —and was pronoun ced even then by Dr. Maxcy (himself a man of profound learning and abilities) to be die first mind he had ever met. He had even then that most extraoi dinary power of application which enabled him to drive away sleep, night after night, in the elucidating and mastering any subject on which lie had set his mind. And this power, and the unsparing use he made of it through life, was the secret of that won drous treasure house of learniug, that made him, among the living scholars of oureountry, perhaps the very first. Mr. Legare completed his education in Ger many,and retained through life the warm est affection for the language and litera ture of that land of scholars. His after career is familiar to the minds | of all, and in the fresh remembrance of | his varied talents, his splendid eloquence his profound learning, of all which he had done and the still higher achieve ments that seemed to cluster so brightly before him, we start back as the shadow of death drops sharp across the view, and what seemed a triumphal procession darkens into a funeral train—death swal lows up all else, and we can only honor him with mourning, whom we had thought to honoT with praise and joy ous congratulation. We have formed many conjectures about the plan proposed by Mr. Webster, for the purpose of placing the commercial relations of this country with foreign na tions on a more permanent footing than they are at present. He says that this object is attainable by negotiating and concluding reciprocity treaties. At the first view of the subject we did not per ceive any material objection to the pro posed plan, only it seemed to iis that the president and the Senate would assume a power which, though constitutionally granted, appertains to Congress. But on reflecting further on the subject, and on taking into consideration passing everits 1 and circumstances connected with the" tariff question, wc have arrived at the conclusion, that there is more meant by the plan proposed by Mr. Webster than* we had at first supposed. Until the pres ent time the people of the United States were nearly divided on the question of ar protective tariff and free trade. It is now otherwise. In the Western States, where' the protective ptfliCy btfd in its favor af majority of the people, a larger majority is now found arrayed against it, and in favor of free trade. In the New England States, where the influence of the manu facturing interest was most felt, there has been recently a material change in favor' of free t rade, c\’en among those most in terested in manufactures. These circum stances, taken together with the expected complexion of the next Congress, indi cate the progress of a radical change in the policy of the government, in regard to the protective system. The frie: ds of this system apprehend, and justly too, the abandonment of restriction and prohibi tion in trade, and the modification of the present tariff so as to exclude from it all its protective features, and to make it one for revenue only. It is presumed that such a modification is inevitable, consid ering the support it will receive from quarters of the Union hitherto the stren uous supporters of the protective policy. If then the adoption of a more liberal and impartial policy, in regard to a tariff is inevitable, are we not warranted in the supposition, that (lie friends of protection will resort to any measure in order to counteract the action of Congress on the subject, and to maintain some features of protection, if they cannot maintain all that the present tariff affords? As pro tection cannot he maintained by the action of Congress, cannot protection be effected by reciprocity treaties, concluded in all the forms of the Constitution? Treaties concluded in all the forms of the Consti tution become the laws of the land. So that what could not be attained by the legislative action of Congress, may be accomplished by treaties. By means of treaties, protection to manufactures may be extended and insured* which a large majority of one branch of the national legislature had expressed themselves a gainst. Mr. Webster may not have had in view the attainment of protection by indirect means, which he is now well convinced cannot be effected by the di rect legislation of Congress; hut we must confess that (he events of 1832 and 1833, have created in our minds appre hensions of a resort to means to keep up the protective policy, which it will be the duty of tire friends of free trade to tm- mask and oppose. The “• Compromise Law” was introduced and passed, because* as Mr. Clay explicitly declared at the time, a high tariff could not stand one year longer; it was to save the protective policy that the Compromise Avas adopted- U e are now all convinced that, had. not the Compromise been adopted, the high tariff then in force, would not have re mained one year longer the law of the land. Tlie present high tariff stands in the same situation, with a larger number of opponents to it than there were oppo nents to the tariff which was abrogated ,by the Compromise Act. We have made i these few remarks for the purpose of awa kening public attention to the schemes that may be devised to elude the remod ' del ling of the present protective tariff, by itreaties with Great Britain and other for eign nations. We must add, however* that it is with gratification we find the protective policy becoming the subject of discussion and investigation hi the north* especially in Massachusetts. Intelligent citizens who, hitherto, had implicit faith in the wisdom and beneficial effects of the protective policy, now entertain seri ous doubts about it. In the Western* States a decided hostility is rising lip' against the present tariff, and we are sure that a large majority of the members of Congress from that section of the Union* will be found arrayed at the nextsession* against a system which, has been felt by all classes of the community to be so in jurious to the various interests of the country; and we are sure also, that all interests will unite in constructing a tar iff, so as to derive from it sufficient reve nue for the Government,, while it will guard from injury any section of the Un ion. It is time for tlie peace and harmo ny of the country, that we s-hould be blessed with such a tariff; it is time tliatt such a subject should cease to produce agitation’and discord among us. At Framingham, (Mass.) Philip D. Edmonds, of Lowell, to Miss Susan Har ris t Willis. Also, Thomas S. Edmonds, of Lowell, to Miss Harriet Susan Willis. The bridegrooms were twin brothers andi the brides twin sisters.