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EXTRACTS FROM MR..WEBSTER S ORATION. At the Anniversary of Bunker IliU Monument. Yes, BcsntF.il Hill Mo.vcmevt is now com flitted. Here it stand*. Fortunate in tile natural eminence on which it ia placed, higher infinitely in it* otj. ct and its purpoac behold it n*e over the land and over the sea, and visible this moment to 300,<K>J of the citizens of Massachusetts. There it stands —a me morial of the past —a mo.iitor to the present and to all succeeding generation *of men. f have spoken of its purpose If it had been without any other pur pose than the creation of a work of art, the granite of which it is comp>«ed. would have continued to sleep in its native bed. But it has a purpose,and that purpose gives it dignity, ami causes u* to look upon it with awe. That purpose it is which enrobes it with amoral grandeur—that purp we it is which seems to invest it with the attributes of an a tgust, intellectual personage. It is itself the great Orator of this occasion. (Great cheering.) It is not from my lips, nor could it be from any human lips that that strain of eloquence is to flow, most competent to utter the emotions of this multitude. The potent speaker stands motionless before you. (Here the speaker paused, and with outstretched arms, looked upward to the sum ait of the solemn pile, and the vast as semblage joincj in one loud and long shout of enthu siastic applause ) It is a plain shall; it bears no in scription, fronting the rising sun, from which the fu ture antiquarian shall be employed to wipe away the dust; nor does the rising sun awaken strains of mu sic on its summit; hut there it stanJs, and at the ri sing of the sun, and at the setting of the sun, and amid the blaze of noon-dav, and in the milder efful gence of lunar light, there it stands. It looks—it speaks —if acts to the full comprehension of every American mind, and to the awakening of the high est enthusiasm in every true American heart. (Great applause.) Us silent hut awful utterance the deep pathos v.-ith which as we look upon it, it brings be fore us the 17th of June, 1775, and the consequences resulting from tne events of that day to us, to onr country, and to the worlJ —consequences which must continue “to gain influence” on the destinies of mankind to the end of time —surpasses all that the study of the closet or even the inspiration of genitts could produce. To-day—to-day it speaks to us The future auditors will he the successive genera tions of men. As they shall rise up before us and gather round its base, its speech will lie of courage and patriotism —of religion rod liberty —of good government —of the renown of those who have sac rificed themselves to the good of their country. In the older world many fabrics are still in existence, reared by human hanj, whose object and history arc lost in the darknet'. of ages. They are now monuments of nothing, hut the power and skill which constructed them. The mighty pyramid itself, half buried in the sands of Africa, has nothing to bring down and re port to us, hut the piwcr of Kings and the s -rvitut'e of the people. If naked for its design, or just oljeet, or its sentiment for ils admonition for Us instruc tion to mankind lor any great end of its being—it is silent —silent as the millions of human livings that lioin the dust a' ils bases, or the catacomb* that sur round it. Having thus no just object now known to mankind though it be raised against the Heavens, it exeitca no feeling hut that of the consummation m power, raised with strange wonder. But if the pres ent civilization of mankind founded, as it is, on the solid basis of science, or great attainment in art, 01 in extraordinary knowledge of nature, and stimulated and pervaded os it is by moral sentiment and the truths of th* Christian religion if this civilization lie ties lined to continue till there come a termination of hu man being on the earth, then the purpose of this monum ml will continue to be on the earth till that hour comes. And if, in a dispensation of Provi dence, the civilization of the world is to be over thrown, and the truths of Christianity obscured by another deluge of barbarism, still the memory of Bcnkkr Hiu, and the great events with which it is connected, will bo parts and elements of the knowl edge of the last man to whom the light of civilization and Christianity shall be extended (Loud applause. This celebration is honored by the presence of the Chief Magistrate of the. Nation, surrounded by the distinguished individuals who are hi* constitutional advisers. (Three enthusiastic elvers ari l■- one cheer more.”) An occasion so national —so inti mately connected with that revolution out of which tho government grew, is surely worthy of this mark of respect and admiration from him, who by the voice of his fellow-citizen* and the laws of the country is placed at the head of tho government. Familiarly acquainted as he is with Yohkt iwy, where the last great military effort of the Revolution was per formed, he has now had an opportunity of seeing tho theatre of the first of these great struggles. He lias seen where Warrhs fed where Starks., Knowl ton, Putimm, and McLahie, and their associates, foujht. He has seen the liel.J on which a thousand chosen regular troops of England were smitten down in the first great contest for liberty, by the aru of the yeomanry of New En >l.inJ (applause) —and, with a heart full of American feeling, he couies hero to day, 1 am sure, to participate in as feeling a degree as any individual present, in all the enthusiasm—in all the grateful recollections which this day and occasion arc calculated 1 1 create. (Renewed cheer ing.) His Excellency the Governor of the Common wealth is also present; nor is it to he doubted that he too enters with a glow of enthusiastic feeling inloan occasion intended to ce ehrate an event so highly honorable to the people of that Commonwealth over which it is his good fortune to he called to preside. (Cheers.) Banners and Hags, processions and badges, announce to us that with this multitude have come up thousands of the natives of New England resident in other States. Welcome, welcome, ye of kindred name and kindred blood ! (Great cheering.) From the broad savannahs of the south —from the fair re gions of the west from the thousands of eastern origin who cultivate the rich and fertile valley of tile Genesseo aad live along the margin of our ocean lakes from the mountains of Pennsylvania from the thronged and crowded cities of the coast— wel come welcome ! Wherever else you may lie stran gers, you are all at home here. (Most enthusiastic cheers the ladies on the glacis waved their handker chiefs.) You have a glorious ancestry of liberty you bring with you names such as are found on the rolls of Lexington, and Concord, and Bunker Hit. "Vou cotne here to this shrine «f liberty,near the fam ily altars where your young lips were first taught to Usp the name of God —near the temples of public worship where you received the first lessons of tlcvo tion near the halts and colleges where you received education. You come here, some of you, to l>c em braced oticc more by a Revolutionary father to re ceive, perhaps, another and a last blessing, bestowed in love and tears, of an aged mother who has survived thus long to behold and enjoy your prosperity and happiness. If those family recollections—if those ten der associations of early life have brought you here, with something of extraordinary alacrity, and given If >m you to us & from us loyou. something ofa pecu liar & hearty greeting,it has extended to every Ameri can from every A any spot, who has come up here this davto tread this sacred field with American li-ehng*. and who respires with pleasure an atmosphere redo lent of the sentiments of 1775. (Cheers.) In too seventeen millions of happy people who compose our American community, there is n..t one who has not an interest in that structure, just a* there is not one who has not a deep and abiding interest in the events which it was designed to commemorate. The res jectabihty, I may say the subltuiity of the occasion, depends entirely on its nationality. It ia all sit American. Its sentiment is comprehensive enough toem.iracc the whole American family, from North to South, from East to West; and it will stand, I hope, for ever, emblematic of that Union which con nect* u* together. And woe betide the man who co ne* up here to-day with sentiment* any less than wholly American. (Cheers.) Woe betide the man who shall venture to stand here with the strife of local jealousies, local feelings, or local enmities burn ing in bis bosom. All our happiness and all our glory depi iul on our union. (Cheers.) T tat mon u.ucnt itself, in all that is commendable in its senti ment and character, depend*u;ion union. (Cheer*.) 1 do not mean to say that it would not keep its |k>si lion if the sStale. were rent asunder by faction or vi olence. Ido not mean that the heaving earth would move it from ils base, and that it would actually tot ter to its fall, if disaiemlier,uent should be tire afflic tion of our land. And 1 cannot say that it would min gle ils own fragments with those of a broken Consti tution. But, iri the happening of such events, who is there that could dare to look upon it 1 (Great sensa liou.) Who is there that from beneath sueli a load of mortification and slume .is would overwhelm him, could approach to behold it 1 Who is there tuat would not expect his eyeballs to be seared by the in tensity of its silent reproof! (Great applause.) For my part, 1 suy, that it it be a misidr.une designed by Providence, tor me to five to seesuefi a time, 1 will mok at it no more— 1 will avert iny eyes lro:a it lor ever! (Great applause.) It is not as a mere military encounter of Hostile armies that the battle of Lunker Hilt finds its principal claims lor commemoration and importance; yet, us a mere liattle, there arc circum stances attending it of an extraordinary character, and giving to it peculiar distinction. It was (ought upon tuts eminence, in the neighborhood of yonder city, in tuc pi essence of more spectators than tnere were combatant* in the fight—men and women, and cuildicu, drawn from Ilnur homes, filling the towers of me cliureaes, covering the rods of public dwell ings, and all their residences, looking on lor the result •Ia contest of tne consequences of which they had lue deepest conviction. On the lbth of dune, under a bright sun, these fields exhibited nothing but verdure and culture; tiiere was indted note of awful prepa ration in Boston, — but here, all was peace; and tire fields, luen rich wi it the loads of lire early harvest, told of nothing but tranquility. The morning of the 17t.it saw every thing c,tanged ;in the night,redoubt* uad thrown up by a lew hardy alien, nnder the direc tion ol these bit. In the dawn of the marning, being jierceived by tile enemy, a cannonade was immedi ately Opened upon them from the floating batteries on tae water,and tile land on the other side oi Charles silver. I suppose it would bo diiiicult in a military point ol view, to ascribe any just motive to either pirty for that eonlli l. It probably was not very im portant lor the provincial army to hern in the Bril i.ii in b„slon, by a force a Intle nearer, when tiiat could probably have been elfeeted by a force a little lurther in the rear. On tho other hand it is quite evident, that if the British officers had had nothing els.) in view but to dislodge the occupants of Bunker Hill, the British commanded the waters, the Mystic on the one side, and tire Charles river on the other ; and as those two river* approached each other, it was perfectly competent to col oir all communication, and reduce Prescott to famine in eight and forty hours. But that was not the day for such a sort ul calcu lation on either side. The truth is, hutli parties were ready, and anxious, and determined to try tne strength of their arms. The piide of the British would not submit that a redoubt of the rebels, as they were called, shoul I be here, ami stand in their very face and defy them to their teeth. Without calculating the cost, or caring tor it, their object was to destroy the redoubt at once by the power of the Koval Army, and take vengeance as well as attain security. On t ic other side, I’rcscottand hi* gallant followers, filly pcrsuadcJ that the lime was near when the existing controversy must break out into open hostilities, long thirsted for the contest. They wished to try it, and to try it now; and that is the secret whic.i placed Prescott there with his troops. (Cheers.) I will not attempt to describe what has been so often described better than 1 can do it. The cationading l'n m the water —the assault* from the laud- the coolness with which tiic provinincial army, if it might be so called, met the charge of the enemy, the valor with which t icy repulsed it, the second attack, the second repu.se, the burning of Charlestown, and finally the closing scene of the retreat of tho Militia of New England over the Neck, I shall not attempt to describe; but in its consequences the battle of Bunker Hdl stands amongst the most important tiiat ever took place be tween rival States. It was the first great controversy in the Revolutionary war, and in my judgment it was not only the first blow struck in that war, but it was the blow that determined tile issue of tiiat contest. (Cheers.) it certainly did not pul an end to the war, but it put tho country in a slate of open hostility; it pu' tire controversy between them to the aib.lration of the sword, and made one thing certain that alter Warren ti ll aider the troops of the New England States bad I wen able to meet and repulse the a’tack ot the British regulars, it wuscertain that jwace would never be established between tbn two countries ex cept on-the basis of an acknowledgment of American independence. When that sun went down the in dependence of Ibeso States was certain. (Cheers.) No event of great m.litary magnitude took place be tween June 1 5 and July ’it> ( when independence was formally declared. It rests, I know, on the must indubitable authority, that when Gen. Washington, having just then received the ap|H>intment as Com mander in Chief of the American army, heard of the battle of Bunker Hill, and was told that for want of ammunition and other causes the militia yielded the ground to the English troops, he asked if the militia of New England stood the lire of the regular troo|», and being told that they did, and reserved their own till the enemy were w ithin eight rods, and then dis charged it with fearful effect, he then exclaimed “The liberties of the country are safe!!" * * * America has furnished Europe and the world with tho character of Washington. (Great cheering.) And it our institutions had done nothing else, they would have deserved the respect of mankind.— (Cheers.) Washington (three long continued cheers) — asiiington —first in war, first in peace, an*l first in the hearts of his countrymen Washing ton is all our own. (Enthusiastic applause.) And tho veneration anti love entertained for him by the people ot the l. idled Stairs, arc proof that they are worthy ol such a countryman. (Renewed applause.) I would cheerfully put the question to-day, to the in telligent men of alt Europe I will say to the intel ligent ot the wboie worlJ what character of the century stands out in the relief of history, most pure, most respectable, most sublime —and I doubt not that bv a suffrage approaching to unanimity, the answer would lie \v asiiington. (Cheering ) That monu ment itself is not an unfit emblem of his character, by its uprightness, its solid;ty, ils durability. (Long continued applause.] Ills public virtues and public principles were as firm and fixed as the earth on which the structure rests his [icrsonal motives as pure as the serene Heavens in which its su limit is hist. [G reat applause ] But indeed it is not an ade quate eui'dnm. lowering far above th s column thnt our hands have built, Ic icld not by the citizens of a single eity, or a single State, lull by all the families ot nan, ascends the colossal grandeur of tin' character and lilb ot Washington. [Enthusiastic applause] In all its constituent parts in all its acts in all its j toils universal love ami admiration, it is an Auieri- 1 can production. (Deafening applause.] Born upon ' our soil; of parents born upon our soil—never hav ing fora single day had a sight of the whole work! reared amid our gigantic scenery —instructed accord ing to the mexk-g of the time in the spare but whole some elementary knowledge which the institutions of the country furnish for all the children of the people brought up beneath and penetrate J hv tile genial influence of American society —partaking our great destiny of labor partaking an I leading in that agency of our glory, the War of Independence—par taking and leading in that great victory of peace, the establishment of the present Constitution—behold him, altogether av Americas. (Deafening ap plausc ] That glorious life “ Where multitudes of virtue* pass along, Each pressing forpmosi in the mighty throng Contending to be seen, then mailing room Fur the multitudes which were to come,” that life in all its purity in all its elevation —in all its grandeur—was the life of an American citizen— [great cheers]—l claim him —1 claim Washington— wholly for Ameiica —and, amidst the perilous anti darkened hours of the night—in the midst of re proaches of enemies, and the misgivings of frit nds, 1 turn to that transcendent name, for conrage and for consolation. To him who denies that our transat lantic lilierty can be combined with law and order, and the security of property, and (tower ami reputa tion—to him who denies that our institutions can produce any exaltation of soul, or passion for true glory - to him who denies that America ha 9 contrib uted any thing to the stock of grt at lessons ami great examples—to all those I reply l*v pointing to the character of Washington. It is ’lime that I should draw this discourse to a close. We have indulged in gratifying recollections of the past. We have enjoved the consciousness of present prosperity and happiness. We have pleased ourselves with well foutitled hope of the future. Let us rememlter, as responsible beings, that wc have duties and obliga tions resting upon us, corresponding to the blessings with which Heaven has favored us. And let us, to the extent of our power, with all the ability with which we are gifted, exert ourselves to keep alive a just tone of moial sentiment —to inspire regard for religion and morality—and a true and genuine love of liberty, regulated tiy law,an I enlightened by know! edge and truth. Let us remember the great truth that communities are responsilile as well as individu als — that without unsjioUcd public faith, fidelity, honor and truth, it is not in the | ower of constitutions, firms of government, or all the machinery of law to give dignity and resjs'Ctahilily to any political State. Let us hope, therefore, that wc may look forward, not to a degraded hut to an improved and elevated future that when Wc die, and our children shall all have been consigned to the house appointed for al. living, there may be a zealous, a fervid love of coun try and an equally fervid pride of country, in the bosoms of all thoso who shall hear our nams, or in heril our blood! and ages and ages hence when hon ored and consecrated age shall lean upon the bam of that monument, and ingenuousyoath shall throng around it, and it shall speak lb them of its object— its glory—and the great events which it was intended to signalize and to [rerpetuatc. then shall there arise an ejaculation from every faithful breast —“ Thank God! that I—l am am Citizen!” Di’mocrA'ic Horn.nation®. From the Ge.irgia Constitutionalist. In the choice of candidates for the October elec tions, we belieVo th it the Democratic Party has been fortunate, as concerned “principles and men.” No objection can he urged against either Mr. Cooper or .Vlr. Mark, as to qualifications. Mr. Cooper stands solemnly pledged to maintain and defend the prin i pies of the Democratic Party. Respecting ti e great question which now agitates the country, and whi-h wdl continue to absorb all other questions unt I it is finally seltled, he is firm and uncompromising; and we have no doubt that lie wdl use his influence, and the influence of his office, if he is elected governor, to operate a radical change in the policy of the gen eral government with respect to a tariff. On another groat question, the financial concerns of the country, Mr. Cooper is unexceptionable. He not only under stand* the whole matter in theory, but he under stands it as a practical man; and as wc want a prac tical man in the Executive Chair, his services will lie highly beneficial to the State, for the two years fol lowing next November, it is true that the finances of the Slate are recovering from that depression they have been in for some time past; but we want in Georgia something moro than the mere means of meeting our public expenditures. We want the fi nances so administered, as to meet not only the cur rent < xpenses, but to be aide to reduce the public deni and the interest thereon, in order that in a few years the taxes might he reduced, and tho people relieved front the burthen under which they now labor, and from which they may he extricated but by a strict course of economy, and by a wise, practical, and steady system of financial operations. We believe Mr. Cooper well qualified in all those respects to ful- lil the ex|iei tAtions of his friends. Besides, he is en dowed with much fineness and energy; and we are sure that he will not disappoint the people of Georgia whenever he will have to act as Governor, and to ex ercise those discretionary powers with which he will have been constitutionally vested. And as we attach much value to person and reputation, it is a sincere plea sure to us to record, that Mr. Cooper slands unblem ished ns a private citizen before the people of Georgia The nomination of Mr. Stark gives ns also much pleasure. He deserved from the ronvrntion ids mark of confidence. He possesses talents of no ordinary order; he is a ready debater, and speaks Well. In his manners he is a gentleman, unassuming, hut firm anil undeviating in bis principles, willing to submit his own opinions to reason, when convinced that they are erroneous. In the station he will occupy, if elected, Mr. Stark will truly represent the principles and feelings of the |ioople of Gporgia. On the great questions of the day he is orthodox ; and we may be sure that he will add strength to the party in Con gress, which will have to contend against those perni cious doctrines that have brought the country to the very brink of ruin. W ilh two such candidates at the general elections in October next, can success lie doubtful 1 We be lieve not. How popular anil rcsjicctable soever may be the candidates selected by the Whig party, those of the D 'inoeratic party will he their equal in every requisite qualification; in talents, personal integrity, devotion to the best interests of Georgia, and the will to sacrifice every thing for the honor and reputation of their native State. As men, the candidates may ha>'e equal (laims to the support of the people. The political princi|>les of those candidates will drtenninc the election. If then the election turns on the politi cal principles of the candidates, can the result be doubtful in Georgia ? We believe not. Can a ma jority of the v iters of Georgia be found ir: favor of a protective tariff? No. If not, then Mr. Cooper and Mr. Stark must lie elected, because they are de cidedly opposed to such a policy. Can the same ma jority of tire voters of Georgia be found in favor of Distribution, the assumption of State Debts, a Na tional Bank, and other schemes of Federal origin ? No. If not, then Mr. Cooper and Mr. Hark must be elected, because they never will sanction such ll,eisures. But. to insure their election, every voter oq wised to such dangerous measures must vote fi»r those two gentlemen. As they aie unobjectionable in |ioint of personal qualifications, the regard that ev ery citizen in a f.ev country must have for principles, must decide the election; amt as a long ex|terience ! has enable,! us to judge correctly of the feelings »nd ! character of the people of Georgia, wc have no hesi tation in giving it as our firm convictiim, that the vo ters will exhibit in October next, an adherence to their political principles, as praiseworthy a* it will be pat riotic. They will consult the good of the country, and the best interests of their State; and they wdl lie reaily to sacrifice all personal considerations, if any ean possibly exist when the personal qualifications of all the candidates are equal, on the altar of the pul die welfare. In truth, the people of Georgia will have to bear in mind that the approaching contest for po litical power, will determine the ascendancy of dem ocratic or federal principles. In the approaching con test no citizen can pursue a medium course. Georgia may have to throw her Weight in the pofit ; cal scales, if nearly balanced ; and according to that tu. iw, De mocracy or Federalism will predominate. The im portance of the next elections must be clearly percei ved and felt by every citizen. This importance then, requires union among the members ol the Democrat ic party, and the concentration of ail the voles that can lie given, on the candidates selected to lie the true, and firm and merge ic representatives of the princi ples of the party, at the same time that they will lie the true are I devoted representatives of the best inter- ests of Georgia, and of the whole cou. try. It will have to be admitted by our readers, that the embarrassments the country has eX|>erienced in its financial affairs, are in a great measure to be ascribed to the vacillating policy pursued by the General and State Governments for several years past; anu this vacillation originated in alternately placing atthe head of those governments men taken from the (larties into which the country is divided. Whatever one admin i-tration had done, was unJonc by another when in the hands of the olhci party. A similar course was pursued in Georgia. Is it not time that we should have more permanence in our policy, and that we should have stability in our laws, stability in all mea sures calculated to dra.v from the resources of the State all those benefits which must render the people happy and contented I The vast resources of Geor gia ccn ne'er lie employed to advantage, as long as legislation is as mutable as the ascendancy of parlies. If the people of Georgia are sensible of the 'ust neas of these propositions, they will give power to the party in whom they have most confidence, and main tain in their hands that power as long as it is not abu sed. If they believe that the Whig party can admin ister the Government with more skill and wisdom, they must give them the power, and maintain them in it; they should not pay attention to, and lie not led astray by the acts of demagogues, and place in power another party, whose aim will inevitably lie to undo what th ir predecessors hove done. If the people be lieve that the principles of the Democratic party are more in accordance with the letter and spirit of our system of government, they should continue them ii powet, instruct them in regard to the errors they may have committed in previous legislation, and advise them as to the changes that may be nercssary to ope rate in existing laws or measures. By pursuing such a policy, we would have mure stability in legislative measures, and we certainly would be more lienelitlcd by permanency in all undertakings for the improve nent of the State. Our opinion is, that the principles of the Democratic party, and the measures they would adopt, if stamped with permanency, could not fail to restore fully and completely the credit of tho State to create unlimited confidence in the resources and means of Georgia to discharge faithfully all her obli gations, and to (dace her in two years among the first States of the Union, free of debt, her people paying .noderate taxes, and the internal improvements under taken and prosecuted under the must adverse circum stances, completed sml in full operation. If, howev er, the people do not agree with us, we will have to leplore the difference of opinion existing between us, and to regret the fatal error they will have committed, in placing political (lower in the hands of the adversa ries of the Democratic party. Correspondence of the Charleston Mercury. New-York, June Ic), 18-43. Illness has debarred me from forwarding my reg ular dcspaches for the last week or two, but I am now renewed and invig. rated, and wij endeavor to make up for all lost line. In |iolilical matters great change.- are constantly taking place, especially among the mas ter spirits, all of course anxious to get on the strong est side. In our own State, it is not a little amusing to witness the shuilling, non-committal, evasive sys tem practised even among our most influential, and, li retofore inrlejiendent men, relat.ve to the Presiden cy. I stated in one of my lormer letters, that the lion. Samuel Young, our Secretary of State, had ex pressed a preference for Mr. Calhoun for the Presi dency, and when l penned that fact, 1 merely men tioned vvliat was common conversation among the honorable Secretary’s personal friends, founded upon bis own assertions, and l do not at this moment en tertain a particle of doubt as to the truth ot what 1 then said, his letter to tne contrary notwithstanding. We know very well how convenient it is lor aspiring politi. i,ms to have two or three horses to ride, so that if one breaks down, they will still have a iresh one to fall hack on. The growing |sipul rity of Air. Cal houn in this State, and indeed in the adjoining States, has at length awakened the attention ot the leaders, and they now begin to ieel and see tiie utter impossi bility of arresting its progress. Ihe truth is, that Mr. Van Buren’s name cannot even pass a Ward meeting in this city, at an ordinary assemblage of the Democracy, as their first choice for the Presidency; an I, from information which may be relii and upon from the interior of (he State, this may be c. nsidered a fair index to the feelings of the majority of the [icople. It ought not to be concealed that the great body ol the nomocracy of this city and State, are actuated and governed by two important considerations touching their choice of candidates for the Presidency. One is, they arc impressed with the belief that Air. Van Buren could not lie elected if nc were to receive the unanimous nomination of the Democratic Republican National Convention. The oilier is, that he has al ready received the highest honors that could be con ferred upon him by bis countrymen, and that with these he should lie Satisfied. Such are the sentiments that pervade the great body of the Democracy of this State, and they are the sentiments, too, that ought to govern the judgements of freemen in the selection of the candidate who is to wield the destinies of this great nation. Let the Democratic party venture up on the dangerous ex[iedient of placing a name be fore the peojile for that high office which could only cary seven Stale*, with the. aid of all the power and patronage of the government, and we shall have the mortify ing, humiliating spectacle presented to us again, of the utter prostration of the Democracy throughout the country. There is yet another very important reason why Mr. Van Buren cannot receive the vote of this State. The contest here has got to be fought by the young democracy, with whom Mr. Van Buren is not a favorite, for the reason that they believe to derate him would be to reinstate the Bourbons again in power. By the Bourlmns is meant a few families who have always directed and governed his administra tion in this State, without going to the trouble of con sulting the li wa and w ishes of t e Deti.o r.dic party. But it is st:p rlluous for me 1 1 inuhiply the causes of Mr. V ar< i/iirnifi un])o|»ui,.nlv in his own Matt*. Thry are sclt-ex i.loni, ami rviry rji-erirnce nuike them more ami more apparent to ail who are not Wilfully blind. 1 will enlarge on this subject hereafter. The reception of the President proved lo l»o a atag nili/cnt a hair, and ought to satisfy in* warmest friends. Ncvr \ orkers have done themselves infinite credit in lh‘» laying aside all predilections, and receiving the C lief Magistrate of the nation U|X>n a scale of mag nificence commensurate with the dign.ty of the high office which he occupies. It is the right way for free men to act on such occasions, and by so doing they not only do honor to themselves, but reflect great cred it upon the Moved institutions under which we live. Some singular developments are making among the Whigs in these parts, touching the Presidency. Air. Webster’s movements are closely watched by a portion. Mieving as they do, that he has a strong hold upo.i th:* New England people, and that he would be able to secure the votes of Massachusetts, Vermont and Rhode Island for himself, or whoever he might choose to prefer for the Presidency. There is some force in this reasoning, and it is not to lie disputed that Mr Webster’s taiiff views are popular with a very large class of Eastern p ople, es(ieria!ly among the manu facturers, where Mr. W.’s power is alisolute on all questions of public policy. Mr. Clay seems to be considered almost out of the question by a portion of the “ universal Whig party,” and so nc more “availa ble” candidate is yet to be sought out, who would lie willing to run the hazard of the contest. K. From the Cincinn iti Enquirer- Meeting the Friends of Mr. CaUioan. At a large and respectable meeting of the Democrats of Hamilton County, for the purpose of inviting the Hon. John C. Calhoun to visit them and the State of Ohio, Win. H. Roche was called to the Chair, and Geo. E. Pugh elected Secre tary. On motion, W. M. Corry, Mark Buck ingham, Wm. Hunter, W. M. McCarty, Charles Moore, W. >S. Smith, and Peter Zinn were appointed a committee to re port a preamble and resolutions express ive of the sense of the meeting, who, af ter a short absence, submitted the follow ing:— Whereas, the two political parties of the United States are now engaged in a violent contest, not only about the milli ner in which the General Government is to be administered, and the persons who are to be intrusted with it, but concerning its very nature, And whereas, the Democratic party is decidedly in favor of that strict construc tion of the Constitution which will pre serve the integiity of State Rights; con fine the Executive, Legislative, and Ju dicial Departments of the General Gov ernment to their appointed orbits, and prevent inevitably the intrusion, through either of them, of vicious forms and pro jects upon the people, And whereas, the Democratic party, in pursuance of these principles, is unalter ably opposed to each of the cardinal points of Whiggism, to wit: 1. To any connection of the Banks and Government; 2. To any distribution of the Land Fund ; 3. To any further limitation of the ve to power. 4. And, above all, to any Protective Tariff. And whereas, it is evident, that the suc cess of opposition to false opinions is in finitely more certain when the champions of the true are recognized and respected, than when they fall into neglect, under which belief the Democrats of this coun ty, and the State at large, have Intely ex tended their hospita'ities in succession to several prominent statesmen at present out of actual service : And whereas, the West, as much as any portion of the Union, has a deep in lerest in the establishment of those doc trines for which the Democratic party is now struggling against hosts of enemies: And whereas, JOHN C. CALHOUN has devoted tiie powers of a great mind to the support of those doctrines, and re commended them effectually by his wis dom and eloquence to the enlightened judgement of the country : Therefore be it 1. Resolved, That for the sake of the cause, as well as respect for the man, the Democracy of Hamilton County do here by declare their high respect for Mr. Cal houn, as a Democrat who has done faith ful service throughout an arduous and brilliant career in offices of the first im portance. 2. That his suggestion and his sup port of “ the specie clause” went to the root of the evil of banking six years ago ; that nothing else can restore to the South and the West (lie fair action of their in trinsic resources, and to the country at large the integrity of the Constitution. 3. That his late speeches in tho Senate of the United States on the Independent Treasury scheme, the Land Bill, and the Veto Power, entitle him to pre-eminent rank as an expositor of the Constitution and a friend of the people. 4. That we regard with the most viv id admiration and gratitude, the long and invincible defence of free trade which has been made by John C. Calhoun al most alone, and through evil report not less than good. 5. That the people of the West gener ally, and of Ohio in particular, have here tofore suffered extremely from the protec tective policy, to the loss of many mill ions of dollars; and that the oppressive and scarcely tolerable action of the Fed end Government by its means, forces the tariff question into the greatest political issue of the day. ti. That the Democratic Electors ol' Hamilton County, in order to show their deep sense of what is due to the cham pion of free trade, for exertions which are at this moment felt at every fireside, tio invite John C. Calhoun to visit them at Cincinnati as early as may be convenient to him. 7. That we seize this interval in Mr. Calhoun's incessant public employment with pleasure, as affording him and us the first opportunity of meeting face to ; face, in a region whose value and welfare ’ have never lefi his thoughts—the Valley of the Mississippi. 8. Th t we feel the utmost desire to make the personal acquaintance of the statesman whose motio is “ Free trade, 1 w nulies, no del t.separ.ni m from banks, economy, retrenchment, and a strict ad herence to the Constitution..” 9. That the spotless, character of Mr. Calhoun presents the strongest guaranty, if any were wanting, of the purity of motive which has hitherto directed the whole course of his public life, and will preside in future over the career which his country may assign hirn. 10. That a Committee of five he ap pointed byjhe Chair to send the letter of invitation to Mr. Calhoun covering these resolutions. 11. That our proceedings be signed by the officers of the meeting, and published in the Democratic papers. The Preamble and Resolutions were unanimously adopted. In pursuance of the tenth resolution/ the Chair appointed W. M. Corry, W. F, Johnson, Samuel Lnmsden, J. L. Vattier, and Stephen Htilse, a committee to for ward this invitation to Mr. Calhoun. Several gentlemen addressed the meet ing; after which, on motion, it adjourned. W.M. 11. ROCHE, Ch'n. G. E. Pcgh, Sec’y. May 31, 1843. A : a ital Joke. The Lord Chancellor of Ireland hav ing recently made an appointment to visit the Dublin Insane Asylum, repaired thither in the absence of the chief nana ger, and was admitted by on i of the keep ers, who was waiting to receive a patient answering the appearance of Sir Edward. He appeared to be very talkative, but the attendants humored him. and answered all his questions. He asked if the Sur geon General had arrived; and the keeper answered hirn tiiat he had not yet come, hut that he would lie there immediately. “Well,” said he, “I will inspect some of the rooms until he arrives.” “Oh, no sir,” said the keeper, “we could not permit that at all.” “Then 1 will walk for a while in the garden,” said his Lordship, “while lam waiting for him.” “Wc cannot let you go there either, sir,” said the keeper. “What!” said he, “don't you know that I am the Lord Chancellor ?” “Sir,” said the keeper, “we have four more Lord Chancellors here already.” He got into a great fury, and they were beginning to think of the straight-waistcoat for him, when fortunately the Surgeon General arrived. “Has the Chancellor arrived yet ?” said lie. The man burst out laugh ing at him, and said, “Yes, sir, we have him safe ; but he is by far ihe most out rageous patient we have.” Mr. O'Connell told this anecdote in Dublin, at a public meeting. George 11. Gilmer. We have been informed that this gen tleman asserted, not long since, in a pub lic speech m Lexington, “ that there was not an honest Whig Editor in Georgia.” If we have been correctly informed, it only goes to prove the ingratitude of the man— many of the | resent Whig Edit ors of Georgia once supported him warm ly for the first office in the StUj ; in lac', every elevation lie has received has been through the iiilluencc of the Whig press. And now, because they differ with Mr. Gilmer in their choice of President, they are to be branded by him with polit ical dishonesty, is more than they will bear. Mr. Gilmer is a private citizen, and with the brightest prospects of re maining so, but that is no reason why his political character should lie exempt from public scrutiny, especially alter such general and nunciations of thie Press that once supported him. He should re member the past, should endeavor not to forget the reason why Whiggery first lost its charms to him. The above is from the Athens South ern Whig. Governor Gilmer cannot ex pect that wc should defend his character from the aspersions of his political asso ciates ; and we would not now notice this violent tirade against him, had we not contin ji and to entertain for him a high* respect for his independence and firm ness in all his political events that have occurred since 1832. It was a pleasure to us then to be ranked among the politi cal friends and most zealous supporters, in the official stations he occupied in the State Legislature, in Congress, and in the Gubernatorial chair. We admired his devoted attachment to his native state, and the zealous and energetic manner he defended the rights and sovereignty of Georgia, when assailed in Congress by the Federalists. Times changed; but though wc had to array ourselves against the new party to which he associated himself, we never forgot what was due to a high minded and honorable citizen, who, though acting with his party, never sanctioned tiie new fangled doctrines which have been from time to time intro duced into the whig creed. And Gov ernor Gilmer will believe us when we tell him, that it was with regret we have had to vote against him on several occa sions, since the organization of parties in this State as they have stood and now stand. The assertion of Governor Gil- mer may be too indiscriminate ; he may not have used it as stated by the Whig; but, if he lias, such an offence, if it be one, should have been overlooked from a man who has rendered much service to his State and to the country, and whose moral character has been one without the least reproach and blemish, and whose impassioned eloquence has been frequent ly hoard on the floor of Congress in vin dication of tho honor, reputation, and best interests of Georgia, .tlore of tiie Abolition iiiMitto the President. The Boston Atlas says :—“We are in formed that the petition to President Ty ler, adopted at the meeting of Abolition ists in tliis city during the anniversary week, has been forwarded in a letter by Wendell Phillips, Esq., Chairman of the Committee. The letter in which it is enclosed, requests an interview for the purpose of conferring with the President upon the olject of the memorial. The commiUee have reached no answer to their communication.”