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Horrors of Waterloo. The late Sir Charles Bell, in a published in the Memoirs and pondenceof Francis Homer, gf 08 the lollowing harrowing account' 1 ' IIS sur gical practice on the wouiu al 1116 bat tle of Waterloo : _ , „ , July, 1815. « My Dear — I write this to you, after havingK oll *»« days at home, engaged in my** sua l occupations, and, con iequently disenchanted of the horrors of the battl/ of Waterloo, I feel relief in this. lor/Ctainly if 1 had written to you from Russels, I should have appeared very extravagant. An absolute revolu tion took place in my economy, body and eight hours sleep, found first three hours, and then one hour and a half sufficient, after days of the most paii.ful cxcitemei t and bodily exertion. “ After I had been five days engaged with the prosecution of my object, I found that the best cases, that is, the most horrid wounds left totally without assist ance, were to be found in the hospital of the French wounded. The hospital was only forming; they were even then bring ing these poor creatures in from the woods. It is impossible to convey to you the picture of human misery continually before my eyes. What was heart-rend ing in the day was intolerable at night; and I rose and wrote, at four o’clock in the morning, to the chief surgeon Gun ning, offering to perform the necessary operations upon the French. At six o’- clock I took the knife in my hand, and continued incessantly at work till seven in the evening; and so the second day, and again the third day. “ All the decencies of performing sur gical operations were soon neglected: while I amputated one man’s thigh, there lay at onetime thirteen, all beseeching to be taken next; one full of entreaty, one calling upon me to remember my prom ise to take him, another exec rat in r. It was a strange thing to feel my clothes stiff with blood, and my arms powerless with the exertion of using the knife ; and more extraordinary still to find myself calm amidst such variety of suffering; but to give one of these objects access to your feelings was to allow yourself to be unmanned for the performance of a duty. It was less painful to look upon the whole, than to contemplate one object. “ When I first went round the wards of the wounded prisoners, my sensations were very extraordinary. We had every where heard of the manner in which these men had fought, nothingcould sur pass their devotedness. In a long ward, containing fifty, there was no expression of suffering, no one spoke to his neigh bor. There was a resentful, sullen rig idness of face, a fierceness in their dark eyes, as they lay half covered in the sheets. “Sunday. I was interrupted, and now I began to perceive I was falling in to the mistake of attempting to convey to you the feelings which took possession of me, amidst the miseries of Brussels. Af ter beiug eight days among the wounded, I visited the field of battle. The view of the field, the gallant sotries, the charges, the individual instances of enterprise and valor, recalled me to the sense which the world has of victory and Waterloo. But this was transient, a gloomy, uncomfort able view of human nature is the inevit able consequence of looking upon the whole as I did, as l was forced to do. “It is a misfortune to have our senti ments so at variance with the universal sentiment. But there must ever be asso ciated with the honors of Waterloo, to my eyes, the most shocking signs of wo ; to my ear accents of entreaty; outcry from the manly breast, interrupted by forcible expressions of the dying, ancl noisome smells. I must show you my note books, for as I took my notes of ca ses generally by sketching the object of our remarks, it may convey an excuse for this excess of sentiment.” Faithfully yours, C. BELL. A Speech by O’Connell, The repeal affair in Cork was very brillaint. It is said that upwards of 500,- 000 persons were congregated on this oc casion. A Cork paper says “ The procession alone, occupied ex actly three hours and five minutes in passing the Liberator’s carriage, from the higher to the lower rood, when tremen dous cheers were given for the Liberator. When the procession passed, the Libera tors carriage immediately followed : the roads throughout were lined with horse men, cars, and carriages ; the field and heights were occupied by countless thous ands, whose enthusiastic shouts rent the air, the Liberator echoing them by cries of ‘ Repeal !’ ‘Old Ireland !? The car riages then followed, with a train of cars, divisions of equestrians, &e., which oc cupied several miles of the road. At Gian mire, the window frames were all removed. Well dressed ladies occupied the windows, and cheered and waved handkerchiefs as the procession passed. The procession reached the Chamber of Commerce at seven o’clock.” In the evening a grand banquet took place at Batty’s Circus. Nine hundred persons sat down to dinner. We subjoin a portion of O’Connell’s after dinner ora tion : “ Next comes out my Lord Brougham, [Loud and continued hisses.] \\ hy, h e agrees with my esteemed friend and rela tive, Mr. Fagan, that the country most naturally productive is Ireland. I say to him, I admit she has natural advanta ges, but why not have tlie benefit of them? But, mind you this, my Lord Brougham, and this is die secret, she has not been governed by herself. [ClieersJ Lord Brougham talks of ‘ coercionit is a very nice thing to talk of. But who is tae man that threatens us ? [Hear.] It is Brougham. [Loud hisses.J He tried coercion before, and detsroyed the whigs., The bill he brought into the Lords was infinitely worse than that brought into the Commons. It containe Ia clause al lowing the government to take a man out of any county in Ireland, charged with libel, and bring him to England there to trv him. [Oh, oh !] Oh, it was the most atrocious and despotic measure ever contemplated. [Hear, hear.] Lord Broug ham ! [Groans.] False to his friends, treacherous to his party, fawning to those in power—the disgrace to literature, the foul stain on talent, the reproach of eve ry thing like patriotism—[Hear]—selfish, grovel l?ng, submissive to those in author ity, and opposing every person who had nothin? on his side but virtue and right. [Prolonged cheering.] Well, next to Brougham, who is our opponent ? Why, the Duke of Wellington, to be sure. [Groans.] The poor man says he is much abused here in Ireland ; now, that is not the fact; he is only laughed at, and so ought. Next comes Sir Robert Peel. [Groans.] And he repeats the assertion of the corporal. [Laughter and groans ] He repeats the blunder anJsays he would not listen to all Ireland, were she to ex claim — ay, were she to exclaim, she would do so in vain [oh, oh]—but lie must and shall hear us. As Voltaire said of Mahomet, ‘He began hv impos ing religion on others and ended hy im posing it on himself.’ Peel is that Ma homet. [( ’heers ] What do we care for him? [Cries of ‘Nothing.’] We vio late no law—we transgress no statutes.” Tl»" Wealth of Antiquity. We find in antiquity some instances of splendid wealth. While writing mag nificent treatises upon contempt for rich es, Seneca had contrived to amass a for tune of 85,000,000 francs. An astrolo ger named Lentulus, was content with 5(5,000,000 francs. When Tiberius died, 642,000,000 francs were found in his cof fers—not a franc less. In less than a year good Caligula spent the whole of it; there remained not an as, not a quad rant. The debts of Milo amounted to 120,000,000 francs. Ctesar had not 49,- 000,000 francs, but 49,000,000 creditors before be obtained any public office ; the poor fellow was soon enabled to present Cario with 12,000,000 francs, and Lucius Panins with 7, 00,000, in order to de tach them from the party opposed to him; he one day begged Servilia, the mother of Brutus, to accept a trifle in the shape of a pearl, worth 550,000,000 francs. Mark Anthony’s house was sold to Mes alla for 10.000,000. A fire destroyed Scaurus’s villa ; the loss was reckoned at 22,000,000 francs. When Crnssus sup ped with Lucullus, the cost of a sans ceremonie meal amounted to between 40 and 100,000 francs, and after the death of that refined consul the fishes that swam in the pond of his country house were sold for the trifle of 700,000 francs. Otho spent 26,000,000 on the finishing of a wing of a palace commenced by Ne ro. One of the Caligula’s dinner cost 1,- 800,000 francs. Heliogabnlus was more parsimonious ; one of his breakfasts only required 500,000 francs. ./Esopus swal lowed a pearl worth 200,000 francs —a gastronomic example also set by Cleopa tra. The JSsopus we advert to, (his son hy the bye, melted precious stones to drink at his entertainments !) was not us you may well suppose, the jolly fabulist and Greek hunchback whom every hody is acquainted with ; but Claudius iEso pus, and actor on the Roman stage, very intimate with Cicero; this opulent his torian earned in one day more than eight hundred Stoic, Pythagoric or Peripateti cian philosophers could pocket in a year. Api us, the most celebrated gourmet of the ‘eternal city,’ devoured (we use the proper word,) 14,000,000 francs; he then examined his financial situation, when the poor creature found that all that re mained was 1,950,000 francs ; foreseeing that he must die of hunger, he committed suicide. Crassus, when he went to fight the Partitions, and lie killed by them, was the possessor of landed estates worth 40,- 000,000; his slaves, furniture and trink ets were fortunately of a little more val ue.— Sears' Family Magazine. We republish the following 1 compilation of ex tracts, not to fix the charge of inconsistency or ter giversation upon any hotly, but as a proof of the old maxim, “that people who live in glass houses should not throw stones.” That is, they should not so in discriminately charge every body who happens to differ from them, with the gentle crimes of incon sistency, tergiversation, treachery, rcnegadeisuiatid treason. Beauties of Whiggery. The Whig papers express much as tonishment, because of the old Union party having adopted Mr. Calhoun as one of their candidates for nomination to the Presidency. We liave selected a few “ elegant extracts” from tlie Whig diary, which the pure and spotted soi disant whigs are at liberty to “read and circu late.” “ Mr. Clay has long since forfeited all claims to the suffrages of the South, by his zealous support of the Tariff; anti his advocacy of the Force Bill, will af ford an additional reason for his receiv ing the determined opposition of the State Rights Party.” —Georgia Journal, Dec. 25, 1838. “We can never support the distin guished Orator, whose powerful elo quence, has in many instances been di rected against the interests of the South. We can never support an advocate of the “ Force Bill”—we cannot support “ Har ry ot the West.”— Georgia Journal, Feb. 26, 1839. “ We were among those who believed Mr. Clay was icedded to a IJ. S. Bank, but events its they have transferred, con vinces us that we were in error,” “H e are pleased that he bus abandoned the project and sincerely ho, e that the ener gies of his great and powerful mind, will be directed to the support of what we conceive to be more btnencial to the country.”— Georgia Journal, May 28, 1839. ’ “ The opposition which is made to Henry Clay by the State Rights Party, is one of principle. They have no pre dilections for him as President of the U nited States, nor love for his political creed. He has always been the open and avowed, but generous opposer of iheir doctrines. They cannot, to be con sistent, cast their suffrages in bis favor, and opposition to his election, will be as firmly persevered in, as will be the op position of the same party, to Martin \ an Buren.”— Georgia Journal , June 11, 1839. “ We will strive to promote the cause of State Rights, by placing before the people, the acts and opinions of a distin guished son of Georgia, (G. M. Troup,) in contrast with those of Martin Van Bu ren and Henry Clay.”— Georgia Jour nal, July 9,1839. “ Mr. Clay has identified himself with a course of policy on the part of the Fed eral Government which is in our opinion no less unjust than injurious to the best interests of the Souih ; against his views, we have warred hitherto, and shall con tinue to war uncompromisingly.” Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838. “ We consider that a choice of either (Van Buren or Clay,) would be a great evil; therefore we shall choose neither.” Southern Recorder, May 7,1839. “ Our correspondent with all liis zeal, cannot arrive at the forced cons'met ion, that we, necessarily, because Mr. Cal houn is in favor, and Clay and Webster opposed to the Sub Treasury scheme, are tinctured with Clayism, Websterism, Federalism, the American System and Abolitionism. Os these sins we have never been accused hy our enemies, and it is too late in the day for us to be cate chised hy our friends.” To answer our correspondent categor ically, we have to say that we are neither a Clay nor Webster man, and so far as the Sub Treasury is concerned we are not a Calhoun man.— Georgia Mes senger, April 26, 1838. “ As to the other charges of minor con sideration, but no less false, viz : That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor of a National Bank. That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor of Henry Clay. That ihe Georgia Whigs, are pane gyrists of Daniel Webster. We would express our denial in a very emphatic monosyllable, were not the use of it offensive to “ enrs polite.” Geor gia Messenger, August 23, 1838. To the Editors of the Georgia Messenger, July 24, 1939. “ My best reflections and most careful investigations have confirmed the opin ion that Congress has no power to char ter a Bank.” “ Opposition to a National Bank lies deep in the elements of our party organ ization. We shall in vain expect the re spect due to consistent politicians, if we become the anvocates of a National Bank.” “ I belong neither to ihe House of York cr of Lancaster. My principles will not permit me to support either Van Buren or Clay.” E. A. Nesbit. Addressed lo Committees , of the citizens of Taliaferro and Franklin Counties, Sept. 13, 1938. I am requested to make known my choice for the next President, between Van Buren, Clay, Webster, and Harri son. These men all stand charged with a long catalogue of unpardonable politi cal sins against the South. They were all advocates and supporters of the Tar iff’, or American System, as it was called. They were in favor of the Force Bill, and the doctrines of the Proclamation. I They entertain the opinion, that Con- j gress has power under the Constitution,! to abolish Slavery in the District of Co lumbia— and the right and is in duty bound to receive abolition petitions.” “He, (Mr. Clay,) has recently hoisted the flag of a Fifty Million Hank. This is his last great move for the Presidency. He says in language not to be misunder stood, to the Commercial Manufactuiing interests of the North, make me Presi dent and I will give you a Bank of fifty millions. He was the father of the A merican System, and now seeks to be the father of a National Bank. Such a prog eny leagued with such a parent, would consolidate this Union into an unmitiga ted despotism, or break it into fragments.” I— !Thomas Butler King. An article in the Georgia Journal signed Cluintus, and another in the tteeorder signed Yours Respect fully, remind us of a eapttal article, somewhat relative (o this matter, published in the Savannah Georgian, and which we intended lo transfer to ur columns ere this. We recommend it to our readers as having disposed of the subject, in a complete, yet plain and unsophisticated kind of a way, that we all can readily understand. From the Savannah Georgian. Hold ou Ciow. Mr. Editor : I haint got much lar lin, but when I went to school, we used to read in a little book called “AS-sops’ Fables,” and I'll tell you what Mr. Edi tor, you may think what you please, but don’t say there haint a heap of lornin in that same book. Among tin: Fables, was one about the Fox and the Crow—if you have forgot it, Mr. Editor, the Crow had a nice piece of cheese in bis mouth, and the Fox wanted it, but the Crow was not come-eer/-ahle, so Mr. Reynard thought he would flatter him up a little tell him what pretty little Crows the young Crows were, and what charming voices all the Crow family had ; hut it wouldn’t do, for poor Crow wouldn’t open his mouth, and poor Fox didn’t get his cheese. But, perhaps, A.r. Editor, when you read thus far, you will say to yourself Well, what have I got to do with this Crow business ? If you do, I’ll tell you, not much ; but some how or other t’other day, when 1 was reading the Republican newspaper, I see’d a piece about tire De mocrats taking up Calhoun and Cooper, and when I got about half through 1 thought of this fable, and unconsciously said to myself, “hold on Crow.” The ve ry next paper that came out, I see’d the same thing, and I said again ‘ hold on Crow, that fellow is after your' cheese.” But perhaps I am wrong, Mr. Editor, and the Kepubican may have the interest of the Republican Democratic party at heart, and if he has, he must have mine ; but he’s too deep for me,and if he has, I can’t sec why he wants them to fall out so just bceause Calhoun andCooper dropped the Whigs, because they didn’t think they were of the right stuff for him to want us Democrats to drop them ! But, Mr. Editor, the Republican, I think, don’t understand ‘‘Democracy,” and with your permission, I will give him an insight into our principles. “We go for mea sures, not men,” and when we find a man that will carry out our measures, we go for him llind, but keep a our eyes wide open on those men whose measures are opposed to ours. The Republican Edi tor talks about Union men and Nullifi ers—perhaps he didn’t live in these parts those days, or he would have known what divided both parties; there was the same difference as now, between Union men and Federalists, as between Nullifi ers and Federalists. The tariff was then the greatest question —and both parties agreed that it was an abomination, and ought to be cut down. There was a dif ference in principle : the difference was the best means for the accomplishment of its downfall; or, perhaj s, the Editor don’t understand the word principle, so I will explain and illustrate the two parties, so that he can’t fail to understand. Two men have determined to go from Savan nah to Charleston go they must —one is a Nullifier, he is a hap-hazzard sort of a be-in-a-hurry fellow, and don’t stand at trifles —so he is for starting off in the I Clinch, and taking his chances on the j ocean, so as to save time; t’other is a I Union Man —he is bound also, and de termined to go to Charleston, but he thinks a sea voyage risk, and prefers go ing by land even if it takes a little longer. These men, Mr. Edi:or, Were differing only as regards the route, were they not ! So with Union men and Nuilifiers; these latter gentry were forgoing it with gun powder— but the Union men were for trying argument a little longer, and leav ing gunpowder for a last resort. And now, because we oppose the use of gun powder, then we are to oppose the men who were willing to use it in defence of our principles ; and support whom ? why every man who was the main instrument in fixing on us then, as now, the same odious tariff ? Mr, Editor, if a man says he is going to lick me, I shant stop to ask him whether he will do it easy or hard, it is enough for me to know that he has the inclination. So with the tariff—l know Mr. Clay is in favor of it, and be ing so, if he gets a chance wont be so par ticular as to spread the butter on the smallest side of the slice. But the editors ot the Republican* like other Whig editors, want to make us be lieve that we are in a quarrelsome state, and all split up. ’Taint so, Mr. Editor ; the Democratic party are like man and wife, and if they do quarrel it won't do for others to interfere, unless they want a broken head. There may be a little difference at present in the choice of men to carry out o .r principles, and I like to see it; it puts me in mind of the time I went courting ; 1 saw one or two gals I thought would do, but it took me some time to pick out the right one— but I got her at last, and now like her better than lasses. Just so, Mr. Editor, with our party; when the National Convention picks out the man, we will all be found pulling on the same end of the rope. Principles, .as I said beforp, bind us to gether ; but is it so with the W’higs? Just look here, Mr. Editor, these editors of the Republican claim to be the official mouth piece of the party—if it had not been lor their strenuous exertions in the cause, Central Bank money would now be worth but 5 cents in the dollar, instead of S7 1-2 ! There is another Whig editor in the country, who claims a little of this credit to himself; and more, has been the main cause of resumption of specie pay ments in the State ! The country editor goes his death for a National Bank the editor of the Republican don’t care a six- i pence about one—(some of his Whig! friends would give him a half a dollar if he would get one.) This is a small sam ple of which end of the rope they pull, and if you can find room for this, the first time I feel like it, I will give you an extended W’hig rope with the different pnllersi and if you don’t see hard work for them ahead, then I’ll give it up. Cracker. tVe copy the following from that sterling Demo cratic prim, the New Hampshire Gazette. It will be | recollected that a great outcry was made, not long : since, that the Granite State had expressed a pre ference f..r Mr. Van Burcn. “ At the Democratic State Convention, which met yesterday, Hon. John H. Steele, of Peterborough, was nominated for Governor having 151 votes, to some 70scattering on the first ballot, lion 11. Hubbard chosen a delegate at large to the National Convention, and the selec tion of live others was referred to the Counsellor Conventions, as previously practised in this State. The question of nominating, subject to the decision of the National Convention, Mr. Van Buren for the Presidency, excited considerable debate, involving the policy of the nom ination by the State Convention of any candidate, but admitting that Mr. Van Buren is the choice of the Democracy of New Hampshire.” N. 11. Patriot. The above, appearing in the N. H. Pa triot, on the tlay after the Couvenlt m, went the rounds of the papers, and was taken lor granted abroad, that the Con vention by tts own act hud admitted that Mr. Van Buren is the choice of the De mocracy of New Hampshire. The par agraph Was so framed with the intention, no doubt, to give such an opinion cur rency, and many distant editors so under stood it, until the proceedings of the Con vention appeared, which put a different face upon the matter. If Mr. Van Bu ren haJ been decidedly the choice of the Democracy of New Hampshire, or in deed of the Convention, there is no ques tion but the resolution offered by his friends, (as a substi'ute for one of the of fered resolutions,) expressing that opin ion, would have passed. There was no thing to prevent its passage but one thing, and that was, plain enough, the w r ant of a prevailing sentiment concurring in the fact. ° The Charleston Mercury published the above paragraph, but on the succeed ing day, published a part of the resolu tions, with the following remarks : “ A substitute was offered for the 20th resolution, affirming that Mr. Van Buren was the first choice of the Democracy of New Hampshire, and presenting him in their name to the country, as tht ir candi date for the Presidency. The substitute was earnestly urged upon the Convention by a number of leading men, & warm ly opposed by others, & among them was Mr. Woodbury. The substitute was re jected, and the resolution given as above, passed. It is difficult to account for this’ if the convention were as decidedly in’ favor of Mr. Van Buren as some of his friends, out of N. Hampshire, have sup posed. It is very possible he might have had a majority there, hut it was not a very resolute or confident one— and the proceedings are full proof that the ques tion of who is the favorite of the people of New Hampshire, is still to lie deter mined.” The Mercury is right, [continues the Gazette;J it ‘the proceedings are not full proof that the question of who is the favorite of the people of New Hamp shire, is still to be determined,’ they are proof of nothing else, unless it be that Mr Van Buren is not the favorite. If the same resolution had been offered, substi tuting Mr. Calhoun’s name for Mr. Van Buren’s, and had met with precisely the same fate, we dare say it would have been taken by the Patriot as a death blow to Mr. Calhoun’s hopes in New Hamp shire, and would have been bruited forth as such, in the most exulting strains.— T. he I atriot is attempting to back up this alledg< and preference to Mr. Van Buren, and to make the public believe if, but it is no go. They only prove that in their opinion and that of a few others, he ought to be the favorite, That’s all. Ue confess, that' prior to the State < onvention, we did not expect to see mat ters and things quite so favorable to Mr. Calhoun as they now appear; and though we have been convinced he has been gaining ground rapidly, we did not doubt but in the late convention the friends of Mr, Van Buren would have been able to have carried a very dccidi and expression in his favor; our conclusion now is, that as they have failed in this attempt, they will 'fail ultimately; for they never can be stronger, nor more able to concentrate their forces, than they were at the late Convention. Their open denunciations of Mr, \\ oodhury, prior to, and at the time of the meeting of the Convention, as shown up in a communi cation we this day copy from Hill’s Pa triot, prove that they are anything but satisfied at the result. We say not this, as reflecting on, or disrespectlul of Mr. V an Buren, we speak only of certain men who take upon themselves to be leaders in his support. The Globe says : “ The press has no pnpnl power. It cannot excommunicate a man. nor can it grant him absolution.” \\ hat will become of the excommuni cations of the Boston Patriot and Burke’s Spectator, pronounced on John White, John Page, James Clark, Israel Hunt, Jr. and Abner Green leaf, and last, though not least, what becomes of their excom munications of Isaac Hill } From the New York Ileral 1. Approach of the Milieu ilium* It is a blessed truth th.it genuine worth doesn’t always go unrewarded. There has been terrible grumbling, since the days of Job, about the ingratitude of the world to its benefactors; but there’s a great deal more pathos or bathos than truth in the accusation. The judgment of mankind is, alter all, tolerably discrim inating and just. It knows what’s what, and gives to the great actors in the drama of public life an oppropriate position, and laurels of suitable greenness. The people of the United States are pre paring, to our great satisfaction, to vindi cate themselves from the opprobrious charge of neglecting the reformers of the nineteenth century. The editor of the organ of Charles Fourier tire zealous, steadfast, interested advocate of the doc trines of association—the mouth-piece of Henry Clay and Albert Brisbane has been nominated as a suitable candidate for the Vice Presidency of this republic, it is well worth one’s while to consider for sixteen seconds the claims of this new candidate lor popular favor. Eve 17 body will admit that this world is as much in need of regeneration, as a tattered and shaking dragoon from the swamp of Florida, or a country parson’s coat that has done service for twenty-four months of Sundays. Who is there, though, that has told us of it, with the punctuality of the rising sun, lor nearly two years past ? Who but Hoiace Gree ly, ol the j ribune ! By his paper and Ins tongue —by precept and example— this man has been laboring, day uf.er day, in behalf of Fourier—the great ajiostle of the system, which is to ouite rate lor ever the corrupting intiueuce of tire devil aud the Uesh, and create an uni versal Eden, in which even “o.d maids” are to be graciously received, “wuhout uote or coimueut.” | If it had not been for the Tribune the Fourieritcs, in this country, would lona since have been reduced almost to a con dition as impotent as that of a scrofulous devourer of bran-bread. The Tribune has of a verity breathed life into the nos trils of the sect; and such procreative love is surely not to be sneezed at. We rejoice then, that the disciples have disco vered themselves to be worthy of the de votedness and zealous regards of their en lightened and influential patrons. We shall watch this new Fourier movement with all imaginary interest. Horticulture is a very attractive study. The following is part of a letter from a member of the Convention, to the Hon. Isaac Hill, in Hills N. H. Patriot. These men assume to have the entire care of Mr, Van Buren’s interests in New Hampshire. If so, well may he exclaim, “ Save me from my friends !” If Mr. Van Buren can only rise in New Hampshire on the ruins of Levi Woodbury, he must be content not to rise. In asking of the Granite Democracy the sacrifice of her noblest son, he asks too much. If the car of Mr. Van Buren is to be a Juggar nant, beneath whose wheels such men ns Levi Woodbury are to be crushed, the bone and muscle of the Granite Democ racy will never be harnessed to that car. This was distinctly enough enunciated by the result of the vote on Hibbard’s resolution nominating Van Buren for the Presidency, which was voted down by more than four-fifths of the (’onvention. {Such a rebuke “Harry the Little” never received before since he assumed the lead and control of the democratic party. The resolutions actually passed by the Convention, whatever they may be, no body save a majority of the committee can be responsible, since they were read in so low a tone that nobody could hear them. It may be that Democrats are read out of the party again, (for I could not hear,) but if so the Convention did not pass them, since they never heard them. In conclusion let me say that I see light ahead that a returning good sense is doing its work among the people, and consigning, as it certainly w ill, those who so grossly abused the people’s con fidence to their merited infamy. God speed the right. A Member of the last Convention. From the N. Y. Herald. Mr. O’Connell and the Cause of Ireland* At a recent repeal meeting in Balti more, a scene of great confusion occur red, in consequence of difference of opin ion respecting the best course to be adop ted in relation to Mr. O’ConneU’s vexa tions speech. Thus will it be all over. The app'e of discoid has been cast amongst the band of the patriotic friends of Ireland, and by the very hand which will enable it to create, to the fullest ex tent; the sad fruits of dissension and dis aster. One good result willow from this reac tion movement. An accurate opinion of Mr. O’Connell’s character, and the value ofhis leadership, will become moie ex tensively prevalent. We have no hesita tion in saying that the cause of Ireland— a cause in which all the genuine friends of liberty throughout the world, must feel the deepest interest,and the warmest sym pathy— has repeatedly been greatly re tarded by the policy and the .agitation of O’Connell. He wants that purity of soul that moral dignity that genuine pa triotism, which can alone give to any leader of the people the influence, and the pow'er, which guide the efforts of the peo ple to success and triumph. Like the herd of political speculators amongst our selves, who prate eternally about liberty and popular rights, but are as heartless and selfish as they are dishonest, the re cognised leader of the oppressed Irish people, has a faithful regard for one in dividual only of the masses, to the vindi cation .and extension of whose rights as men, and as members of a great social body, he professes to be devoted. Un surpassed in cunning well and long versed in the modes of conciliating and retaining the favor of the Irish people conscious of a firm hold on their affec tions, Mr. O'Connell has been enabled, time after time, to serve his own purpo ses, by sacrificing the interests of those w r ho sustained him, in a manner which would have aroused the crushing indig nation and reproof of the people, had the betrayer been less gifted as a demagogue less skilled in the trade. The value of the services of Mr. O’- Connell has been immeasurably over rated. To the moral force of a great peo ple, united in the determination to be free; and to the growing might of civil and re ligious liberty have been owing those concessions from the British Parliament, which Mr. O’Connell is perpetually pro claiming as his individual achievements. All that is now wanted on the part of the Irish people is united peaceful exertion. l<et them get rid of the demagogues. Let them refrain from foolish swaggering about appeals to physical force. Their cause is the cause of truth and liberty, and it must be successful. But it must be managed with discretion, and under the guidance of pure-minded, disinterested, faithful leaders men worthy to do and suffer in a work sanctified by the blood of Emmett. On Dit. Van Bnren is greatly enraged at the Plebian and Globe on account of their foolish attacks upon the late patriotic and national celebration of Bunker Hill.— Vans prudence has always been in ad vance of his honesty and virtue. He cares as much about the principles which shed a halo of glory about that festival, as lus organs uo r but '.he old fox has a great deal more cunning. The “ young tilts'’ are not .-o well drilled as the old practitioner in humbug and dishonesty., if they con t learn something now,, there’s; no Virtue in the birch. —A. Y. herald .