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From the Washington Spectator. MR. CALHOUN S SPEECHES. The National Intelligencer is perform ing a very acceptible service in rescuing from oblivion such of Mr. Calhoun's ear lier speeches as have been omitted in the work recently’ published by’ the Meesrs. Harpers. Imperfect as they evidently are, they yet furnish glimpses of that ex traordinary talent, which, even at that early age, made Mr. C. a “ man of mark,” and extorted the plaudits of the cynic Randolph, ever more ready with his sneer than his praise. We see no necessity’ whatever to suppose that “ gross decep tion,” or “gross imposition,” (the some what unusual and uncalled for language of the Intelligencer) was intended by the compiler or publishers in an omission so palpable that its detection was inevita ble, and are rather disposed to attribute it to the difficulty of procuring authentic copies of the speeches in question. The mere fact that Mr. Calhoun’s present opinions upon questions of public policy are not the same as those he entertatned more than a quarter of a century since —a period in which mind as well as matter has been accelerated with the im petus of a locomotive, and in which po litical economy has kept pace with her sister sciences—should lie considered nei ther a matter of accusation by Mr. Cal houn’s opponents, nor of shame by his friends. With as much propriety might we make the man amenable for the crude opinions of his childhood, and, discard ingall the lights to be derived from learn ing and experience, say to the human mind, “ thus far shalt thou go and no further.” Pertinacity in opinion is the fool’s virtue, while the wise statesman keeps pace with the onward and upward march of human improvement. While the Intelligencer is pursuing its researches, it may not be amiss to remind it. that there is still upon record a speech of Mr. Clay, in which he denounced a United States Rank as inexpedient and unconstitutional, and that the arguments he then advanced have never been con troverted in any of his subsequent efforts, simply because they are incontrovertible. And to come still nearer home to the In telligencer, in alluding to the course of a distinguished statesman, whose language its editors have adopted as their motto, how often has Mr. Webster changed his opinions upon the subject of a currency ? As explanatory of the circumstances under which the speeches upon the sub ject of Internal Improvement and the United States Rank were delivered, of which sketches are given by the Intelli gencer, we make the following extracts from the very interesting “ Life of Mr. Calhoun,” recently published: * During the war, while the coasting trade was interrupted, the whole internal commercial intercourse, and the military transportations and movements over our widely extended country had to pass through internal routes, then in a state far less perfect than at present, and the difficulties were immense. Great delay, uncertainty and expense attended the concentration of any considerable force or supply on a point where the defence of the country or an attack on the enemy made it necessary. This greatly enfee bled our military operations, and contri buted much to exhaust the means of the Government. So great were the expense and difficulties, that it is estimated, for example, that much of the flour delivered at Detroit during the war cost per barrel, and most of the cannon and ball transported to the lakes not less than 50 cents per pound. “At the commencement of the first session after the war, while the recol lection of these things was fresh, Mr. Madison, in his opening message, among other things, invited the attention of Com gress to the subject of internal improve ments, and recommended Congress to call into exercise whatever constitutional power it might possess over the subject, and if that should not prove adequate, to apply for nil amendment to the Constitu tion granting such additional powers as would lie sufficient. Mr. Calhoun, net ting ns he supposed, in strict conformity to this recommendation, reported a bill at the next session, to set apart and pledge the bonus of the United States Rank and their share of its dividends as a fund for internal improvement. It made no ap propriation, nor did it intend to affirm that Congress had any power, much less to fix the limits of its power, over the subject; but to leave both, as well as the appropriations thereafter to be made, to abide the decision of Congress, in con formity with the President's views. Nor did Mr. C. undertake to establish either in his speech. He declined both, and confined his remarks to the general ben efit of a good system of internal improve ments. When urged to assert the power of Congress, lie refused, saying that, al though he believed it possessed the pow er to a certain extent, he was not prepar ed to w'ixt limits it extend'd, lie had not the least suspicion, in reporting and supporting the bill, that he went be vond the President's recommendation, or that he would have any difficulty in ap proving it, till the bill had passed both Houses, and was sent to him for his sig nature. “It was Mr. Madison’s last terms, and only a few days before its termination, when the bill was sent to him; and while h was still before him, Mr. Calhoun called to take his leave of him. After congratulating him on the success of his administration, and expressing the hap piness he felt in having had the opportu nity of co-operating with him in its most difficult period, that of the war, he took his leave. When he reached the door, Mr. Madison requested him to return. He did so,, and took his seat; and for the first time Mr. M. disclo ed to him his constitutional objections to the bill. Mr. Calhoiw expressed his deep regret, first "hat he-should entertain them, and next! flint he had not intiniati and them to him in time, * vying, that, if he had, lie (Mr. Cal houn) would certainly not have subjected him to the unpleasant duty, at the very close of his administration, of vetoing a bill passed by the votes of his friends, himself to having the weight of his name and authority brought against him on such a subject, lie then stated that be had Introduced the bill, as he believed, in strict conformity to his recommenda tion, and if lie had gone beyond, it was not intentional, and entreated him to re cohsiderthe subject; but it was too late. “ In this connection, it is due to can dor to state* that although Mr. Calhoun has never committed himself, in any speech or report, as to the extent of the constitutional powers of Congress over internal improvements,yet his impression like that of most of the young men of the party at the time, was, that it was comprehended under the money-power of the Government. Experience and reflection soon taught him this was an error—one, in all probability, originating with him, and others of his own age. in the precedent of the Cumberland Road, which may be regarded as the first de parture by the Republican party from the true construction of the Constitution in reference to that dangerous power. Thus much it has been thought proper to state by way of explanation, and as due to that portion of our political history, and the part which Mr. Calhoun acted in re lation to it. “ The subject of the currency, as has been stated, was particularly intrusted to Mr. Calhoun. It was regarded as the most difficult and important question of the session. All the Ranks of the States south of New England had, at an early period of tha war, stopped payment, anil gold and silver had entirely disappeared, leaving within their limits ao other cur rency than the notes of Banks that eith er would or could not redeem them.— Government was forced to submit, and not only to collect its taxes and dues* and make its disbursements, and nego tiate its loans in their discredited and de preciated paper, but also to use them, at the same time as the agents of the Trea sury and depositoriss of its funds. At first the depreciation was inconsiderable, but it continued to increase, though une qually, ill the different portions of the Union to the end of the war. It was then hoped it would stop ; but the fact proved far otherwise; fertile progress of depreciation became more and more rap id and unequal than ever. It was great est at the centre (the District of Colum bia and the adjacent region,) where ii had reached twenty per cent, as compar ed wiih Boston ; nor was there the least prospect that it would terminate of itself. It became absolutely necessary, in this state of things, for the Government to adopt the rn!e of Collecting its taxes and dues in the local currency of the place, to prevent that which was most deprecia ted from flooding the whole Union ; for the public debtors, if they had the option, would be sure to pay in the most depre ciated. Rut the necessary effect of this was to turn the whole import trade of the country towards the Chesapeake bay, the region where the depreciation was the greatest. Ry making entry there, the duties could be paid in the local depreci ated currency, and the goods then ship ped where they were wanted. The re sult of the rule though unavoidable. was to act atf a premium for depreciation. It was impossible to tolerate such a state of things. It was in direct hostility to the Constitution, which provides that “all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uni form throughout the United States,” and that “all.duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the 11. States,” and that “ no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or reven ue to the ports of one State over that of another.” Thus the only question was, what shall be done? “ The administration was in favor of a bank, and the President (.Mr. Madison) recommended one in his message at the commencement of the session. The great body of the Republican party in Congress concurred in the views of the Adminis tration, but there were many of them who had, on constitutional grounds, in superable objections to the measure.— These, added to the Federal party, who had been against the war, and were in consequence, against a bank, constituted a formidable opposition.. “ Mr. Calhoun, whose first lesson on tlie subject of banks, taken at the prece ding session, was not calculated to incline him to such an institution, was averse, in the abstract, to the whole system; but perceiving then no other way of reliev ing Government from its difficulties, he yielded to the opinion that a bank was indispensable. The separation ot the Government and tne banks was at that time out of the question. A proposition of the kind would have been rejected on all sides. Nor was it possible then to collect the taxes and dues of the Govern ment in specie. “ It had been almost entirely expelled thecoutitry; there appeared to he no alter native but to yield to a state of things to which' no radical remedy could at that time be applied, and to resort to a bank to mitigate the evils of a system which its then state was intolerable. This, at least, was the view which Mr. Calhoun took, and which he expressed iu his speech on taking up the bill for discus sion. It is said to have been one. of the most elaborate and powerful he ever de livered. Unfortunately, it is lost. That published at the time is a meager sketch of what took three hours in the delivery, and such as it is, never passed under his review and correction, and omits almost I entirely all that does not immediately ' refer to the bank. I lie passage' of the Bank bill was ' followed by the joint resolution of 181fi, which prohibit, and, after a certain day, the reception of the notes of any bank which did not pay specie. It received the de cided support of Mr. Calhoun, and was the first step towards the separation of the Government from the Banking sys tem. Through the joint agency of the two measures, the currency was brought to the specie standard, and the evil rem edied.” THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION’ THE DC TV OF TIIE DEMOCRACY. One by one the differences that seemed to threaten division in the national de mocracy upon the presidential question, have disappeared, and there is now but one real source of apprehension left; and this arises from the zeal with which a small portion of the friends of some of those named as candidates urge the claims of their respective favorites. The support of this or that man for the presidency before the final action of the national convention, must not, shall not, and never can, I e made the test of democracy. The seeming attempt of some portion of the press to make it so, is the only obstacle now left to that union of the whole democratic party which is destined in 1844 to achieve as consolida ted and complete a triumph as was ef fected in the second election of Andrew Jackson. There must be no intolerance of opin ions, no distrust of motives upon an hon est difference as to personal preferences in candidates. Our opponents, who can have no strength but in our division, have been watching and fostering dissen sions among us with the vain hope that now the democracy are all united on measures, they can nevertheless he made to sever on men. It is the first duty of the democracy to disappoint them. The time arid modes of holding and constitu ting a national convention, were for some time relied on as furnishing sources of division that might be brought to a head, but these have all been dispersed by the instinctive sense of right and justice, and the readiness to yield mere matters of form to substantial union upon principles that have never failed to concentrate the democracy, upon every great occasion, where success has depended upon mutu al concession and earnest co-operation. \\ e are ail now agreed that tire nation al convention shall be held in May 1844. This was the longest time proposed by any portion of the party, and if the friends of any candidate supposed it more favorable to them than an early period, •theentire benefit of it has been conceded to them with a frankness which will en sure that point of time being the only one that will bethought offer tire nomina tion. The whole democracy of the Un ion will be represented in that conven tion. The mode of selecting the dele gates is now left by general assent to the action of the democracy in each state, w here of right it belongs, as an integral part of the state right doctrine. The ni tioti that a general ticket delegation was desired by the friends of one candidate, and a district delegation by another, and that this was to be made a ground of ob jection to the constituency of the conven tion, has been wholly diss.pated. Thus in Georgia, for instance, where a state convention lias declared a preference for Mr. Calhoun, a general ticket delegation has been recommended, while in New York, and some other states, where Mr. Mr. Van Buren is known to be the pre ferred candidate, a delegation by districts is strongly urged. This last mode has much to commend it as the surest and safest exponent of the popular will, and we hope will be generally adopted, but the adoption of either mode will be made no grand objection in the convention, to the action of any state through its repre sentatives in that body. \\ liether the voting in the convention shall be by individual delegates or by states, has also been made a subject of amicable discussion, but by universal consent it is left to the convention itself, which is the only proper pow er to decide upon it, and there is no fear that it will not decide wisely and harmoniously. The only point left is the preliminary canvassing as to particular candidates be fore the meeting and final action of the convention. This must be done in a spirit of conciliation, and not in a tone of denunciation. The right of preference, and of opinion, and of discussion, is free to any man, and to any press, and to any body of men ; but no man, and no press, and no body of men, have any more rights in respect to their preferred can didate than others have as to theirs. The only standard the whole democracy will recognise is this : The candidate so pre ferred must be a democrat, and in har mony with the great democratic party ; but no man, and no press, and no state, can have any higher claim to purity of purpose, or devotion to the cause, or to distinction with the democracy of the country, for advocating the nomination of Mr. Calhoun than for advocating the nomination of Mr. Van Buren; nor for advocating the nomination of Mr. Van Buren than for advocating the nomina tion of Mr. Calhoun ; and so of other candidates for whom a preference may be entertained - . The right of preference and of express ing that preference belongs to all alike ; it is only’ iu the mode of exercising this right that the danger of collision may arise. In the zeal of one man or one press for its favorite candidate, there may be denunciation, intolerance, or dis trust of those who exercise the same right in regard to another candidate; and this is the injustice against which the sense of right of the great mass of the whole democracy of the Union will pro test with earnest firmness. If any candidate is unreasonably and dictatorial I y urged by his friends, it will surely retard and not advance his pros pects. There must he no ex cathedra anathemas of this or that man, no read ing out of the party of this or that indi vidual or press, for preferring or oppos ing this or that candidate, or for taking sides with either. The distinguished candidates themselves most desire this. The people mean fairly, and they will insist upon a full, fair, and frank consid eration of tire merits of all candidates, with as good right and as entire freedom from distrust in the support of one as the other, up to the moment of the expres sion by it majority of the national con vention ; and when that expression is made, the test of fidelity will be, the hon est support of that nomination ; and the measure of merit, the zeal and efficiency with which it is sustained and carried to its final triumph. So far as any influence of our press is concerned, we have designed from the beginning, to treat this grave matter of a national convention to determine the final preference for a candidate, in good faith and all honesty of purpose toward every section and every interest ; and witliout urging our individual wishes upon the people, to lead them to such action as will insure a lull and fair ex pression of the will of the democracy through that convention, iu such form as that no man who may lie disappointed at the result shall have just grounds ot complaint. After such a result, adhe sion to the decision of that convention will be regarded as the test of party fidel ity, and disaffection and a refusal to ac quiesce must be treated as open deser tion. This is the broad platform on which we desire to stand, and we are content to occupy no narrower space in the discus sion of this question. It is a mistaken view, if any entertain it, that special la vor or particular consideration is to be gained from the candidate who shall re ceive the nomination, by those wflio urged liis nomination beforehand. A man who could act on such selfish grounds would be unworthy the nomination, and we know of no man among those upon whom this high honor may be conferred, who is capable of a view so narrow-minded and unjust. The question will not be who was foremost to press the successful nominee, but wflio is truest, and most faithful and industrious in aiding the great purpose of that nomination, name ly: the triumph of the national democ racy, which then will become identified with the success of the selected candidate of the whole partyi The democratic people demand fair play and equal rights as to all the can didates. They will insist upon a con vention fairly chosen, and they will de sire to see such a convention composed of men full of the spirit of true democra cy, coining together not to struggle for a point in effecting a nomination based upon individual preference or sectional relations, but open to conviction, given to conciliation, and determined to con centrate in good faith and hearty resolu tion upon the man who shall be the choice of the majority. While, therefore, we have no quarrel with those of our brethren who choose to urge the candidate of their personal pref erence, no matter how earnestly, so long as they do not denounce or disparage others for not agreeing w ith them, we prefer for our owtl course to maintain a position best adapted to insure concilia tion, a conviction ofsincerity and a hearty unanimity in the final action of the con vention—fully confiding, in the mean time, in the sagacity of the democratic people to select their true-hearted repre sentatives to compose that convention, and to give to them, whenever it may be desirable, instructions to carry out the individual preference of their constitu ents faithfully in the first instance, but at all events to co-operate with the majority in a unanimous support of the candidate wflio may lie selected, whether he be their first choice or not. We know and recognize no Calhoun ism and no Van Bnrenism beyond this, nor shall we do aught to array either of these distinguished men or their friends against each other. The worst enemies that Mr. Van Buren or Mr. Calhoun have, in our opinion, are those who are over zealous in pushing the one and de nouncing the other, and whose aim is to make it a test of democracy to support one or the other before the action of the convention on their respective merits. The danger is that, if those who take this course shonld succeed in sending in to a convention two strong and nearly equal parties thus arrayed, both Mi*. Van Buren and Mr. Calhrun might be ren dered unavailable to the democracy by the necessary election of a third less de serving than either, but less obnoxious to either section of the two divisions. This state of asperity must not be en couraged by the democratic people, for this is the only cloud that now lies in the otherwise clear horizon of democratic as cendancy in the presidential election. That cloud is fast dispersing, and we cannot better conclude this article than by quoting from the Washington Globe the frank position that prominent press has laid down as its guide, since the re turn of its editor from a visit to the patri ot ex-President—a position manly, up right, and just to all, and upon which all can stand in the harmony of firm brotherhood. We will heartily co-oper ate with the Globe, and every other dem ocratic press, in establishing this as the platform on which we are all to stand up to the nomination by the convention; and let those only be regarded as want ing in fidelity to principle, and good faith in party co-operation, who, before or af ter that nomination, attempt to set up a difierent standard:— “ If it were not for the enemies to the democratic party,” says the Washington Globe, we would not know who are Calhoun, Van Buren, Cass, Johnson, or Buchanan men. \\ e never ask the question, and really do not wish to know j who a democratic ca didate for office is ' in favor of for the next presidency ; all we desire to know is, Is he honest, capa- ' ble, and in favor of whoever may be the nominee of the democratic national con vention ? A\ hen we are satisfied on the first two points, we make no further iu quiry, as the third follows as a conse quence. as ceitainly as effect follow's cause.” The democrats of Philadelphia adopt ed the following resolution on the fourth : “ Resolved. That in the approaching contest with Federalism, it is the duty of the democratic party to unite w’ithout debay in active and vigorous measures, and cordially to co-operate for the preser vation of their political principles, and the restoration of their ascendancy in the administration of the government; that while they will select for the chief exe cutive office, none but a tried and faith ful supporter of democratic measures, they will be swayed by no unworthy pre dilections for an individual; that they will heaitily and sincerely yield to the wishes of the majority all particular pref erences ; and that in the decision of a national democratic convention, chosen and held in such time and manner as may be acceptable to a majority, and vo ting as by that body may be considered just and proper, they recognise the fair est and most just selection of the presi dential candidate.— Rost. Statesman. From the Savannah Georgian. REMARKABLE INSTANCES OF LONGEVITY. The following statement is compiled from some old Parish Registers,published iu different parts of Europe between the years 15U0 and ISUU, A. L). for the pur pose of perpetuating the memory of per sons, whose lives weie extended much beyond the usual sphere of human exis tence. There are still extant a few bi ographical sketches of some of the parties, showing that most of them M’ere mechan ics, sai.ors, farmers, soldiers and laborers ; that they were exposei to various climate influences by tie.d and flood ; and that some of them experienced the rude buf fetings of adversity, Ac. Many of the remarkable company were repeatedly wounded in battle, exposed by slnpwri ek and subjected to other dangers; still they clung tenaciously to life, even lor gene rations alter their early associates hud “bade the world farewell.” We have arranged the successive ages in accor dance with the forms of the curious old chronicles liom which we extracted our catalogue. Alive in ihe year 1770, John De La Soure., aged 130 years. 44 4 * “ 1760, George Kings, " 130 44 44 M 44 1707, John Tayior, “ 130 44 44 44 1774, Win. Ueuiie, 44 130 44 44 44 44 1778, John Watson, 4 * J3O 44 44 44 44 1780, John Meß. ie, 4 ‘ 130 44 , 4 44 44 1780, William Uliis, 44 130 4 44 44 44 1775, David Uammeron, 44 130 44 17GI, Elizabth Taylor, 131 1761, Eiiz’th Merchant, 133 1775, Peter Gurdher, 131 1772, Mrs. Keith, 131 1777, Francis A£nes, 134 1759, James cdieile, 136 [777, John Bmckey, 134 1708, Catharine None, 136 •744, Jane Harrison, 135 1772, John Richardson, 137 1/74, Margaret Foster, 136 1793, Robertson, 137 l7t*6, John Moriat, 136 1766, Thomas Dobson, 139 1750, Win. Miarpley, 133 1772, Mrs Glim, 138 1708, Jeiler Donough, 138 1785, Margaret Cameron, 139 j 773, Fuirbroiher, 133 1752, Win. Leland, 140 175*2, Countess Desmond, 140 1770, James Sands, 140 1?73, SwarllngA-Monk, 142 1773, Charles Mi Finley, 143 John Efiingham, 144 1782, Evan Williams, 143 1766, Thomas Winsloe, 146 1772, J. C. Hrahakenburg, 146 1652, William Mead, 148 1765, Francis Consair, 150 1542, Thomas Newnan, 152 1635, Thomas Purr, 152 1650, James Bowles, 152 1648, Thomas Damme, 154 1650, Henry West, 15*2 1763, A Polish Peasant, 157 1706, Joseph Burrington, 160 1668, Win. Rewards, 163 1670, lianry Jenkins, 1*26 1782, Louisa Truxo, 175 The above schedule contains the names of forty-eight persons (ten females and thirty-eight males,) natives of Germany, Ireland, Ireland, France, Poland, Italy, England, Holland, Scotland, &c. The average duration of their lives ranging about one hundred and forty one and a half years, and it is deserving of notice, that the longest liver on the list was a lady, who departed this life at the vener able of 175 years. We have seen it stated that a man died in Fredericksburg, United States,reported to have been 180 years old in the year 1797, but we have no authentic docu ment to authorize the insertion of his name on our list. When correctly informed on the sub ject, we will include his name in a list of Revolutionary Patriarchs, which we will hereafter publish for the entertainment of our readers. A HINT TO NORTHERN TARIFF MEN. We clip the following item of intelli gence from a Georgia paper, the Ameri can Democrat, published at Macon : “Is Mr. Clay in favor of a Protective Tariff? We thought it impossible that such a question should have arisen, and doubt less wotijd have continued so to think, had notour easy serenity upon this sub ject been somewhat abruptly broken in by a respectable Whig gentleman, who informed us that Mr. Clay was no longer in favor of the Protective Tariff, and that Mr. Berrien, in bis late speech at the Whig Convention bad asserted as much.” This is another key to what our wings call John Tylers treachery. Our oppo nents must learn to deal honestly with each other before they can convince us of the sincerity of their denunciations of their “impracticable” President. Here now, is Mr. John McPherson Berrien, striving to lead the southern whigs into the support of Mr. ( lay, by what he knows to be a palpable misrepresenta ti jn. Mr. Berrien, if lie knows Mr. Clay at all, knows that at the north .and west, he stakes his politca! existence upon bis protective tariff principles, and yet he has the hardihood to get up before his whig fellow citizens in Georgia, and as sure them that the contrary is die fact! Now, is not this the basest kind of ‘treachery?” Mr. Berrien knows that the great body of the southern whigs arc irreconcilably opposed to a protective tarilF, a national bauk, and to distribu tion ; and he is shamelessly endeavoring to trim Air. Clay’s sails to suit the popu lar breeze iu a southern meridian, and in doing so luj notoriously outrages the truth, and holds out false allurements to such of his political associates as are sim ple enough to confide in him. If there is deception in treachery, can any tiling be blacker than this? \\ e hereby warn nur whig friends in season, and now tell them that their managers are playing n double game with them. The same kind of trickery was practised at the south in 1810, when Mr. Badger public ly proc'dinied that Gen. Harrison was opposed to a National Rank, and when Mr. Tyler, an avowed opponent of such an institution, was nominated to the Vice Presidency. A repetition of the same tricks is about to ensue. A southern man, and an opponent of a protective tar iff, a national bank, and of distribution, will in all probability be selected as the whig candidate for the vice presidency ; and what is worse, he will be selected for these very qualities , in order to carry with him the strength of the southern whigs. Suppose* them successful; and that this southern Vice President, (as would not be improbable) should be call ed upon to administer the affairs of the government on whig principles, such as he and his southern supporters under stand them to be, and such as Mr. Berri en, in Georgia, proclaims that they arc 1 , where would lie the “ treachery” and who M ould be responsible for it ? It would be well for the Eagle to crack these nuts, and say whether Mr. Berrien may he taken as a classick model of whig honesty. —Poughkeepsie Prce Press. From the Washington Spectator. MR. CALHOUN. We insert below an extract from a let ter from Mr. Calhoun to a friend, who has authorized us to publish it, as the best inode of answering the letters on the sub ject of a Northern and Western tour, which are too numerous to admit of a personal reply to each by Mr. Calhoun himself. Although his friends may at first feel a little disappointment, we are fully persuaded that, on reflection, they cannot fail to approve of the sentiments so characteristic of the man, which have dictated his decision. sir. calhoun’s letter. “ I have received numerous invitations to visit various portions of the Union, and especially the Northern, and given the subject that deliberate and favorable consideration which is due to the wishes ol my friends ; but n*-:st say, after view ing the subject on all sides, that my judg ment is against it. 1 have nevt r known any visit, by one in the position I occupy, that did not do more to weaken than U> strengthen him, and 1 can see no reason why the fact should not be the same in my case. There are many reasons why should be so ; and among Iheni one of the strongest, in my opinion, is that there is a large and influential, but quiet portion ot the community, who re gard the office ot President as too eleva vated, and its responsibility too great, to be Ihe object ot personal solicitation or canvass. 1 must say, I participate in the impression. According to my opinion, the highest office in the Union ought to be the reward only ot acknowledged ser vices—services long and faithful, and evincing a thorough knoM'ledge of our system of Government, and a deep devo tion to the Constitution, the liberty’ and the happiness of the country. Thus thinking, lam adverse to taking any step that might be construed so as to place me in an attitude inconsistent with that opinion. “ Be ieving that such would be the cer tain effect of a visit to the North, or any other section, at this time—that it would be regarded as a mere electioneering tour —I cannot, without doing violence to my feelings, comply with the wishes of my friends. It may appear fastidious, but, as such, in my opinion, would he the fact, 1 must respect it. If it M r as a mere mat ter of opinion, whether it M ould or M ould not contribute to the result which my friends dcsiie, I M’ould defer to their judg ment, and cheerfully comply with their wishes. I should feel it due to them to make tlie visit, and should moreover, take much pleasure in witnessing the great groM-th and improvement of our country, and in forming the acquaintance of those friends with whom 1 am now personally unacquainted, and in reneMflng that of those whom I have heretofore personally known. Rut as it is, Ido hope, they will excuse me ; and I will thank you to make known to those M’ho have expressed the desire to you, that 1 should make a visit to their portion of the Union, my reasons for declining to accede to their wishes, and to assure them, that, under different circumstances, it would have afforded me much pleasure to comply M'ilh them.” MR. VAN BUREN IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. It appears to us that the Democracy of the country arc in some danger of Being misled upon the subject of Mr. Van Huron’s strength in New Hampshire. It is less lhan a month since a State Convention was held there, of delegates fresh from the people. An •‘(Tort was made to commit the Ftate in support of Mr. Van Burt n, hy resolutions, declaring him to he the preferred candidate of New Hampshire; they were pressed with much fervency ; yet the Conven tion refused to adopt the it, proton ing to leave the question open to tlie future. Fuhsequently, those iiicmhers ot the Convention who urged the nomina tion of Mr. Van Buren, being members of the Le gislature, succeeded in procuring the adoplion of their resolutions at a legislative caucus; and the re sult is proclaimed as “the voice of New Hampshire.” It may he the voice of the Legislature, notwithstand ing five members rose in opposition to the resolutions, and quite a numlier more declined voting either way. The memlieis of the Legislature were not chosen with reference to the subject; and although no one questions tlieir right to express their opinions u;ton the matter, yet the Democracy of the country are hound in good faith to receive the action of the pop ular Convention as the authoritative expression of New Hampshireanti that leaves the question open to future consideration.— ll'urces/cr f*allodium . The Wu Tent of \v At u.Norox. —tVe learn that this venerable relic of revolutionary times, winch li is he i) carefully preserved hy our patriotic counfry m an, G. W. P. Custis, arrived in Baltimore a short ti ne since, on its way to Pittsburg, win re it is about in Ire pitched oil the approaching Anniversary, near to the field ol Washington's earliest feme. L'oubt h»s it wdl awaken thrilling recollection! of scenes t .at occurred at Foil Du (iuesne and Braddeck’*- fields.