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From the JUabvitW L'cioa. ORIGINAL RECITATION. BT MB. WHir.VF.T. Th« following grand and powerful verse* will be feeited by Mr. Whitney in his Farewell Recitation on the night of tile Fourth of July. To whatever part? the render or hearer may be attached, or in whatever path of life his footsteps may stray, if he have a lov e for all that is pure and elevated in bu-’ man nature, he will thrill beneath the musical modu lations and exalted sentiments in thesc'lines: COLONEL RICHARD M. JOHNSON. tugbe's k STAB in the west. There’s a star in the West that shall never go down, Till the record* of valor decay, We must worship its l.ght though tis not <.ur own, For liberty bursts in its ray. Shall the name of Johnson ever be hearj By a freeman, anJ thrill not his breast ? Is there one nut of bondage that hails not the word, As the Bethlehem Star of the West. War, war, to the knife! be enthralled or ye die! Was the echo that waked in the land ; But it was not his voice that prompted the cry, Nor his madness that kindled the branJ. He raised not his arm —he defied not his foes, While a leal of the olive remained, Till goaded with insult his spirit arose, Like a long baited lion unchained. He stru t with firm courage, the blow of the brafe, But sighed o’er the carnage that spread ; He indignantly trampled the yoke of tire slave, But wept for the thousands that bled! Tho’ he threw back the fetters anJ headed the strife, Till man’s charter was fully restored ; Yet he prayed for the moment when freedom and life, Would no longer be pressed by the sword. Oh! his laurels are pure, and his patriot name In tho page of the future shall dwell, And be seen in nil annals the foremost in fame By the side of an Emmett and Tell. Revile not my so ig, for the good Among Britons have nobly confessed, That his was the glory, and his was the blood Os the deeply stained fields of the West. A Puzzling Question. Rousseau asks his humane, moral, and enlightened reader, what he would do if he could enrich himself, without moving from Paris, by signing the death warrant of an innocent old Mandarin of China,? A consciencious old Frenchman might urge that we have no right to do wrong in order that good may come of it; hut he would at the same time moot the ques tion, whether it would he wrong to put an old Mandarin out of his misery, taking it for granted, that he must be in a wretch ed state of health from the inordinate use of opium, supplied to him by the unfeel ing and unprincipled English. And the pious Gaul would further argue, that, though it would be scandalous to procure the death of a fellow creature to enrich himself, he was bound, as a father, to consult the interests of his children ; whereupon a tear of parental love worlltl start into his eye, and he would sign the death-warrant with a sentimental ejacu lation. “ What ! hare I not always been taught to make money—honestly if I could, but at all events to make money —and are not the Chinese our enemies, whom we are bound to destroy by every means in our power ?” “ True,” might be rejoined ; “ but this poor old Mandarin is a non-combatant; lie has never done you any harm, and it would hardly be in conformity with the laws of religion and humanity to put him to death for nothing.” “ But,’ r retorts John Bull, “it would lie in perfect conformity with the laws of war. Besides, I don’t put him to death for nothing, l should scorn such a mean end cruel act —I do it to enrich myself. Had I been but a physician, 1 might have done the same towards scores ot my fel low countrymen, only the warrant would have been written in Latin—so give me the pen.” Let us imagine the same question sub mitted to the decision of a poor devil of an author. “How—what!” he would exclaim— “get suddenly rich by my own writing, and none of the money to go to the pub lisher ? Done —done! Where’s the pen and ink—where’s the paper ? As to the Mandarin, he need not shake his gory locks at me. The day of his death shall be the happiest of his life, for I’ll write his Epicedium, and immortalize him by publishing it in the New Monthly Maga zine. Presidential. The Concord Patriot is under a very great mistake in saying that “ the Ports mouth Gazette is making itself unhappy, because we [theyj have declared that Mr. Vaa Buren is the choice of the Democrats of New Hampshire.” We do not permit ourself to be made happy of unhappy by .any course that paper or any of its man agers may please to take. It is a matter of the coolest indifference to us, whom they support, or for wi.om they declare the pre ference of N. Hampshire to he. We care as little about their declarations as we do about them, and that, God knoweth, is precious little. If. as they conend, the preference for Mr. Van Buren is so deci ded in New Hampshire, why could they not gel an expression of that preference in the State Convention so recently held at the very calling of the Patriot? A convention of delegates chosen, so far as we can understand, without the interfer ence of those whom the Patriot is pleased to call the “ conservatives.” Failing in the convention, it appears they have call ed together a chosen few ; a meeting, it is called, of the “democratic members of the legislature.” Here was a sort of at tempt to reverse the procsedings of the convention. A resolution was presented to recommend Mr. Van Buren as the choice of the people of New Hampshire. Gov. Hubbard volunteered in its support, and mad > a speech of half an hour, ad- W'tmg the claims of Mr. Van Buren with much warmth, and declaring his intention to go for him at the Baltimore convention in 1844. At this caucus they made Out, stf far as we learn, but by a lean majority/ to push their resolutions through. : Now by what seeming authority could these men, as democratic members of the assume Jo run counter to the proceedings of‘n State'convention so re cently held, and pass a resolution, as ex pressive of the sense of New Hampshire, which the State convention had acted upon, and decided not to pass ? AY as it modest and unassuming—was it dignified, in Gov. Hubbard thus to vol unteer in attempting to counteract the proceedings of the convention ? He had just been chosen a delegate to the nation al convention by that very State conven tion which had refused to express a choice or preference for Mr. Van Buren ; ought he not to have declined acting as a delegate under the authority of that State convention, before he attempted to counteract its measures by getting up a forced expression which the proceedings of that convention did not warrant ? By what authority can Mr. H ibbard now assume to act as a delegate under the State convention, after so contemptuously treating its most deliberate decisions? • But to return to the Patriot. If it lie not “making itself unhappy,” it seems confoundedly nettled at our support of Mr. Calhoun. “He is supported,” they say, “in this State by such a crew” &c., “ that undeserved prejudice is undoubt edly attached to him.” And yet they say “ it is impossible he can be the first choice of the democrats of the State, as against almost any of the prominent democratic candidates,” and finally represents him as a dangerous man, on account of some opinions they “understand him” to en tertain regarding the Rhode Island ques tion, which, by the way, want further con firmation thanjhe say so of the Patriot. Yet, they they have, not long since, spo ken of him in exalted terms, and prom ised to support him very cordially if nom inated ! Out upon such hypocrisy !—- They are Janue faced fellows, both to wards (’alhoun and Woodbury. That’s a fact and no mistake.—TV. H. Gazette. From ihe Portland (Maine) American. John C. Calhoun. We had not intended, at present, to en ter into the Presidential discussion ; but the late action of the Democratic State Convention leaves us no other alternative. Regard for the great interests of the De mocratic party torbids any longer silence. How fur the vote of that body in favor of “ Mr. Van Buren as the first choice of the people of Maine,” is to be regarded as authority, each man must judge for himself. We are neitlier inclined to ad mit nor dispute it. The facts are brieliy these: 'Pile number of delegates reported to be present was 327. The vote for Mr. Van Baron was M l to 74. So it seems that when the question was taken, IUU members had lett the Convention. Why was this ? A few undoubtedly had been compelled to return home ; but the body of them we are informed, were still iu Bangor. We ask again, why was this? The answer was a plain one. The call of the State Committee made no such issue, and a majority of the delegates avowed themselves unacquainted with the sentiments of their constituents on the question —they were not sewt there for that purpose, and were not prepared to vote. So the resolution was passed by a small minority of the whole number of dele gates present m Bangor. The delegates to the National Conven tion were chosen by a vote of 129—about one third the whole number of members. These are the simple facts. Whether, therefore, the latter clause of the resolu tion, in favor of Mr. Van Buren, is a true exponent- of the views of the people of Maine, admits of some doubt. We be lieve the popular mind is not sufficiently settled to justify any authoritative decla ration of their “first choice.” Judge Preble, in his eloquent speech before the Convention, truly said that they were in a transition state. No occasion seems to have called for an avowal before, of our preference for the Presidency. We believe it would have been better to have left this whole matter to the sound reflecion and “ sober second thought” of the people unbiassed by newspaper influence, or conventional action. But we can no longer remain silent without dishonor to ourself, and recreancy to the Democratic party. Our first choice of a candidate for the Presidency of the United States, for the next term, is—beyond and above every other living man in the Union—that great Southern patriot, JOHN C. CALHOUN. We shall, hereafter, enter into a full discussion of the advantage to the De mocratic party in nominating this gen tleman for the Presidency. We have room now but to make a comment or two. Mr. Calhoun is known throughout the country as of irreproachable moral char actor. He has no political chicanery himself, and doubts its existence in oth ers without the fullest evidence. Indeed, had he possessed a little more of what the hackneyed in public life call political sagacity , but which often approximates to political roguery, he would long ere this have been President. But ho has relied rather upon his own established reputation as an honest statesman, a tho rough scholar, and a sound moralist, than npon greatness acquired 'by accomplished wirepulling. Talleyrand ism lie has al ways repudiated as unworthy of a free people. . , Mr. Calhoun is also known as the old. indefatigable, and consistent advocate of a cheap gove iixment —not merely the oretically cheap, hut practically so. We have no doubt that four years of Mr. Cal houn’s administration would reduce the expenses one half. Salaries would be trimmed down—useless ornamental offi ces abolished—and sinecurists, who now leisurely pick their teeth over fat pay without labor, would have to seek some other means of living. We hardly need say that Mr. Calhoun is known as a Democrat. No one denies it. His whole; brilliant political career is before the people. It stands boidly out, like the sun in’mid-heaVeri. As an ex|>ositor of the philosophy of human rights, where lives his equal on the whole surface of the twenty-six States ? As the ardent, consistent, eloquent advocate of Democratic measures, who has excelled him ? Who has waged nobler battle for the rights of man ? And who, in the strife of Senatorial controversy—wlieie iron-jointed giants grapple together —has left the floor with more or greener lau rels? Mr. Calhoun is a radical Democrat, and, were he in the Presidential chair, would do more than any other man could, for the elevation of the masses. On his free trade doctrines, the South and West go for him like a whirlwind, while we believe he would also have nearly all of New England. It cannot be concealed that, if we are to succeed in the next Presidential con test, it must be by additions to our ranks from our opponents of 1840. If we can not secure those additions, we must con tinue in the minority. Now, Mr. Cal houn’s views on free trade, and his oppo sition to a a high tariff, will secure the votes of the great body of the more De mocratic of the Whigs—votes which no other but Mr. Calhoun can command. The masses of the people—by whetev er party name they may be called—are essentially right. They are the sincere advocates of human equality, without distinction. In short, they, are the anti monopolists, fully, strongly, honestly. And this will be the actual issue before the nation in 1844. John C. Calhoun is every where known as the avowed ene my of monopolies. His position, in a conlest on such a question, would insure the most triumphant success. Upon this matter we wish to be fully understood. We do not press Mr. Cal houn’s claims to the Presidency. No man has a claim to that office, and those who use the word show but little knowl edge of the real nature of our free institu tions. We shall urge Mr. Calhoun’s name upon the attention of the people of Maine upon the ground that he is a pro found statesman and an honest Democrat —and that, under him, we shall be more certain of victory. For Mr. Van Buren we have the most exalted respect, both as a man and a Dem ocrat. We worked for him in IS4U as we never worked for man before, and should he receive a renomination, we should do all in our power to reseat him in the Presidential chair. Blit we should enter upon the work under great doubt of ultimate success. The hundreds of thousands of Democrats who left him in 1810, wrongly as we think, will never rally again under his name. It has with them tost all power. But give them a neic name, and that mighty force will act with us again almost to a man. We have thus stated one preference, and barely alluded to a few of the rea sons for it. But this preference is ex pressed, subject to the decision of a Na tional Convention whenever held, wher ever held, and however voting. The Tral3 ii Lo.tves and Fishes. The other day meeting a piece of old English wisdom in Sir Edward Coke, and wishing to contribute our share to the good advice thrown away in the nineteenth century, we extracted it pref acing it with a recommendation to those who administer the Government to take note lhereof. Believing the maxim just as good now and just as little likely to be attended to as when we first set it forth, we give it again. “ By the Law of England,” savs Sir Edward Coke, “it is provided that no officer or minister of the King shall be ordained or made, for any gift or broc age, favor or affection. Nor that any other who pursuelh, by himself or any other, privily or openly , to be in any manner of office, shall be put in the same office or in any other, but that all such officers shall be made of the best and most lawful men and sufficient :—A Law worthy to l e written in letters of gold, but more worthy to be put in due execution.” The Madisonian sees in this attack on President Tyler—having no notion that a political newspaper can mean by “ the present times,” a wider space than the current year or by “ the powers at Washington,” anything more general than the Cabinet of the current month. We are not in the habit of making spe cial attacks on Mr. Tyler—there are newspapers enough already whose espe cial vocation it is—and though there may have been a time when two could put ten thousand to flight, there never wits nor by possibility could he a time, when ten thousand could gain any hon or by defeating or out-voting, or out clamoring two men. JMr. Tyler stands without a party, and therefore to join in any systematic party opposition to him, would have been out of the question, even had there been less than there has be<>n, which met our approval in his ad ministration. The Madisonian quotes our little ar ticle, and begins to comment thus: “The Mercury occasional delights to indulge in such gratuitous, ungenerous, and unjust remarks as the above; and avc deem it a duty to set the editdr right on the subject.” The etui is like unto the bemnnimr— O o as thus : “ In brief, we think the Mercury does not well in reading such lessons to the President as that at the head of these re marks. He is doubtless already quite as deeply read in'such maxims of duty as the astute editor himself.” So much for quoting Coke and advis ing the Administration to seek out hon est and capable men for office ! But if we wanted proof ot how deeply this sin of office hunting is rooted in the heart of the nation, and how widely it has overshadowed'and darkened the pub lic morality, we might find it in the very remarks of the Madisonian, vindicating Mr. Tyler from the charge which we have not made against him. We make another extract: “One day a Mr. Burke charges the President with appointing Clay men and “ Hill apostates the next, a Clay paper charges him with appointing Webster men ; the next, a Benton man charges him with appointing none but Calhoun men; and finally, a Calhoun paper charges him with appointing only Van Buren men to office I Surely, suraly, if there be any truth in all these charges, the people will acquit the President of any design to secure the support of any particular party by corrupt means. Wtll not the people attribute such charges as the Mercury makes, to a de sire to monopolize every thing, rather than to a well founded conviction that the favors of the Administration are not impartially distributed among the true Republicans of the country, without re gard to the selfish Interests of this or that prominent individual ? We have marked the passage with ital ics—that the reader may note how read ily it is taken for granted that all men in all possible situations, are hungering af he a share of the spoils of office, and that tsey are ready to resort to all manner of thifts and base tricks, to lying, and pan dering and calumny, to attain the object; that all morality, all talk about applying a plain rule of honesty and common sense to the selection of public officers, is of course a mere blind, and that to advise the President to appoint good and effi cient men, is of coitrse, only another form for—“ appoint me and my friends. ” Such symptoms of the decay of public morality, seen everywhere, apparently extending to the smallest regulations of our cities, and showing themselves un consciously in every page of every polit ical newspaper, are enough to make all men of sense—honest or dishonest shudder for the consequences to the sta bility of our social fabric. But we have no notion of letting the Madisonian off with a specimen of our moralizing. Without attributing the fault to Mr. Tyler, or to anything but the nat ural alacrity of every vice to go on mul tiplying in extent, and deepening in taint, we believe that never so much as now was the public purse generally consider ed a fair subject of plunder, and that ne ver before were there so many persons seeking after office who believed that the sole consideration in return for the living gained by it, was to shout lustily on the side of those who liestowed it. We have a little bit of proof of Ibis, in the two fol lowing extracts from two leading Tyler papers'/ which we commend to the Mad isonian. “ The President has been greatly de ceived by a horde of selfish, creeping, crawling, wincing, whining, craven hearted, double-faced, sycophantic, hyp ocritical, lubberly puppies, who prowl around him, seeking a fat place in the nation’s pantry ! Hundreds of this class have not only sought, but obtained lu crative situations.”— Miamian. The above paragraph, from that able administration paper, the “Miamian,” published at Dayton, Ohio, contains as much truth as poetry —perhaps more. There is no use in denying the fact, that many of these double-faced political hyp ocrites have succeeding in deceiving the President, and obtaining place under the government, some of whom we shall take special delight in exposing, in due time. We have an eye to the men, and when we open our batteries there will be no let up till the truth prevails. If the suc cess of political humbuggery cannot be checked otherwise, vve are prepared to take it by the horns, and expose tue mis erable trickery of its practitioners to the public gaze. We mean what we say.— TV. Y. Aurora. There now ! As the wolf said when he caught the Shepherds dining on mut ton, “if/had done that, what ad—l of a rumpuss!” Portraiture of Federalism and its Objects. SKETCHED BY TIIE HAND OF A MASTER. DINNER SCENE. Parties Present.— Thos. Jefferson — Jr. Adams, Alex'r Hamilton. Read, reflect, compare, and ask yourself, candid reader, whether the Ethiopian has chnaged his color, or the Leopard his spots? Or whether Federalism has not, ever since, been in the process ascribed to the foxes cub, (every day older two days worse.) “August the 13th, 1811. “Notes of a Conversation between Alex. Hamilton and Thos. Jefferson. “Thomas Jefferson mentioned to him a letter received from John Adams, disa vowing Publicola, and denying that he ever entertained a wish to bring this coun try under an hereditary executive, or in troduce an hereditary branch of Legis lature, &e. See his letter. Alexander Hamilton condemning Mr. Adams’s wri tings, and most particularly Davila, as having a tendency to weaken the present government, declared in substance as fol lows : ‘ I own it is my own opinion, tho’ I do not publish it in Dan or Beershebn, that the present government is not that which will answer the ends of society, by giving stability and protection to its rights, and that it will probably he found expedient to go into the British form.— However, since we have undertaken the experiment, 1 am for giving it a fair course, whatever my expectations may be. The success, indeed, so far, is great er than 1 had'expected, and therefore, at present, success seems more possible than it had done heretofore, and there are still other and other stages of improvement, which, if the present docs not succeed, may tie tried, and ought to be tried, be fore we give up the republican form alto gether ; lor that mind must be really de praved, which would not prefer the equality of political rights, which is the foundation of pure republicanism, if it can be obtained consistently with order. Therefore, whoever by his writings dis turbs tire present order of tilings, is real ly blameable, however pure his intentions may be, and lie is sure Mr. Adams’s were pure.’ This is the substance of a declar ation made in much more lengthy terms, and which seemed to be more formal than usual for a private conversation between two, and as if intended to qualify some less guarded expressions which had been dropped on former occasions. Th : Jef lerson has committed it to writing in the moment of A. Hamilton's leaving the room.” “December, the 25tb, 1791. “Colonel Gunn, (of Georgia) dining the other day with Colonel Hamilton, said to him, with that plain freedom lie is known to use, ‘ I wish, Sir, you would advise your friend King to observe some kind of consistency in his votes. There has been scarcely a question before the Senate on which he has not voted both ways. On the representation bill, for in stance, lie first voted for the proposition of the Representatives, and ultimately voted against it.’ ‘ Why,’ says Colonel Hamilton, ‘ I’ll tell you as to that, Colonel Gunn, that it never was intended that bill should pass.’ Gunn told this to Butler, who told it to Th : Jetlcrson.” From the Georgia Messenger. FOURTH OF JULY. We hastily made up and published last week, a sketch of t lie proceedings of our citizens on that day, to whieh we wdl now add such sentiments given at the Dinner of the -Macon Volunteers, as have been handed us. Also those offered at the table of the Bibb Cavalry and Floyd Rifles (who united as all brother soldiers should) iu the celebration of this day. We last weak omitted to mention, as part of the proceedings of our citizens an oration delivered in the Methodist church, at night, by Francis Hill, of the William Wirt Society. We were not present, but have heard it highly rtpoken of, by all who heard it, as very creditable to the young gentleman, and the association to which he belongs. 'Pons's given by the Macon Volunteers. By Capt. Ilolmcs. —The Day.— While the politi cal demagogue is bowing to the shrine of party for getful of the day which ushered into existence a na tion, we as a hand of brothers, forgetting all party feelings, have assembled to do it honor, and those bold spirits who achieved it. By Lieut. Shelton. —The fair donors of our splen did Banner.— May their recollection ever remain ns green in the hearts ofthe Macon Volunteers, as the lawn on which it was presented. By Scrgt. Birins. —A synopsis of tire politics af the Macon Volunteers.—A desire to excel every thing at home—a disposition not to be excelled n broad.—An ardent ad Valina to their country’s good with a watch-word that will incite to gallant deeds— -1 Our Flag and its fair donors. By Scrgt. IK. Freeman. —Capt. Bowen, of the Savannah Volunteer Guards.—We hail him as the sincere and generous friend of the Macon Volun- leers. By CorporalXroeomb. The Bibb Cavalry and Floyd Rifles. — Each equally valuable arms of the public service—may they rival each orher in nothing but military discipline and efficiency. By James 4V illiams. —The memory of our form er Commander, Capt. Newcomb—a virtuous citi zen, and efficient officer. By James C. Edicards Capt. Bowen, of the Savannah Guards. —Were vve to embody the full, unbounded hospitaliy ofthe world in a single thought and give that thought expression in a sin de word— that word would lie “ Bowen.” By F. F Lewis. —Our former fellow soldier, R. G. Earl.—When in Florida always ready to vol unteer to take a post of danger—we should ever recollect him at our first night’s camp from Fort Drane. By K Pyner —Tlie fair of our sister city Savan nah.—Who could doubt the success of citizen sol diers when cherished by their smiles and benevo lence 1 The ana of honor and chivalry will ever support them. By J. A. White.— Repeal.—In the hands of an honest man, a potent weapon for good —for evil, in the li.lists of Daniel O’Connell—a means for swind ling his poor and unfortunate countrymen. Sent by Capt. Hass, ofthe Floyd Hijles. —The Ma con Volunteers.—The parent stock from which the Floy Rifles sprung—may harmony of feeling ever characterize both. By Capt. Holmes, of the Volunteers. —The Ma con Volunteers, when asked for tbe jewels, will point with pride to their daughter, the “ Floyd Ri fles.” Sent by 11. F. Young, of the Alelripolitan dreys. — The Macon Volunteers the pride of their city and ornament of thp Sta'.e. Ilj G. P. Kagnon of tit e Floyd Rifles. —A bright wreath on the brow of Georgia—the Macon Vol unteers. Ily S. Rose. —Our worthy honorary member James It. Butts —always a liberal friend to*the Volunteers. —and a benefactor to the city as the first successful navigator of the Ocmulgce by steam. AVc wish his craft always u full river and prosperous trips—and that he may never he interrupted by the snags and sawyers of misfortune. By B. R. llarcr. —The makers of our Flag, the Misses Bowen, of Savannah—their patriotic spi rits are inserted in needle work in the heart of every Macon Volunteer. By P. Stubbs. —Our honor :ry member Judge Tracy—honest anti capable, may his salary !>e raised and pronqAly paid in specie funds, and he be retain ed in office. By Private Kimberly. —The Bibb Cavalry, Floyd Rides, and Macon Volunteers—A Trio in Military, uniting this day Without distinction of Party in cele brating a Nation's Freedom. So may they unite in maintaining it. By Kee'and Tyner.— John Tyler—An honest man, and an incorruptible [tatriot: Neither the lures j of false friends nor the menaces of avowed ene mies will deter him from the performance of his duty. By I.ieut. Connor. —The Governor of Georgia.— ; AN e all know him ns a neighbor: For his excellent qualities as a citizen he is entitled to our highest respect. By M rton. —Tho Orator of the TaMr Pc ter of OH, keeps the Keys of Heaven : Our Peter has the keys of our hearts. By Capt. Holmes —The patriotic members of our corps who have this day contributed so much tu our comfort and amusement : Good men and true. By Lieut. Connor. —Klam Alexander.—May the workl always be as libera! to hi.n as he has tern to the Macon Volunteers. KUGULAK TOASTS. By the F.cyd Pijles and Bibb Cavalry. 1. The day we celebrate! memorable in thp histo ry of man, as giving Liberty to the Western World. 2. The thirteen Stars, that glitter to the name of the 11 old thirteen," May they ccdtii.ac to shine with undimmed effulgence. 3. Washington. 4. The feigners of the Declaration of Independ ence. 5. The Soldiers of the Revolution! The memo ry of the dead—we venerate the living! the link of the past and present, still linger among us, as if to watch the acts of their children, and remind us of our liberty,—they leave us at rapid intervals— each bearing t slimony io oOr vigilance and fidelity, to the trusts commuted to us; and when the last of that hoary hand shall be summoned from his post, to join his comrades, may lie bear with him the grate ful intell.gcnco of us, all is well. 0. Pile Bunker Hill .Monument. —At last the hal lowed pile , points in prayerful acknowledgment to Heaven—the eternal memorial of a (rations grati tude. There let coming generations, make their annual pilgrimage, and its sacred shrine, feed tile festal fire that was kindled t>y the first martyrs of freedom. 7. Jefferson. —He reposes beneath the shades of Monticello—yet his great spirit still lives, and wilt continue to live in all lands and climes, where the genius of universal -ighls lias taken up her alaxle. 8. John Aelitms and Juhn Hancock. —The very chief of Rebels, whom his Majesty George 3rd, thought it an offence against “Church and Slate” to pardon. 9. Pat Army and Nary. —The arms of the Re public—tbe one has cousecraled the soil of every State from Maine to Georgia, with the most thril ling associations —the other has made the ereat highway of Nations, familiar with its wonderful tri umps. 10. Georgii. —Lapping the Seaboard and the Mountains—her sea-|>url seems to lie the mart lor the exchange of the wealth ofthe one, and the com merce of tho other —nothing but a suicidal stroke, can disappoint the destiny which nature has every where written on her face. 11. Homan.—the weakest and strongest—the last and first boon of Heaven. 12. Piie memory of IF. IK. Gordon. —Although a victim to the insatiable archer, in the prime of his day3, and in the zenith of his usefulness—ho had erected a durable monument to his memory —in that gigantic work—the Central Rail Road— (Silent honors.) 13. Hugh Sicinton I.egarc. —those who fondly ho ped to deck his brow with the laurel wreath, have tlie melancholy duty to shroud his tomb with the fu neral cypress. It is a consolation to know that ho sank to rest', by all his country wishes blest. (Silent. Volunteer Toasts, By Lieul. Hay. Dr. Murphov mul Ireland. (Dr. Murphey having retired, at an early hour, was not present when this sentiment was given, but it was received with great applause. Lieut. A. L. Luce. Savannah and Macon—uni ted together by bonds of iron, may their connection be as prosperous toeacli, as il iiu.st be inscpcrublc. By J. J. Jones. The memory of the departed Statesmen and Warriors ofthe Kevoiutim! though dead they yet speak ; the sound of their voice is heard in the Antics, and reverberates from the mountains ofU recce. By The late assemblage of revolutiona ry heroes at Bunker Hill! the patriotism of these ven erated heroes, seems to be as a.dent now as whim ' they shed their blood, 17th June, 1173. By Dr. Jas. .17. Green. The Banner of the Floyd Rifles —the Stars and blri[ios, the nobles* standard ever consecrated to liberty, by the blood of patriots and heroes. By Lieut. Prentiss. The City of Macon! unri valled in its natural and artificial advantages—situa ted in the centre of a lcilile region and at tile bead' of navigation, it is connected with the mighty Mis sissippi V alley and the broad Atlantic, by gigantic Rail Roads, though still suffering flora the commer cial tornado of leioO, what may not be expected from the enterprise and perscveiing industry of her citi zens. By Capt. Ross of tbe Floyd Rifles—he bears well the character of the citizen soldier, may liis command always, as now, lully appreciate his services. By John P. Lovett. Agriculture the ground work of our prosperity—May a us, icious seasons, good' crops, remunerating prices and a good currency a bundantly reward the husbandman f.r bis toil. By Capt. Hylandcr. Woman—ln the sphere slio was destined to fill, as mother, sister, friend — the dearest companion and sweetest solace, in our pilgrimage, from the cradle to the grave. By Lieut. J. 11.. Morgan. The AI aeon Volun teers, the first in discipline as in drill, and wilt doubtless be first in the defence of their country. By C. IK. Pope. r l he Bibli Cavalry, and the Floyd Rifles—may wo feel as brethren of the same I>and, as did those veterans whose fidelity, gave im portance to the day we celebrate. By Scrrl. II . P. Wasrnon. NVomnn —as moth er, we behold her in her holiest character—ns the nurse of innocence, the director of the first princi-' pies of mind—the guardian of an immortal being, who will write upon the pages of eternity, how she fulfils her trusts toman. Py Private Godwin. The Bibb Cavalry and P loyd Rides, may a hand of friendship be this day cemented between them which shall never be broken. By Scr-st. F. Horne. They have a good head to' contrive , and a good body to execute —Victory must ever, and will, perch upon their banner. By Private G. A. Smith. The Bibb Cavalry brave in War, gallant in Peace’, among the first 1 to repel the aggression of the savage—may their future course be as pros[ierous, as their present is 1 generous. liy F. Ij. A iron. The Ladies of Georgia, — graceful in appearancp, easy and winning in their manners—they yield to none in the quality of their virt nos. By Solomon R. Johnson-. The Fair Sex May their bewitching eves, and enchanting smiles, Icssen tbe ranks of old Bachelors ! The Patriot says we are “attempting” to place Mr. Woodbury in a position au tagouistica! to tlie democrats of the State. This is false. We show him up in the position in which he places himself, in* Itis public speeches and letters, and from them we have taken chapter and verse, to show what his opinions are on the mooted questions of the day, and we prove that they do not materially differ from our own. If this be placing him in a position, antagonistical to the demo crats of the Stete- why, then, make the most of it.— N. H. Gazette. Death' from Kreosote. —Doctor Board man, 1 whose death is recorded in the It art ford Courier, lost Itis life from taking this dangerous nostrum' fur the tooth-ache. A particle of it got into the hrr.it! ing passage. If a regular physician cannot* safely hike it himself, certainly it is a dangorour arti cle fur ct'iers In use.