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The following dee;«y aTcc'ting incident fell un der the notice of one whose own heart enable"* him to appreciate its value. He has wrought it up into a little marrative of great sweetness and beauty, pub lished in the U. S. Magazine & Democratic Review, for January, 1312. The whole is too long for our purpose we, however insert the following extract: Could someone beside myself be out earlypand amon? the tombs? What creature odd enough in fancy to find plea sure there, and at such a time ? Contin uing my gaze, 1 saw that the figure was a woman. She seemed to move with a slow and feeble step, passing and repass ing constantly between two and the same graves, which were within half a rod of each other. She would bend down and appear to busy herself a few moments with the one; then she would rise, and go the second, and bend there, and em ploy herself as at the first. Then to the former one, and then to the second again. Occasionally the figure would pause a moment, and stand back a little, and look steadfastly down upon the graves, as if to s?e whether her work were done well. Thrice I saw her walk with a tottering gait, and stand midway between the two, and look alternately at each. Then she would go to one and arrange something, and comeback to the midway place, and gaze first on the right and then on the left, as before. The figure evidently had some trouble in suiting things to her mind. Where I stood, 1 could hear no noise of her footfalls: nor could I see ac curately enough to tell what she was do - iuo - . Had a superstitions man beheld the spectacle, he would possibly have thought drat some spirit of the dead, allowed the night before to burst its cerements, and wander forth in the darkness, had been belated in returning, and was now per plexed to find its coffin-house again. Curious to know what was the wo man’s employment, I undid the simple fastenings of the gate, and walked over tiie rank wet grass toward her. As 1 came near, I recognised her for an old, a very old inmate of the poor-house, named Delaree. Stopping a_ moment, while I was yet several yards from her, and before she saw me, I tried to call to recollection certain particulars of her his tory which 1 had heard' a great while past. She was a native of one of the West India islands, and, before I who gaz and at her was born, had with her hus band come hither to settle and gain a live lihood. They were poor ; most misera bly poor. Country people, 1 have noti ced, seldom like foreigners- So this man and his wife, in all probability, met much to discourage them. They kept up their spirits, however, until at last their for tunes became desperate, l-’ainine and want laid iron fingers upon them. They had no acquaintance; and to beg they were ashamed. Both were taken ill; then the charity that had been so slack came to tlieir destitute abode, but came too late. Delaree died, the victim of poverty. The woman recovered after a while ; but for many months was cpiitc an invalid, and was sent to the almhouse, where she had ever since remained. This was the story of the aged creature before me ; aged-with the weight of TO winters. I walked up to her. By her feet stood a large rude basket, in which 1 beheld leaves and buds. The two graves which 1 had seen her passing between so often were covered with flowers the earliest but sweetest flowers of the sea son. They were fresh, and wet, and very fragrant those delicate, soul-offerings. And this, then, was her employment.— Strange! Flowers, frail and passing, grasped by the hand of age, and scattered upon a tomb ! White hairs, and pale blossoms,and stone tabets of Death! “Good morning, mistress,” said I, qui etly. The withered female turned her eyes to mine, and acknowledged my greeting in the spirit wherewith it was given. “May I ask whose graves they are that you remember so kindjy ?” She looked up again ; probably catch ing, from my manner, that I spoke in no spirit of rude inquisitiveness; and an swered : “My husband's.” A manifestation of a fanciful taste, thought I, this tomb-ornamenting, which she probably brought with her from abroad. 01 course, but one of the graves could be her husband’s; and-one, likely, was that of a child, who had died and been laid away by its father. “Whose else I asked. “My husband’s,” replied the aged wid ow. Poor creature ! her faculties were be coming dim. No doubt her sorrows and her length of life had worn both mind and body nearly to the parting. “Yes, 1 know,” continued I, mildly ; “but there are two graves. One is your husband’s, and the other is ” I paused Tor her to fill the blank. She looked at me a minute, as if to wonder at my perverseness; and then answered as before. “My husband's. None but my Gil bert’s.” “And is Gilbert buried in both ?’’ said I. She appeared as if going to answer, but sfop|x;d again, and did not. Though my curiosity was now somewhat excited, 1 forbore to question her farther, feeling that it might be to her a painful subject. I was wrong, however. She had been rather agitated at my intrusion, and her powers flickered for a moment. They were soon steady again ; and. perhaps gratified with my interest in her affairs, she gave me in a few brief sentences the solution of the mystery. When her hus band's death occurred, she was herself confined to a sick bed, which she did not leave for a long while after he was bu ried. Still longer days passed before she had permission, or even strength, to go into the open air. When she did, her first efforts wercessaycd to reach Gilhert’s grave. What a pang sunk to her heart w4ien she found it cou'd not be pointed ottt to her ! With the ciireless indiffer ence which is shown to the corpses of outcasts, poor Delaree had been thrown into a hastily dug hole, without any one noting it, or remembering which it was. Subsequently, several other paupers were buried in the same spot ; and the sexton could only show two graves to the dis consolate woman, and tell her that her husband’s was positively one of the twain. During the latter stages of her recovery, she hail looked forward to the consola tion of coming to his tomb as to a shrine, and wiping her tears there ; and it was hitter that such could not he. The mis erable widow even attempted to obtain the consent of the proper functional ics that the graves might be opened, and her anxieties put at rest I When told tins could not be done, she determined in her soul that the remnant of her hopes and in tentions should not be given up. Every Sunday morning, in the mild seasons, she went forth early, and gathered fresh flow ers, and dressed both the graves. So she knew that the right one was cared for, even if another shared that care. And lest she should possibly bestow the most of this testimony of love on him whom she knew not, but whose spirit might he looking down invisible in the air, and smiling upon her, sfic was ever careful to have each tomb adorned in an exactly similar manner. In a strange land, and among a strange race, she said, it was like commituion with her own people to visit that burial-ground. “Il l could only Know which to bend over when my heart feels heavy,” thus finished the sorrowing being as site rose to depart, “then it would be a happiness. But perhaps I am blind to my dearest mercies. God in his great wisdom may have sent that 1 should not know which grave was his, lest grief over it should become too common a luxury for me, and melt me away.” I offered to accompany her, and sup port her feeble steps ; but she preferred that it should not be so. With languid feet sire moved on. I watched her pass through the gate and under the arch ; 1 .saw her turn,and in a little while she was hidden from my view. Then I care fully parted the flowers upon one of the graves, and sat down there, and leaned my face in my open hands and thought. What a wondrous thing is woman’s love! Oh Thou whose most mighty at tribute is the Incarnation of Love, I bless Thee that Thou didst make this fair dis position in the human heart, and didst root it there so deeply that it is stronger than all else, and can never he torn out ! Here is this aged wayfarer, a woman of trials and griefs, decrepit, sore,and steeped in poverty ; the most forlorn of her kind ; and yet, through all the storm of misfor tune, and the dark cloud of years settling upon her, the Memory of her Love hov ers like a beautiful spirit amid the gloom ; and never deserts her, but abides with her, while life abides. Yes, thh creature loved ; this wrinkled, skinny, grey-haired crone had her heart to swell with passion, and her pulses to throb, and her eyes :,o sparkle. Now, nothing remains but a Lovely Remembrance, coming as of old and stepping in its accustomed path, not to perform its former object, or former duty—but from long habit. Nothing but that! —Ah ! is not that a great deal! And the buried man —lie was happy to have passed away as lie did. The woman she was the one to be pitied. Without doubt she wished many times that she were laid beside him. And not only she, thought I, as 1 cast my eyes on the solemn memorials around me ; but at the same time there were thousands else on earth, who panted for the Long Repose, as a tired child for the night.— The grave the grave \*liat foolish man calls it a dreadful ploee? It is a kind friend, whose arms shall compass us round about, and while we lay our heads upon his bosom, no care, tempta tion, nor corroding passion shall have power to disturb us. Then the weary spirit shall no more he weary; the aching head and aching heart will be strangers to pain ; and the soul that has fretted and sorrowed aw iy its little life on earth will sorrow not any more. When the mind has been roaming abroad in the crowd, and returns sick and tired of hollow hearts, and of human deceit let us think of the grave and of death, and they will seem like soft ad pleasant music. Such thoughts then soothe and calm our pulses; they open a peaceful prospect be fore us. 1 do not dread the grave. There is many a time when I could lay down, and pass my immortal part through the valley ol the shadow, as composedly as I quaff water after a tiresome walk. For what is there ol terror in taking our rest ? IN hat is tllore here below to draw us - nh ot!“h fondness? Life is the running of a race —a most weary race, some times. Shall we fear the good, merely because it is shrouded in a cloud ! I rose, and carefully replaced the par ted flowers,and bent my steps homewards. It there be any sufficiently interested in the fate oftlie aged woman, that they may wish to know further about her, for those I will add, that ere long her affec tion was transferred to a region where it might receive the reward of its con stancy and purity. Her last desires and it was complied with— was that she should be placed midway between the two graves. liow to t.et llieh. We would commend to all those who believe that the sum of human happiness is contained in the possession of riches, the remarks of Paulding. That pleasing native writer says, “ nothing is more easy than to grow rich. It is only to trust nobody; to befriend none; to get ev ery thing, and save all we get; to stint ourselves, and every body belonging to us; to be the friend of no man. and have no man for your friend; to heap interest upon interest, cent upon cent; to be mean miserable, and despised, for some twenty years, and riches will come, as sure as diseas? and death.” Flora tlie Alabama Plain Jca!er. Facts on the Compromise Act. In our last number we published the Compromise Act of 1833. The princi ple of the act is contained in the third section. It prescribes that after 1542, every article imported into the country, should bear an equal amount of duty ac cording to its nature. Thus, in propor tion as a man is a consumer are his taxes increased or diminished. Mr. (.’lay is the author of the bill. Ilis support to this section in the speech with which he introduced it. Having next read through the third section of the bill, Mr. C. said after the expiration of a term of years, this section laid down a rule by which the duties was to be reduced to the revenue standard which had been so long arid so earnestly contended for. Until otherwise directed, and in default of provision being made for the wants of the Government in 1842 a rtile was thus provided for the rate of duties thereafter: Congress being,in the mean time, authorized to adopt any other rule which the exigencies of the country or its financial condition might require. This is to say. if, instead of the duty of 20 per cent, proposed, 15 or 17 per cent, of duty was sufficient or 25 per cent, should be found necessary, to produce a revenue to defray the expenses of an eco nomical administration of the Govern ment, there was nothing to prevent either of those rates, or any other, from being fixed upon whilst the rate of 20|»ercent. was introduced to guard against any fail ure on the part of Congress to make the requisite provision in due season. This section of the bill, Mr. C. said, contained a ?o another clause, suggested by that spirit of harmony and conciliation which lie prayed might preside over the councils ot the Union at this trying mo ment. Jt provided (what those persons who are engaged in manufactures have so long and anxiously required for their security) that duties shall be paid in ready money; and shall thus get rid of that credit system which ail inroad was made in regard to woollens, by the act of the Inst session. Tins section further obtained a proviso, that nothing in any part ot this should be construed to inter fere with the freest exercise of‘ the power of (-’ongress to lay any amount of duties, in the event of war breaking out between this country and any foreign power.— (Mr. Clay’s speech in Congress, from Gales A Seaton's debates of Congress, p. 4G4.J hi another portion of the same speech Mr. Clay says : (Congress debates, 4 lij.) 15ut it this bid should go into operation, as he hoped even against hope, that it would he adhered to by all parties. There was but one contingency which would render a change necessary, and that was the intervention of a war, which was pro vided for in the bill. The hands of con gress were left untied in tlits event, and they would he at liberty to resort to any mode ol taxation which they might pro pose. But, if we suppose peace to con tinue, there would be no motive for dis turbing the arrangement, but on the con trary, every motive to carry it into effect. Again, Congress debates, p. 408. He never would consent to any precip itate operation, to bring distress and ruin on the community.' Now, said Mr. C., viewing it in this light, it apjteared that there were eight years and a half, and nine years and a half, taking the ultimate time, which would lie an efficient protection ; the re maining duties would be withdrawn bv a biennial reduction. The protective principle must be said to be, in some measure, relinquished at the end of eight years and a half. This period could not appear unrea sonable, and lie thought that no member ol the Senate, or any portion of the coan try, ought to make the slightest objection. It now remained for him to consider the other objection—the warrant of guaranty to their being an ulterior continuance of the duties imposed by the bill, on the ex piration ot the term which it prescribes. The best guaranties would be found in the circumstances under which the mea sure would bo passed. If it were passed by common consent of a portion, a con siderable portion, of those who had hith erto directly supported this system, and by a considerable portion of those who liavei opposed it; if they declared their satisfaction with the measure lie had no doubt the rate of duties guaranteed would in', after the expiration of the term, when the experiment woul I have licen made of the efficiency of the mode of protection fixed by the bill, while the constitutional question had been suffered to lie dormant, it war should render it necessary, protec tion might be carried up to prohibition; while, it the country should remain at jreace, and this measure go into full ope ration, .the duties would be gradually lowered down to the revenue standard, which had been so earnestly wished lor.” Mr. Calhoun was also a party to that compromise. He represented the State ol South (Carolina in the Senate, a State which had determined to submit no lon ger to the accunnila'ed wrong and injus tice ol the tariff system. He represented the great principle of free trade and low duties, and spake with tlic authority of the parties with which he was allied. „!J g «*i* : —(Congressional debates, p. 7.] The general principles of this bill received his approbation. He believed that if the present difficulties were to be adjusted, they must be adjusted on the principles embraced in the few cases in the bill to which specific duties were as signed. He said that it had been his fate to occupy a position as hostile as any one could, in reference to the protecting pol icy ; but, if it depended on his will he would not give his vote for the prostra tion ol the manufacturing interest. Avery large capital has been invested in manufactures, which had been of great service to the country; and he would never give his vote to suddenly with drawn all those duties by which that cap ital was sustained in the channel into which it had been directed. But he would only vote for the ad valorem sys tem of duties, which he deemed the most beneficial and the most equitable. In another portion of the debate he said : (Congress debates, p. 791.) There had been a good deal said du ring the discussion, how far the passage of the bill would involve a pledge as to the arrangement of the tarilf which he proposed. IFc felt but little solicitude on that point. He had little faith in pledges; he had experienced enough to know that the most solemn compact and even the constitution itself, would be violated palpably violated, in his opinion when ever the dominant party saw its advan tage in such violotion. His reliance was not on pledges, but the circumstances under which the bill was about to pass ; experietice had shown the operation of the productive system, and had convin ced every reflecting mind that it could not be persisted in without compulsion and division ; and he had no fear that any one could be found so reckless as to attempt to reinstate the system with the present experience before his eyes. He had no doubt, if made, the voice of the people would repel it with indignation. There may, indeed, at the termination of the series, be a question raised, likely to produce some excitement he meant that of the distribution of the duties on maximum rate. But he had no fear that even then, with the light of our present experience, any will dare attempt to pro pose any distribution that shall not act with substantial justice between the great sections of the union and the country. With the light which has been shed on on this subject, no system will again be attempted which shall impose the taxes, so unequally as to operate as burdens on one side, and bounties on the other.— [Congressional debates, p. 791.] Mr. Webster and Gov. Davis stood up for the tarilf system. Tlieir views were as follows: It is impossible that this proposition of the honorable member from Kentucky should not excite in the country a very strong sensation; and in the relation which I stand to the subject, I am anx ious, at an early moment to say, that as lar as I understand the bill, from the gen tleman’s statement of it, there are princi ples in it to which I do not at present see I low 1 can ever concur. If I understand the plan ; the result of it will be a well understood surrender of the power of dis crimination, or a stipulation not to use that power in laying duties on imports af ter the eight years or nine years have ex pired. This appears to me matter of great moment. 1 hesitate to be a party to such stipulation. The honorable mem ber admits, that though there will lie tio positive surrender of flic powers, there will be a stipulation not to exercise it; a treaty of peace and amity ns he says, which no American statesman can, here after stand up to violate. For one sir, 1 am not ready te enter into the treaty. I propose, so far as depends on me, to leave all our successors in Congress as free to act as we are ourselves. Ile did not object to the proscriptive and biennial reductions made by the bill up to IS4I, but be objected to the clauses which did, in effect, prohibit the repeal ing action of any subsequent Congress upon this bill until 1812. He also object ed to the provision in the sth section, which was a restriction on the power of < ’ongress. Ile put it to the Senator from Tennessee, (Air. Grundy,) who had intro duced the clause, to say if he did not in tend that it should show that Congress was to he considered as bound by the bill, as far as this Congress could bind the future legislation oftlie country. The protected articles may, by this bill, be reduced below twenty per cent ad va lorem : but cannot lie raised above twenty per cent. He opposed the bill, because it imposed a restriction on the future leg islation of Congress. Ile also opposed it because it seemed to yield the constitu tional power of protection. Various ar guments were advanced by him to show that tiie southern politicians would, if this bill were passed, tell every one of their constituents that they had gained some concession to tlieir opinions of the south, lie said that he approved the silence of southern gentlemen. They would no! suffer themselves to be provo ked by friend or enemy to speak before the time should come when they ought to speak. They were masters of the game, and they knew it. He referred to the four expedients by which the Senator from Kentucky had said that our protective system could he preserved : Ist, prohibition ; 2dlv, the free list; 2dly, incidental protection, all of which would be found inadequate; and lthly, discrimination, or specific duties was the only one which would avail. Discriminating and specific duties were the last resource, and if that were to be given up, there could be no longer any hope for the protective system, in war or in peace. lie insisted, that not being owners of the property, but merely agents or administrators, we had no right to fet ter a future congress. He regarded this bill as the last will and testament of this Congress, which would be not asid._ by the people ; but not on the ground of want ot sanity in those principally en gaged in making it, for he never saw gen tlemen more fully in possession of that sagacity ; nor oil account of any undue influence, although he could not help thinking that panic had something to do with it, and if the South Carolina ordi nance and replev in law had not appear ed, this bill would never have appeared in the Senate. Gov. Davis : (Niles Register, p. 79, SO.) 1 ’ “Again, sir, I can vote for no hill which abandons protection. 1 think this does. It adopts the Carolina system for equal izing duties, by bringing them all to 20 per cent. It abandons the exercise of all right to discriminate, and in that, give me leave to say, abandons common sense, for the system of equalization has never to my knowledge, until now, found an advocate among financiers or political economists. It is, however, a very cun ningly devised plan, and worthy of its origin, (Gallatin in the free trade report) for it contains a sweet poison that will destroy the last remnant of protection. Who ever heard of so absurd a system as equalizing duties ? What, impose the same duties on ardent spirits as upon tea and coflee ? But why do the free traders desire an equalization? Why do they insist that the duty oil hats, on shoes and boots, on leather, on scythes, hoes and axes, shall be reduced to 20 per cent, on tea and colfee, pepper, spices, fruits, fruits, and a thousand other things which we do not, and never shall produce, and which are now free of duty ? It is to level all protection with the dust. They start with the proposition that the public debt is paid, that we have too much rev enue, and it must be reduced. We have always contended, not that the revenue shall not be reduced, for we are not the advocates of an accumulating surplus, but that it shall be reduced by letting goods in free, or by diminishing the amount of duty when the whole cannot be spared, and that the principle shall be applied to merchandize not produced in this country, that our labor may have the benefit of the revenue as a protection. White we contend that the revenue shall be levied in this manner, the free traders insist that nothing shall be free—and that the duty on ail shall be alike ? In Mr. Clay’s last great speech deliver ed at Lexington on the 10th of April, of this year, he is thus represented in the National Intelligencer of the 13tli May : “Upon the question of the tariff and the distribution of the proceeds oftlie pub lic lands, Mr. Clay conclusively showed that the whigs in Congress had done ev ery thing that could be expected of them. They had succeeded in passing a tariff, which, while it affords sufficient revenue to meets the wants of an economical ad ministration of the government, at the same time furnishes adequate incidental protection to American industry. The whigs had been censured for the clause which was attached to the distribution bill as originally passed, provided that whenever the rate of duties should ex ceep 20 per cent, the distribution should be suspended. In tnis way only could the bill have passed at the time ; and be lieving that, in the adjustment of the ta riff, it would not lie necessary to exceed that rate, or that, if it should, the postpon ing clause might be afterwards repealed, the whigs, rather than lose the bill en tirely gave a reluctant consent to its in troduction. At the next session that clause was repealed, and ihc distribution law stripped of all clogs or impediments which would prevent its full and free ex ercise ; but Mr. Tyler interposed his veto and thwarted congress in this measure.” South Carolina was also a party to this compromise. A convention of her peo ple had been called, and had pronounced the tariff acts plain and palpable viola tion of the constitution and had declared that they could not be enforced in that state, ller authorities passed upon the acts, and the reliance placed upon the compromise act by that State is an im portant part of its histoiy. Gen. liayne said in regard to it: “VYI tatever difference of opinion may exist as to the precise character of the new tariff great indeed has been the gain inestimable the advantages purchased, ns we believe chiefly by your virtue, firm ness and patriotism. Is it nothing fellow citizens, for a single state to have stood up unaided and alone in defence of her rights against the colossal power and pat ronage of the federal government ? No thing to have roused the attention of the whole union, before it was too late, to those great fundamental truths, on the final establishment of which must de pend the preservation of the constitution and union? Is it nothing to have arres ted the progress of the mis-called Ameri ican system, that vile scheme of robbery and plunder, by which, under the color of law, the proceeds of your labor and cap ital are transferred to others, and to pre vent it from becoming the settled policy of the country ? Is it nothing to have ob tained a distinct recognition of the prin ciple—aye, and to have it recorded in the statute book —that the duties shall be eventually reduced to the revenue stand ard, and that no more money shall be raised than may be necessary to the economical administration of of the go vernment thereby destroying at one blow the prohibition, minima ms, speci fied duties, and other fraudulent devices, constituting the very life blood of the pro tective system ? And finally is it noth ing that by the promised reduction of the duties, a fatal blow will be given to those extravagant and unauthorized appropria tions of the public money by which one portion of the people may be robbed that others may be corrupted?” (Niles Reg. p. 127. The Convention of the people of South Carolina passed on it—their resolution was proposed by general Hamilton and adopted by the convention. The resol nti in is as follows: “Resolved, That whilst this Conven tion as an offering to the peace and har mony of this union, in a just regard to the interposition of the highly patriotic commonwealth of Virginia, and with a proper deference to the united vote of the whole southern states in favor of the re cent accommodation of the tariffhas made the late modification of the tariff appro ved by act of Cangress on the 2d March, 1833, that basis of the repeal of her ordi nance of the 24th November, 1832—yet this convention owes it to itself, to the people they represelit and the posterity of tiiat people, to declare that they do not, by reason of said repeal, acquiesce in the principle of the substantive power exist ing on the part of Congress to protect American manufactures: and hence on the final adjustment in 1842. of the reduc tions, under the act of 2d 1833, or at any previous period should odious discrimi nations be instituted for the purpose of continuing in force the protective princi ple, South Carolina will feel herself free to resist such a violation of what she con ceives to be the good faith of the act of the 2nd of March, 1833, by the interposi tion of her sovereignty, or in any other mode she may deem proper.” (Niles Reg. p. 72. These are the circumstances under which the compromise act was passed. Scarcely any act of the government was accompanied with so much solemnity and to which there should have been so rigid an adherence. It was not permitted to remain in operation for one month be fore the benefit promised to the South came into enjoyment. It was heedlessly, recklessly disregard ed, amidst jeers and taunts at the folly of those who adopted it or placed reliance on the pledges made at the time of its adoption. —Alabama Tribune. Tl»e New Cabinet. It is understood that the President’s Cabinet will be arranged as follows : Secretary of State, Hon. A. P. Upshur. Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. J. C. Spencer. Secretary of the Navy, Hon. David Henshaw. Secretary of War, Hon. J. M. Porter. Postmaster General, Hon. C. A. Wick liffe. Attorney General, John Nelson, Esq. of Baltimore. Messrs. Henshaw and Nelson arc new members. Mr. Henshaw is well known to the public here as a man of strict in tegrity, democratic political principles, extensive information, and abilities of the highest order; he is, also, a practical and a business man ; a regularly educated merchant, familiar with all the great in terests of the active, industrious and pro ducing classes of the community. We are confident that, while the democracy oftlie nation will fee! much gratification at his selection, all parties will acknowl edge the appointment to be a judicious one, and one calculated to benefit the ser vice to which he will be attached. Mr. Nelson is one of the most distinguished democrats in Maryland, and equally emi nent for his accomplishments and abili ties ; it will afford the country satisfaction to see a gentleman of hts character and powers called into the National Cabinet. These new appointments exhibit a high minded liberality and confidence on the part of the President, knowing as he does that both Mr. Henshaw and Mr. Nelson opposed his own election to the office of Vice President, and that both declare themselves, unhesitatingly, in favor of abiding by the decision of a Democratic National Convention in their support of a candidate as his successor.— Bos. Post. From the Montgomery (Al t.) Advertiser. Tflr. Clay's Cconomy be lore ai»J af-cr the Presidential Election East. In the last Presidential campaign, when it was the fashion among the Whigs to charge the Democrats with everything bad and to promise everything good from themselves, one of the principal charges against the Democrats was the extrava gance of tlieir administration. They knew that they had reduced the expenses gradually, yet regularly, after they had succeeded in paying the national debt— that the expenditures of 1810 were ex pected to be little higher than 20,000,00(1; yet the charge was urged most virulently, and no one was more active in urging it than Mr. Clay. Not conten, however, with making an indefinite charge of ex travagance, he undertook to say how much the government expenditures ought to be, in his Hanover speech made in Au gust or Septemlier of that year, and pub lished in the Richrm nd Whig Yeoman, and several other Whig papers, at the time ; extracts from this speech were pub lishee in the Yeoman, on the 17th day of September, beaded “ Principles of the Whig Party,” andjirnong them are to be found the following words: “ The annual expenditures may, in reasonable time, be reduced from its present amount of about 40,01)0.000, to near one third of that sum." Well the election came on ; and the blood-hound, Hone gold spoons, u two dollars a day and roast-beef ’’ humbugs, together witlfthis promise of cheap Gov ernment this thirteen million promise— for promise it certainly was—succeeded, and “ Whig principles ,” were triumph ant throughout the Union. Now, then, came the fulfilment of the promise. To be sure the more intelligent of the party knew well Inv much of the contest had been been based upon humbug ; but all but the leaders believed that the promise of economy, at least, would be fulfilled. The extra session was called, and Mr, Clay comes forward with his resolutions, and among them we find the third, as fol lows: “3d. The rate of duties on foreign im ports ought to be augmented beyond the rate of 20 per cent., so as to produce a net revenue of twenty-six millions of dollars —twenty-two for the ordinary ex penditures of Government, two for the payment of the existing debt, and two millions as a reserved fund for contingent CCS.” Here you have, above, Air. Clay's Whig promise, and, below, its fulfillment. In the first place, a promise made for the purpose of inducing votes for the benefit of his party; in the second place, a gross palpable, unprincipled disregard of truth and honor, when he had in his hands the power to carryout his promise. But the third resolution, given above, has the merit of being not only a violation of that promise, but has the additional one of being an open and shameless violation of the sacred compromise of 1833, made between Northern manufacturers and the South, to which Mr. Clay himself was a party.