Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

AmmiiOAMf UMOinifs The most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. BENTHAM. VOL. LI DR. WM. GREEN - EDITOR. AM3F.IOA:; DSI£OOP.AT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY W. A. & C. THOMPSON, MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUSZ, 50-IN ADVANCE.-CH Rates of Advertising, drc« One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cent for the first insertion, and 00 cents for each subsequent inser lion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. N. B. Sales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors, or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the lore* noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun ty in which the property is situa ed. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the let ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazetts of this Slate, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in •be same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOER MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at the Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES BY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” Amo* KerulaU , P. M. G. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Publishers—Post Paid. PRINTING.” GF BOOK AMD FANCY JOB PRINTING Will be neatly executed at the Office of the .American Democrat, on Mulberry Street. Our collection of Job Type is New and comprises every vari ety desirable, to enable us to execute our work in e superior manner. POETRY. THE MARTYR OF THE ARENA. BY EPS. SARGENT, (Honored be the hero evermore, Who at mercies cull has nobly died ! Echoed he his name from shore to shore, With immortal chronicles allied ! Verdant he the turf upon his dust, Bright the slty above, and soft the air ! In the grove set up his marble bust, And with garlands crown it, fresh and fair. In melodious numbers, that shall live With the music of the rolling spheres, Let the minstrel's inspiration give His eulogium to the future ycirs! Not the victor in his country’s cause, Not the chief who leaves a people free, Not the framer of a nation's laws, H Shall deserve a greater fume than he ! Hast thou heard, in Rome’s declining day, How a youth, hy Christian zeal impelled, Swept the sanguinary games away, Which ths Coliseum once beheld 1* Filled with gazing thousands were the teirs, With the city’s chivalry and pride, When two gladiators, with their sjiears, Forward sprang from the arena's side. [tang the dome with plaudits loud and long, As, with shields advanced, the athlrtes stood: Was there no one in that eager throng To denounce the spectacle of blood 1 Aye! Telcmachus, with swelling frame, : Saw th’ inhuman s[>ort renewed once more : Few among the crowd c iuld tell his name, — ! For a Cross was all the badge he wore 1 Yet, with brow elate and godlike mien, : Stepped he forth upon the circling sand ; AnJ, while all were wond’ring at the scene, < Checked th’ encounter with a daring hand. 9* Romans I” cried he “ Let this reeking sod ■ Never more with human blood he stained I BLet no image of the living God B In unhallowed combat be profaned ! Ah ! too long has this colossal domo | Failed to sink and hide your brutal shows I I Here 1 call upon assembled Rome ■ Now to swear, they shall for ever close! ” ; tarted thus, the combatants, with joy, ■ ’Mid the tumult, found the means to fly ; In th’ arena stood the undaunted boy, And, with looks adoring, gazed on high. Pealed the shout of wrath on every side; Ev'ry hand was eager to assail! f Slay him! slay I” a hundred voices cried, Wild with fury, hut he did not quail! Sears he, as entranced he looks above, Strains celestial, that the menace drown 1 Sees he angels, with their eye* of love, Beck’ning to him, with a martyr's crown 1 Fiercer swelled the people's frantic shout I Launched against him flew the stones like rain ! Death and terror circled him about, But he stood and perished not in vain! Hot in train the youthful martyr fell I Then and there lie crushed a bloody creed! <And his high example shall impel 8 Futurc heroes to as great a deed 1 gptuny answers yet remain for those ■ Who would question anil precede the lime ! 8 n their season, may they meet their foes, ■ Like Telcmachus, with front sublime I B 'See Ribbon’s Decline and Fall, U. 523, Harpers' Ed. DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRADE; ROW DUTIESj NO DEBT; SEPARATION PROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENTi AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C. RETRENCHMENT, To the Peopie of the United States. Asa lover of Fatherland, as a free-born citizen of the. United States, and therefore as one deeply inter ested in the future fortunes of my country, destined from her vast extent, the multiplicity of her natural resources, the soundness of her constitutional prin ciples, and the spirit of enterprize which characterises her inhabitants, to become the greatest power in the world. 1 hail with feelings of unbounded pride and joy, as an event calculated to promote the prosj ei itv of this great Republic, the announcement of the Hon orable LEVI WOODBURY’S intention to come forward as a candidate at the next election for the high and important office of Vice President for the United States, subject to the decision of a Demo cratic National Convention to he hereafter held. 1 re'oice at this, not from feelings of respect and admi ration for the many noble qualities which adorn the private character of the Hon. Mr. Woodbury, but from a review of his public services, from a considera tion of the many high and important offices he has filled; offices requiring intellect of the highest order, judgment to advise and determine on questions of national importance, frequently arising in the inter nal government of this young republic, and requiring coolness and discrimination to exercise with necessary caution and firmness that trust and power vested in him in his various situations ny the unanimous votes of his fellow-citizens; solely then from approbation of the talent, wisdom and patriotism displayed by him in each department of the many offices he held in the Government, and duly appreciating the marked Dem ocratic principles which have been the distinguishing characteristics of his long and prosperous career, I hail the probability of his acquisition (by the voice of the States Union at the ensuing election) to the coun cils of my country, in the capacity of Vice President, as a sure indication of the progressive march of those great principles which have the constitution, and consequently the prosperity of States for their basis. In considering the claims of Mr. Woodbury on the people of the United Stales, I can with perfect safety state, without descending to flattery, hut solely on the broad principle of giving sterling merit its due, that few countries can boast of a statesman rising through a successive gradation of offices, each embracing du ties of the highest importance to the state, continuing for a number of years amid all the turm< il and agita tion consequent upon a series of important events, hut particularly upon the panic produced on the com merce of the Union by the imprudent advances and wild speculations created hy the United States Bank, to preserve throughout this unexampled crisis in the monetary system of the Republic the pure principles of democracy uncontaminated hy the influences of power or office, and undismayed by all the attacks which the malignity and reh ntless fury of his polit cal opponents tile Whigs could devise. If then, we take a short review of Mr. Woodbury’s interesting ami successful career we will find him commencing life as a Lawyer, distinguish!: g himself in that pro fession by a depth of learning, solidity of reasoning, and powers of argument which soon raised him to that position for which his professional ucquiiements so well qualified him, viz. Judge of nis native state, the State of New Hampshire. If the [lower which is vested in a Judge in this country tie considaml in counteracting and resisting the effects of laws, which he may conceive are inconsistent with the spirit and meaning of the Constitution, it must lie conceded, in dependent of the strict exercise of his legal functions, that such ail extrajudicial power can, with safety to the Republic lie only entrusted in the keeping of a man, not only eminent for profundity of learning, but also lor comprehensiveness of mind and solidity of judgment; that these high qualifications were exer cised with wisdom and discrimination is proved hy his having been subsequently elected to lie Governor of the State, in which he presided as Judge. We next find Mr. Woodbury engaged in the are na of politics, we find him in the senate, exercising his powerful talents in support of the pure principles of democracy, which have been the darling objects of his jiolitical existence. And here again we find his services so highly valued, and the importance of having him in office so appreciated, that he was soli cited by President Jackson to become secretary to the navy, an office which he filled until 1834, when he was chosen Secretary of the Treasury. In none of the many offices Mr. Woodbury held, were his talents more severely tried, than when Sec retary of the Treasury; whither we consider his abil ities as a financier, tested hy the astounding fact of his havihg met all demands on the Treasury during the never-to-be-forgotten money panic which prece ded and succeeded the downfall of the Uinted Stales Bank, or the uncompromising fortitude, untiring in dustry, anti infinite tact he displayed in holding this important office through such a critical period, up un til the election of General Harrison in 1840, when he was solicited to become Chief Justice of his native Slate—the State of New Hampshire, in a manner so complimentary, as to remunerate him in some slight measure for his services to his country, and which must have been most gratifying to his feelings, as giving the stamp of approval to his former public life ; this last honor he declined. At this critical mo ment, however, when questions of the greatest im portance to the commercial interests of the Union were about t*o be debated in Congress, particularly the propriety of granting anew Charter to the Bank of the United States, Mr. Woodbury was elected Sena ator; and in the extra session of Congress, oppose I the grant in a masterly speech, wherein he showed its manifold evils, as exceeding the bounds, spirt, and principles of the Constitution, itscorruptive influence on the elective franchise and liberties of the country its enormity as a political engine, used for party purposes by the few, who, acting on its monied influ ence, sought through this medium to buy up and sac rifice the rights and interests of the many at the shrine of this their golden Duly. He opposed the re-organ ization of this mischievous political machine, as not alone violating the sacred laiunds of the Constitution, hut as wholly unfit to comply with even the powers allowed hy the national Charter, viz: the regulation of the exchanges of the country, and in exposing its destructive effects on the character, trade, and com merce of the Union, by its alternate contractions and expansions; occasionally extending credit to feed the most wild and daring speculations. And again when means were required to sustain such enterpri se*.*- enterprizes which have materially injured, in the eyes of foreigners, the character, as they have the prosperity, of the Stairs, at such moments, whin llu offspring of its improvident < nation required its assis tance and care, it allowed it to [icrisli hy denying re lief; and thus has the country been made and declared bankrupt Again do v»c find the opponent of monopoly, in MACON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1843. supporting the doctrine of free trade on the question of reducing the duties on lea and sugar. Here, he showed himself the frarless assailant of monopoly, the unbending opponent to the aggrandizement of the few, at the expense and ruir.ofthemany; and in car rying out the reduction of duties on those necessaries of life, lie exposed the destructive effects of a high tariff, hy reference to its workings in other countries, in a speech of such varied knowledge and power, as would do honor to the most eloquent advocate of free trade, even in England, where its operations have crippled trade, destroyed manufactures, lieggarcd the artizan, anil reduced that country, heretofore supreme in Europe, the acknowledged mistress of the seas, ex tending her conquests, her influence anJ her com merce to every country yet discovered, to such a slate of commercial distress, as must force through the in flucnce and crying wants of the people, either the re peal of all laws which restrict the free exercise of trade, the unfettered interchange of the commodities of life, and the opening of all her ports to every pro duct, or produce a revolution, which may prove a useful lesson to future ages, of the dreadful effects of monopoly,—monopoly against which the people of the mother country have arisen as it were en massse , and among whom are to lie found many eloquent advo cates for free trade, particularly Dr. Bowring, M. P., for Bolton, who, in descanting on the subject, states, that free trade is practical Christianity. It is the rep resentation of that benign, that benevolent, that be neficent spirit, which seeks every where to remove evil, and every where to augment good. They speak of the East, it has been my good fortune to wander amidst the ruinsof those ancient sities 1 1 which 1 just now referred. I have seen the pillars of Tyre in the dust; 1 have seen the port, crow Jed formerly with the ships of merchants, who were clothed in purple and fine linen, who were princes and rulers of the earth, and now iny friends not one column stands erect. They are hidden in the waves and in the sands—the glory of that country is departed, and who has entered upon that inheritance? who, hut the men of England! Now, when I contrast the condition of these countries in those days, when 1 rememlier that at the [icrioil of the glory and pros perity of Tyre and Sidon, this island (England) was a mere waste, inhabited by a few scattered and na ked people, while Phoenicia represented all that was great and glorious; well may 1 enquire to what this land owes its elevation, and that land owes its de cline. It is our commerce which has made us great. It is the lalior of industrious hands that has given us power. We have created wealth out of that indus try, and that wealth has created for us a political in fluence which places us in the eye of universal man. And now the world is asking what lessons we mean to give? Too many lessons of folly have we seen scattered abroad; and may it not lie asked, is not the time come when we should give forth lessons of wis dom; and this City (London,) which in thosedaya was unknown to notice and to fame; this city, which has become greater than the inhabitants of many na tions — this city which is larger than many king doms as respects the number of its inhabitants which figures in the pages of history : now will not this eity show itself worthy of its destiny; it will! And meetings like this remove all anxiety, and offer an eloquent response to those who have said that the League was toiling vainly to little or no purpose, and that they would get wrary of the good work; and that mono|ioly might again lie down and sleep under the shadow of that Upas tree which it has planted on this land. Butmonoyoly must expect no such fu turity. If the efforts that are now making, will not prove sufficient to liberate trade and labor , and cajtital. a great effort shall still be made —and still a greater. Dec|er and dee|ier shall the mine be dug under the temple of monopoly; more and more combustibles shall be there deposited, until Parliament shall apply the spark, which shall blow to atoms the whole fali ric, and free intercourse shall exist beltceu the nations of the earth, this country having the pride ami honor of having led the way. If examples of the evils of monopoly were required, we have them on every side. History afforded instances of the mischievous effect* of meddling with the tree interchange of good office*, which eveiy man ought to enjoy. Take the fairest jiortion* of the earth, look to Spain. You have heard of its rivers, which |ioets have seid run over golden lands. You have heard of its rich vallirs, its oils, its wines, its flocks. You have heard of its military and naval glories, whrn it* great men have gone forth conquering and to conquer, discovering new worlds, distinguished for the exhibition of the highest intel lect, having its illustrious and dramatists and poets, ant! fabulists, and now what has become of S|«in ? She did conquer another world, she did plant her banners from the North to the South of the American Continents; hut Spain has adojtted the prohibitory and protective system, and she is nme delivered over to ignorance and desolation. Her traders are smugglers, her merchants h ive become contrabandists. Look at another country, and one to which nature has de nied all the advantages which she gave to Spain. Look to Holland, your neighbor. There is a country placed beneath the level of the sea. It is one great plain where nothing hut high intelligence, nothing ln:t the most laborious industry, nothing but the most denoted patriotism could have preserved it from being overflowed by atlantic’s waters. But Holland dis covered the secret of a nation’s greatness. Free trade in Holland soon subdued, soon subjugated, soon fettered Spain. The Du!ch held deminate sway over the Spaniards; and while they were faithful to their principles, while they held this opinion, and gave practical effects to them, which their great men, such as Grotius and ethers, recorded as the true basis of a nation’s great ness, this little Holland became so influential as to be reckoned among the mightiest communities of the world. Such have been the effects of monopoly, such the effects of free trade, against the former of which, Mr. Woodbury has been, and still is the uncoinpro sing opponent; his sentiments in reference to the ne cessity of its adopting free trade in England, are, that she has note arrited at an era in her history, when the great principle qf free trade must be declared by her, or she would fall a sacrifice to monopoly, and that mo nopoly would be pointed out as the rode on which En glish glory had struck for ever. In opposing monop oly, Mr. Woodbury was not a mere the. rist, he gave l>r< ofs proofs seven ly felt by the monopolizing few, the wl.igs both in and out of Congress, of bis deter mination to prevent thia bane to commercial prosper ity, Iron gaining ground in the Union, and here he traced the evil to it* source hy op[>osing the loan of 12,000,000 dollars, which the whig* strenuously sought to saddle as a national debt on the country; lie pointed out ti.- evils entailed hy the national delit England;showed why that country was forced as a means of [laying the interests on that debt, indepen dent of sustaining the current expenses of the coun try to impose high tariffs and restrictions which were proving fatal to her commerce, opposed it also on the grounds of its unconstitutionality, and although un successful, his talented op|iosition gained for him fresh laurels from the Democratic party of the Union. He also opposed the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, on the grounds of State expediency, contending that they should go into the Treasury, and form a fund to meet the current expenses of the country, instead of being distributed through the States, which would subject you, the |ieoplc of the Union, to taxes upon the nrcrssaries of life, todefray the public expenditure, which should be met with the most natural at and legitimate means, viz: the proceeds of the public lands. The deposit and investment of the public monies under the Sub-Treasury Laws received his most strenuous support, as the only safe and constitutional mode of securing the revenues of the United States, instead of placing them in a national bank to be spec ulated and traded upon by that establishment in the issues of pa|icr money to treble the amount of sjiccie lodged, thus subjecting the public monies to all the hazard of bank speculation. In the course thus ta ken hy Mr. Woodbury of exposing to public view the sinister designs of the Whigs, and their bold at tempts to control through the public purse,the Dem ocratic party of the Union, he drew upon himself all the ire and fury of these miserable munopolists, who, irritated at his frequent attacks and exposure of their selfish and demoralizing |>oliey, sought liy an attempt, unparallcllcd lor audacity, to crush Mr. Woodbury and his party, when they charged him, through the |ierson of their Secretary, the Hon. Mr. Ewing, of embezzling the public moneys! Little, however, did they imagine, in making tins daring accusation, that they thereby furnished Mr. W. with an opiiortunity, not alone of vindicating hiuiself and the Democratic party, but also of showing the artifices and misrepre sentations to which the Whigs had recourse in order to sustain their base and illiberal policy; this he proved by referring to the official statistics of the fi nance as sent in hy Mr. Ewing, which he showed werp false and erroneous, and in a spirit of indigna tion rrfuted the attempts made on his political char acter, hy calling the attention of the Senate to his ad ministration when in the Treasury department, and by the fact of his having sustained, through a host of difficulties, the credit of this important branch of the public service, by having all demands promptly paid ; and by contrasting some of the leading acts of his public life, with the weak,designing and pclfish course adopted by the Whigs, placed the latter in a truly contemptible light. But indeed, to follow the Hon. Air. Woodbury through the entire of his public ca reer, would far exceed the limits of a letter, and would perhaps be considered superfluous hy you, the people of the Union, to whom he has proved himself the faithful public servant; before whom he stahds the tried and valued friend, not alone in his official capa city, but in every way in which he could serve his fellow-citizens; even in an intellectual and moral point of view, as evidenced hy his able lectures on Education, delivered in different sections of the Union; as also hy his advocacy of the sacred cause of total abstinence, a cause which has rescued millions from perdition, raised them in a scale of society, opened to them brilliant pros|ictU for the future, and which has shed its benign elici ts, comfort and happi ness, over even the humblest log cabin of the [ioor. Permit me, then, after this hasty sketch of the public life of the Hon. Levi Woodbury to recommend him to you, the inhabitants of the United States, as the champion of Democracy, as the man who sustained “unawed hy power," the principles which constitute the basis of Democracy, throughout the entire of his public life; 1 recommend him to you as the fearless and powerful assailant of the monopolizing few, the Whigs; as the uncompromising advocate of free trade, and, in a word, 1 would say to those who wish to ad here to the letter and spirit of the Constitution, who wish (or no hank, no assumption of the state debt, no distribution, but who wish for an economical ad ministration, to return the Hon. LEVI WOOD BURY at the coming election as Vice President of the United States. A Voice from Viroinia. June Cth, 1843. The Patriots of the Revolution. We copy from the Courier of Monday morning, a list of the tiames of the ven erable men who attended the celebration of the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument, and their respective ages : j Peter Mclntosh, 85 I William Wiggin, 79 (Jacob Elliott, 91 John Palmer, 78 I Daniel Usher, 77 Hugh Moore, 79 John Clement, 81 N. Shaw, 79 Josiah Fletcher, 84 Nathan Fish, 89 Benjamin Robbins, 77 John Scott, 79 Jonathan Bourne, 76 John H. Seawards* 84 Seth Thomas, Elisha Sedtt, 85 Samuel Woodruff*, 83 Nathaniel B Leonard, 82 !Samuel Morgan, 79 I Joseph Jenkins, 82 Obadiah Albee, 79 Sylvester Dana, j John Taylor, | Joseph Jewett, Nathaniel Sherman, Joseph Smith. 99 Nicholas Yanrenseller, 88 Mathew Gregory, 85 Nchemiah Porter, 85 Azanah Fuller, 89 Joseph Young, 81 Joseph Sylvester, 3 iver Juhonooty 83 tViliiam Bliss, 84 Joshua Reed, Nehemiah Ho'den, Thomas Robbins, .Villiam Makepeace, 80 Leri Morse, Marke Greene, 81 George Fish ley* 83 Samuel Young, 87 Joseph Eveleth, 87 Braiibyll LiveimorS, 79 Sbenezer Tappan, iteiib* n Leighton, 81 B Kreming on, 84 Nathaniel Berry, 87 >.*niel Ro«s, 86 to-eph Kilpatrick, 80 Vhrain Rose, 84 Alexander Black, 82 Total, 107 Phineas Johnson, aged 97 (the oldest patriot present) | Johnathan Hairingioo, 95 Alpheus Brigelow, 85] Levi Harnog.on, 63 Robert Andrews, 911 Elijah Dresser, 93 Josiah Cleaveland, B*. | Jessee Smith, 86 Philip Bagley, 88 Needham Maynard, 88 ► oger Plaistedj 87 Enos Reynolds, 87 Joseph Stephens, 8b Nehemiah Porter, 85 James Hovey, Josiah Ilobbs, 81 Josiah King, 81 William M«»rse, 81 Jared Wilson, Jacob Merrill, 841 John Howard, 88 Abram Wheelright, 8b Thomas Farisiebelj 82 Josiah Haskell, 84 Ahijah Dresser, 88 Edmund Nason, 87 John McClintoek, 82 J unes efmall, 8l» Thomas Trask, 83 John T. Dodge, 80 B.imuel Smith, 84 Elisha D. W’illiams, > amuel Downing, 7G William Emerson, 8* Abijah Harringiorf, 82 John Ely, 86 Rufus Kingsley, 81 6* m ue I Lord, 84 Adams Wheelock, 8b H. Bicknell, 81 Ephraim Hunt, 80 John Shoels, 84 Eben Choate, Daniel Holden, Josiah Gorham, 83 Chandler Rosseil, 71 Stmeoii Draper, Ebenezer Siorer, Josiah Ilervey, 7> Benjamin Sulliraitf 8i John Cheney, 8 Luther Carey, 6 Levi Robinson, B*. Thomas Si an wood, 8i The first four of these gentlemen were combatants at Lexington and Concord ; Mr. Johnson also at Bunker Hill, and the next eleven likewise belonged to the troops who so gallantly held the slight and temporary redoubt against the regn -Itr forces of Britain. The others took pnrt in someone or more engagements during the Revolution. Captain Josiah Cleaveland, above mentioned, was not only at Bunker Hill, but in the battle of Harlem Heights, White Plains, Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth, and Yorktown, at the capture of Cornwallis. He enter ed as a volunteer under (*ol. Putnam, and was afterwards in Sullivan’s Brigade. He was born in Canterbury, Ct., Dec. 3. 1753, and now resides in Tioga county' New York. He has performed a journey of over four hundred miles to attend the celebration. From the Boston Atlas. Capt. Josiah Cleaveland. Mr. Editor. Among the numer ous visitors which the celebration of this dity has attracted to our city, I desire par ticularly to mention Capt. Josiah Cleave land, a Bunker Hill veteran, who at the advanced age of eighty-nine has perform ed a journey of more than four hundred and fifty miles, in two and a half days, to be present on this interesting occasion. Capt. Cleaveland is nn intelligent and vigorous old man, and can probably give a clearer account of the Battle of Bunker Hill than any other man. I was exceed ingly interested in his detail of the oper ations on that eventful day, and was struck with the honest indignation that mantled his cheek at the mention of the attempts which have been made to strip from the brow of his heroic old com mander, Putnam, his well earned laurels. Besides the brittle of Bunker Hill, Capt. Cleaveland fought at Harlem Heights, White Plains, Trenton, Princeton, Mon mouth, and Yorktown. He entered the army as a volunteer under Putnam, and was afterwards attached to Sullivan’s Brigade, and was in active service during the war. He is a native of Canterbury, Conn., and now resides in Oswego, Tio ga County, N. Y. I understand that he will remain in the city a day or two, and surely two much attention cannot well be paid to the gallant old soldier. BOSTON. June 17, 1843. A Vrgiiinui in Faneuil Hall. In our general account of the dinner at Faneuil Hall after the Bunker Hill celebration on Saturday, a brief reference was made to the speech of Mr. Upshur. A letter in the Herald thus reports it i Mr. Bancroft, the second Vice Presi dent, after a few prefatory remarks, high ly complimentary to Virginia, gave “ Virginia and Alassachusctts. Their names arc blended in the annals of their country’s glory ; their sons will cherish ever the freedom and the Uniorl established by their sires.” (Six cheers.) Mr. Upshur rose and said As sever al sons of Virginia are assembled to par take of your kind hospitalities, it becomes someone of them to respond to the hon or you have so eloquently paid them. I deeply feel any compliment done to me or my venerated State, by the people of Massachusetts in Faneuil Hal!. In the great struggle of our liberties, these two States entered the contest simultaneously. It is a part of a Massachusetts man’s education to know all these things in de tail ; the school boys with their satchels can tell you all that was done at Lexing ton, and Bunker Hill, and Yorktown ; they know that these were the com mencement of a great work that was to redeem a world. (Cheers.) And al though it was the lot of Virginia to give to Massachusetts —to the Unbed States —no, the idea is too restricting—to the whole world; for there never was but one Washington, and there never will be another— (Tremendous cheers,) yet there is enough of his glory and renown to give to all, and all to have enough. (Cheers.) Who is there that looking back on the history of our country can separate Mas sachusetts from Virginia ? Who is there that can separate the whole souled Vir ginian from the sons of this noble Com monwealth ? (Cheers.) I wish that the embodied spirit of Virginia were here. Aye, she would say to this noble State, “ Hail to thee, hail, hail to thee, my sis ter !” (Here there were six tremendous cheers.) I feel lam trespassing upon the privilege you have given me. (Cries of “ No, no, go on, go on.”) Let me. then, express a sentiment which I haa occasion to name to one of my brother Virginians, a short time since i have ob served all that passed under my eye to day. And I have seen much, aye, much that proves the wealth and taste of this people—much that shows rapid advance ment in the arts and sciences, and in the civilization of the age. But there was a moral beauty in the scene which sur passed all this. For wlterever 1 went, although there were crowds upon crowds in all your streets, yet all was order and harmony; there was every where an open path for the carriages, every coun tenance seemed gladsome—no strife—no disorder —no confusion the whole of this immense crowd, was managed by a wave of the hand, and a little two loot W. A. AC. THOMPSON-PUBLISHERS. JNO. 9. staff. (Cheers and Laughter.) All evinced iheir love of order. I thought every policeman I saw was a kind of magician, controlling all by his nod. (Loud cheers.) In my own State we have large crowds assembled frequently; I will not say that there so large a crowd might not have been so easily managed as here—but I dare hardly hope that it could. (Loud cheers.) 1 have never yet seen a scene that was fraught with such moral beauty. (Immense cheers.) Where all were so submissive to their love of or der. What is it that makes that little staff more powerful than the bristling bayonets of monarchial governments ? I know that much of this conduct and right feeling you owe to your admirable New England system of public school instruction. (Cheers.) 'To this you may owe much ; but above all other things, you owe this love of all that elevates and purifies us, to the hallowed teaching of the mother’s knee [here Mr. Upshur was deeply affected, and the cheering was immense] —where those sacred les sons were first taught, the fruits of which we have seen so beautifully exemplified to-day—[Cheers]—and which have plac ed Massachusetts where she is, sitting so high on the scale of liberal and civilized governments. [Loud cheering.] And if Virginia were here to-day, she too, would have something to say in this matter. She would say, come here, ye govern ments of the old world, that have grown grey in false systems, come here to Mas sachusetts, and learn to be great and hap py and wisei (Tremendous cheering.) And, now, as a just tribute to you, and grateful for the kind manner in which you have noticed my beloved State, let me give you “ Massachusetts Foremost in the conflicts by which our liberties were won, and foremost to show us what our liber ties are worth.” Tremendous cheering followed, and Mr. Upshur sat down completely over powered by his feelings. The .Mobile Conflagration. A correspondent of the Mobile Regis ter, gives publicity to the following start ling statement. It may lead to import ant revelations: A negro recently escaped from New Orleans, made his appearance in the vil lange of Alexander, in Genesee county, N. Y. He was introduced by a deacon of the church to the principal inhabitants of the village, and at their request, on a Sunday evening in April last, in the vil lage church, “told his experience” of slavery in Montgomery, Mobile Und New Orleans, The following startling state ments made a part of his story. He was in Mobile during the summef of 1839, that summer so destructive through disease and conflagration. He with many others, about 100 in number, held secret meetings out of the city, to consult upon the best method of effecting their freedom. They ascertained that there was a much larger number in the city feady and willing to assist them. Their plan was, at a time fixed upon, to visit the dwellings of the whites, and compel them to leave the city, and to murder wherever any resistance was shown. This scheme was to be carried into effect at midnight. Before, however, the meditated period arrived, they were in formed by some abolitionists residing in the city, that if they succeeJed in this at tempt, they would afterwards be taken by the authorities of other places. The scheme, upon this representation, was consequently abandoned. They then determined to burn the city. The con flagration was to be a general one, and the time set was 12 o’clock at night, but some within the city commenced the work at 8 o'clock in the evening, and thus frustrated the intended purposes of the greater number. lie represented himself as one of the leaders among them. This fellow gave his name at the meeting, named his wife and children here, where they resided, whom he had worked with, the name of his master, the time when he left here, and when he left New Orleans. It is well authenticated that this strange story was told in the manner described, and this history of himself has been ascer tained by the writer to be strictly true. It is well known that the great fire commenced between 7 and 8 o’clock. That while the Mansion House was burn ing, the building of Mr. Emanuel, the Alabama Hotel, a shed near the fish-mar ket, and toward evening a house high up in Dauphin street were fired, and at half past 6 o’clock that evening, a car penter’s shop on Church street, near the American Theatre, was set on fire, and the flames destroyed every building upon that square. Our citizens were disturbed with the cries of fire from every quarter during that day. That incendiaries were at work was never doubted, but who they were has never been fully ascer tained. The quantiiy of sugar consumed in the United States is estimated at three hundred millions of pounds. The ave rage crop of Louisana is one hundred millions.