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r l Lo most perfect Govc;nine:;t would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Posts least —Dispenses Justice to all, aad confers Privileges on None.—BEXTHAAT. J ' dr. wm. green -editor. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES’ BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, CEO. AT two boz<ZjAH3 paa annuic, ICj- IN ADVANCE. -Cti Kales of Advertising, &c. One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents for the nrst lusertioi., and 50 cents lor each subsequent inser non. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than oq) w.irds, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a lilreral deduction will be made. nyS. U Sales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors, nr Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the lirsr Tuesday in the month, belweeu the hours of 10 in the lore ,, ,011, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Conn tv in’which tlie pro|)eriy is siiua ed. Noiice of these must 1,’,, o,vert in a public Uaaette, SIXTY' DAYS, previous to the tiny ul sale. 'iilesof PERSON Vl. PROPERTY, musi be advertised in , h „ yme manner. FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors ol an Estate, must be pub lishcd FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made lo the Court of Ordi nary. for leave lo sell LAND, must be published FOLK months. Bales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on the iirsl Tuesday of the month, between the leeal hours of sale at the place of public sales in the county where the let ters'testamentary, ol Administration or Guardianship, shall hue been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously uven io one of the public gazetis ol this Stale, and at the door of the Court House, where such sales are to be held. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. N„ ire for h ive lo sell NEGROES, tou t he published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made ch-.reoa by the Court. REMITTANCES UY MAIL. —“A Postmaster may on close money in a letter to die publisher of a newspaper, ro pay the sahscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” Amos KendaU, P. M G COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the ElUTon Po»T I’jutr. TO THE DEMOCRATIC PA ITY 01-' THE ST a OR GEORGIA. Fclloic-Citiz>. • * —Your delegates in Convention assembled in June last, after nominating Mark A. Cooper, for Gov jernor, and James H. Stark, of Butts, for Congress, and expressing their deter mination to abide by the nomination to the Presidency of the great Democratic Party of their country, selected as their first choice for that exalted station, John 0. Calhoun, and charged the under signed with the duty of addressing you in”their behalf, -art ’the great questions pending before Hie people. In selecting the above named individ uals lo bear aloft the banner of Democ racy in the respective spheres to which they may ho called to act, your delegates have been influenced by no personal or sectional feelings, have chosen them as the exponents of your political faith. In these principles they are sound ; pro- and illustrating those doctrines which have distinguished the Republi can Party from the early days of our Na tional existence. In free States there must ever exist difference of opinion, and in the manifold operations of government, freemen will, in the exercise of their nu ll inbted rights, approve, or disapprove llie acts of their official agents. A sla vish acquiescence would lie unworthy ill r descendants of those who dared to ns iert, and did successfully vindicate the Veedout of thought and action against i * combined force of the British Empire. J’liis feeling of independence, alike hon j)ruble aud proper, will olten produce a Hiver.sity of sentiments amongst those Brlio agree upon the cardinal points of po litical faith. I This diversity of sentiment has oxist- II among brethren of the smite political Breed, to a greater or less extent, at every Heriod of on r National hisjory. aad it was ■iugularly illustrated in reference to some Bf the measures of the administration of R> 'neral Jackson. The causes ofdiffer- Bice being removed, those who were sep- Brated for a time, have again become lul l'd by the bonds of a common faith, and Kc nmv contending together for the n tintenance of those fundamental prin t; >!es upon which they have never dis- Hrcil. I Much effort has been exerted by the I ialcral press in this State, and much aj 're will he expended in an attempt to I tr upon your delegates, and yourselves, I ie charge of inconsistency in becoming A “advocate of Mr. Calhoun. But whence I roceeds this charge ? From a party, I hose members were not long since the I tponents of a National Bank—the un- I ' upromising antagonists oi'a protective I 'bey, and the stern advocates of the I gltts of the States. Now, these very “u shout hosannas to Henry Clay— I be head and front” of the protective pol i|y—the advocate of aU. States Bank — tl leader of the Federal party, whose ■hole political course is characterized B a construction of the Constitution, ki en from, and opposed to the constitu tional tenets of the Republican school. ■ A brief recurrence to recent events m* H serve to prove with what truth your ■ legates, by the selection of Mr. Cal - I tin, have made themselves obnoxious I the charge of inconsistency. IA few years since, two parties divided I r -State. Alike opposed to an United I utes Rank, they were equally hostile to r I ’fotective tariff, and dilfered only i,s r I ■ “mode and measure of redress.” One I these parties deemed that a steady nd- I fence io moderate, and confessedly , I 't'titutional measures, would effect he J I ''l "1 the Tariff, the other found the I " ( ' ( ly in Nullification —a measure ’ I bcli, io their judgment, was Loth Con | I bitional and Republican. At the head m ,:i ' s latter party stood John C. Cni \ l l ' ll j and opposed to both parties, was DEIttOCRATIC BAKNE?i “FRSE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; fIF? ION PROia BAIIZS; ECONOMY; BZSTRSNCSSZ2NT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C3i-.-af £' VTION.—J. C. C.I^MMOU.r. Henry Clay, the friend and advocate of a National Bank, and the friend and sup porter of the whole protective policy. — Now, fellow-citizens, both of these ques tions were again forced upon the coun try, and where are tire majority of those, who, in their zeal for Southern rights, were content to peril the Union in their resistance to that tyranny which sprung from a protective Tariff ? You find them arrayed beneath the banner of 11. Clay then, as now, the champion of the protec tive policy ! ! The mass of the Union Party, with those of their former oppo nents, who refused to sacrifice their cher ished principles, have, under a common faith, united in the support of .Mr. Cal houn, on whose* banner, is inscribed now as then. UNCO.MfROMISING < TPO SITION TO ANY POLICY, WHICH SEEKS the PROTECTION OF ONE INTEREST JN THE DESTRUC TION OF ALL OTHERS.” If the sacrifice of fee.ings excited against men by the collission of party strife on the altar of principles be incon sistency, then are the members of the old Union Party obnoxious to the charge for their advocacy of Calhoun aud Cooper. But, fellow-citizens, the former Niillifi ers, who now compose the Whig Party, exclaim against the Nullification of Mr. < kdhoun. Ai -w words upon this p >iut. - ut position to which this great man './ill probably lie called, is one peculiarly Na tional, and if we ai (tie from the past, as to the future action of the Federal Executive, it may be safely affirmed that no President of the United States, will ever fail to exercise all the powers which legitimately belong to the office. Usur pation, rather than too much forbearance, by the National Executive, is to be feared. Place Henry Clay in the Chair of State, whose policy, as a statesman, is by construction of the Federal charter to enlarge the powers of the General Go vernment, and you have the opinion of the man, and the tendencies of the Poli tician, combining with the temptations of his station to urge him onward in a system of usurpation, the result of which must be the slavery of the States, or the disruption of the Union. But in the nominee of your Convention, you find a man whose opinions, sentiments, and professions, are all in favor of the rights of the States, and a strict construction of the Constitution, and these will clearly counteract the tend mcies of his position is President. Yet no one can doubt,that Mr. Calhoun, if electe 1, will exert all the ! powers which of right belongs to the of j fiee. Henry Clay may, by his usurpa i tion ofpowars not granted, produce Nulli fication, whilst John C. Cos houn, jealous | of the rights of the States, will only exer -1 cise tilt; granted powers, and tints remove j all necessity of the adoption of tiiis mode of redress. iu fact you may well fear a Presid >nt who may encroach oil til* liberties of the pj ipie, but you u led n *v.;r fear that any Presid ait of the United States will nulli fy the action of the Gjh ;ral Government. Bat your delegates do not claim sup port for your nominees, solely on tiie ground that they are right in their politi cal opinions. They appeal to the good and the virtuous of a 1 parlies, to rally to the support of those whose pure charac ters, and blameless lives have adorned tlie democratic circle, whilst their adher ence to the doctrines ot the Republican school, give assurance that in such hands the citadel will be safe. And it isa con solation above all price that we may thus lay the claim of your candidates to j ojn lar favor upon their private virtues as men, and resting on these as on a tower of strength, calmly, and dispassionately discuss their principles as Politicians.— We need not look back on those lines of distinction,which first separated,and con tinue to separate, the Republican and Federal Parties,under the various names, which, from time to time, have been as sumed ; it is enough for us to deal with the present. We may however, remark, that all tlie differences have originated from one common point. The Constitu tion is the text book of Republicanism in this country, and the truth of every po litical opinion may lie subjected to this simple test; is there such a grant in the National charter? Tlie Constitution, and its strict construction, are tlia lights which guide us in our political course, whilst our opponents, now and ever,have indulged in that latitudinian construction of that instrument, which has made our government anything or nothing as the caprices of tlie moment, or temporary views of exjiediency, may have dictated. So much have we deemed it necessary to say in relation to two of the candi dates, selected by your Convention, at Milledgeville,because against them chief ly have been directed the shafis ot our opponents. As to your candidate for Congress, as nothing has been or can be said against his character as a man, or against the consistency of the Democratic Party of the State in supporting him, we need say nothing in his praise, certainly nothing in his defence. In nominating Mr. Calhoun ns their first choice tor the Presidency, your Con vention declare to the country, that they were determined to support whomevei might be selected by tlie great Nationa Convention of the Democratic Party.— This we M ould dwell upon as one oi MACON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST IG, 1843. these principles of party action, to which we should ever adnere. While, there fore, as citizens of (Georgia, we fat* pre terred Mr. Calhoun for the Presidency, as citizens of the Union, we are ready to give un earnest support to the nominee of the Nutioual Convention. Several in dividuals of eminence have been propo sed by our political friends in various por tions of the Union as candidates for that exalted station : while we pledge our selves to a hearty support of either of their candidates, should he he nominated, we look forward, with a firm assurance, to a similar support from them, of our fa vorite, should his name be proposed to the country. Thus riveted, thus deter mined to plant ourselves upon principle, and cheerfully to sacrifice to them our personal predilections, we moy look for ward w.tii an unceasing trust, to a signal triumph over our opponents. The questions winch now divide the two great parties of the country arc the Tariff"—the proposed modification of the Veto—to us its virtual abolition —the es tablishment of an United States Bank— and the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. The adjustment of the Tariff may be regarded as a leading question, because being sc : ona! in it; character, it is more ditticut \ts settlement, and uio: e dan gerous jis results. To this, til •», we would first call your attention. Our coun try embraces every variety of climate and of soil—almost every produettion of Na ture —and all the varied occupation of civilized man, and it was the crowning glory of the illustrious fathers of the Rev olution that they had given to their pos terity a government, whose benign in fluence would foster, and cherish, and protect these various interests, and bin l them all in one harmonious Union ; such is the character of our Constitution, and a strict adherence to its provisions in all that is necessery to insure to us prosperi ty at home, respect from abroad, and an Union, perpetual as time. To support our General Government, duties upon imports are properly regar ded as tiie most equitable, and the least burthen-some mode by which taxes may be imposed. It is indirect taxation, and if judiciously laid falls # ith equal three on all classes of the community. And we may add,.that a Tariff'thus constitu ted, necessarily affords incidental protec tion to the great manufacturing interest of the country. To such a Tariff we have no objection, and have an abiding confidence, if the South is but true to herself, that the Tariff will be so adjusted as to produce a revenue necessary lor an economical ad ministration of the govern ment, and at the same tune by its perma nency, give the only protection which can Constitutionally be given to the man ufacturers of the North aud West. And who so fit to carry out these prin ciples,as that illustrious statesman,whom your delegates have selected as your can didate for the Cuief AI igistracy of the Union—a citizen without reproach, and a statesman whose gigauttc mind and deep research, have illustrated this very subject ? But our opponents (at least iu this State,) say that they too desire such a tariff. Such is the language of their lips; but have we not a right to ajipeal to their acts rather that; their words l M ho are their associates—who is their leader. Henry Clay is tlie father of the protective system —lie is tiie master spirit that controls, and directs the energies of the manufacturers of tlie North and West, and his genius and eloquence sustain a policy under whose para izing influence, the South must wither—her fertile fields become desolate, and her very I lessmgs turned to curses. This min is their lea d :r— his name is their watch word, and under his banner, shoulder to shoulder, with the high Tariff party, of the North and the west, are they now battling against us. Under whom then, fellow citizens, will you rally ? But upon this subject our faith is firm—our cause is the cause of justice and of truth, and we will never cease our efforts, until we can so adjust the duties upon imposts, as to bring them down to a simple revenue Tariff. We are opposed, too, to the char ter of a Bank of the United States, and we might sum up our objections in one sen tence. \Ce are opjjosed to it, because Congress has no such Constitutional power. In vain may we be told, that Washington and Madison, sanctioned the exercise of such a power by Congress. \Y r e jiause not to enquire into the peculiar circumstances,and troublous times which constrained theso great men into an ap proval! of the Bank Charter. These have entered into tlie history of the past, and are familiar to all, but we protest against the substitution of authority for laws—of Legislative and Executive construction, for the Constitution itself. Not only is there no such grant ot j>ower,in the Con stitution, but the Convention which formed it,positively refused to make such a grant. And yet Legislative interpreta tion is quoted as higher authority than the Constitution itself, or than the cotem porarieous exposition of the very man who framed that instrument. But if Le gislative interpretation is to be regarded as binding upon us, then may Congress pass another Alien and Sedition Law, or any other odious Federal enactment. But if the establishment of a Bank were consti- tutioual, it is inexpedient, and dangerous to the liberties of the peop'e. The mel ancholy termination of the late U. States Bank, whose history may be written in the tears of the windows and orphans, whom it has beggared, ought to be a bea con, to warn the people ol this country, from similar dangers. To incorporate u Bank with a capital of fifty millions of dollars, (the present scheme of the whigs) is to raise up a power, greater than the government itself. and which in times of trouble and of var, may order, direct and control it. Such a power by concentra ting its strength at a particular j oint, may prostrate the St; >» institutions—con trol elections, and give tone and charac ter to the government. These are no idle fears. None can doubt the power and in fluence of a great monied institution, and the history of the past, Hourly proves that in a contest with the government,the Bank or it must fall—and if united, the liberties of the people would be at the mercies of a corrupt government, and its more corrupt coadjutor. The establish ment of a B ink, is nothing more nor less than giving incorporat and power to indi vidual wealth. In this country, we have no hereditary nobility—no irresponsible monarch, and the ou y nucleus around which tlie aristocracy can raly, is mo ney. Hence the undue influence it has obtained in our country--hence the stu pendous efforts made to obtain it, and the gigantic crimes committed in its pursuit; hence the desire on tlie part of some to give form and substance to this god of their idolatry. Tlie Republican party are opposed to such a jtoiicy. It you iu corporate a B ulk, you usher into exis tence, an institution which for the period of its chartered existence is placed beyond the reac'i of the people. Any other mode of *he disbursing and collecting tlie pub lic revenue, can he modified from year to year, to suit the popular will, and the vi cissitudes of the times. Not so with a Bank. No matter what may be its oj>e ratioas, whether by expansion it exci es, and maddens the people with the desire of speculation, or by contraction of its is sues it ruins thousands, it must stand un touched, guarded by tiie aegis of its char ter. Fellow-citizens, beware of such an institution—heed not the voice of the charmer—it is the songof the syren that leads you to destruction. And next let us refer to the question of the distribution of the proceeds of tlie sales of the public lands. These lands were intended as a common fund for the benefit of the Union, and the distribution of the proceeds of other sales among the States, was a mere divice of the Whigs, during their short rcigti, to cajole and bribe the people into a support of ♦heir measures. Take this source of revenue from the General Government, and its place in i4 he supplied either by direct or indirect taxation, in the form of an odi ous and oppressive Tariff—“lt keeps tlie word of promise to the ear, and breaks it to the sense.” It gives to the. States a paltry pittance, and wrings from its citi zens, double payment for tlie boon. And lastly, the modification of the Veto Power. Whence has arisen this desire, to change the fundamental law of the laud—to destroy the balance wheel of tlie Constitution, and to deface and deform that hallowed charter of our lib erties, sanctified by the blood of the rev olution, and bequeathed to us by our sires as their last, best gift? Whence this desire, we ask? It is tlie abortion of a defeated, and ambitions faction.— Failed in their efforts to obtain power, and maddened by disappointment, they seek to mar the symmetry and harmony of our beautiful but complex form of gov ernment. The argument that the veto power is a relic of tyrrunny, is mure spe cious than sound. If it be a relic of tyr rauuy, blot it out from the Constitution ; but no, that proposition would be too monstrous; and so our opponents seek to do indirectly, that which they dare not attempt directly. What is tiie modifica tion which they propose ? Why, to re tain tlie jiower nominally, but if the same majority shall pass the same law the ve to power is without force and effect.— Preserve tlie Constitution then as it is— leave the President the veto, which may be controlled by two thirds of the people’s representatives or if it be an evil, blot it from the record. But it is no relic of tyrranny —our ancestors who placed it there, were fresh from a bloody contest , for human rights—were jealous of tyr ranny in every form, and imposed no guards but those which would protect our liberties. Such, fellow citizens, are our princi jiles, and the principles of tlie candidates whom your delegates offer to you—they are the principles on which the govern ment was based, and by which alone it can be preserved. If such are your principles, rally then to their support — rally as one man, with one heart, and an imated by one desire, the holy and bless ed desire to preserve the liberties of your country, and to transmit them to your posterity, pure as you received them. It they are your principles, let no private feelings, no sectional jealousy check you in tlie performance of that, duty .which you owe your country, and youcselves. The storm of .p 'ssjon qt)(j jmnibiiggq- ( iy which desolated the country in 1840, and swept away for the moment, as with the “besom of destruction,” the reflection and principles of the people, has subsided. The dark night has end< and in which log cabins, and ’coon skins, and pepper jxids, and gourd vines were the emblems and watchwords and principles of a party, and a purer, and brighter day has dawn ed. Reason and reflection have resumed their sway, and the ‘sober second thought’ of an intelligent and awakened people, we cheerfully submit our principles and our candidates. IIENRY R. JACKSON, 1 O JOSEPH DAY, I 3 IRBY HUDSON, WILLI AM C. DANIEL, | s' SOLOMON COHEN. J o August 1, 18-13. From iJie New York Sun. CASE OF BENJAMIN RATIIBUN. Nearly five years have now elapsed, since this remarkable man was sentenced to that term of imprisonment, in the State Prison at Auburn. As the time of fiis liberation approaches, the interest felt for him revives, and men begin to reflect upon his past history, and specu late upon his future destiny. There are those of our readers, who remember when Benjamin Rathbun com mence* his career, as tlie keeper of the : Eagle Tavern, at Buffalo, which hv his admirable tact, systematic management, and unobtrusive attentions, he made the model hotel of the country ; and very of ten, when travellers have been praising; their favorite hotels and landlords, hav • i we heard them speak with raptures of tlie Eagle Tavern, when kept by Benja min Rathbun. But his great talents and enterprise were not to be cramped up in this voca tion. 'There was a city to he built. He put to the work his herculean shoulders aud it went up like magic. Whatever tiis mind conceived his hand executed. Never was the power of a single master mind more forcibly displayed, and the whole country lookd with wonder upon his achievements. Broad and beautiful streets and squares were built up and peopled; Lake Erie was covered with magnificent steamboats—lines of stages, branched off" in every direction, manu factories grew up and supplied the West with machinery and implements of hus bandry, and one giant mind superintend ed every opera ion. That Benjamin Rathbun should have in his possession a vast amount of prop erty, was a matter of necessity. With : his wealth, came, of course, the malicious j envy which is its attendant curse. In a ! single day, every malice was gratified, i and he was stripped to the last penny of his princely possessions. Mr. Ruthbun’s financial business, a mounting at times to millions, was con ducted by a talented and ambitious broth er, the late Col. Rathbun, assisted by two confidential clerks, his nephews. Ben jamin R ithbiin signed his notes, drafts, etc., in blank, and left it to his brother to fill •them as needed, procure endorse ments, and keep all the financial ma chinery of the credit system, then in full operation, in motion, while lie attend 'd to every architectural and mechanichal depart nent. Ail immense contract was offered. Rathbun saw peril in the tunes, hut his brother, with less foresight more sanguine and more ambitious, urged him to take it, and gave the strongest assu rances that he could carry him through. His endorsers became alarmed, and it was for fulfilling his pledge that Col. Rathbun, the brother of Benjamin com menced, for a temporary purpose, tlie system of forgeries. It is worthy of re mark, that the first one was committed in mere wan ton ness, by one of his neph ews, to save himself the trouble of “ run ning his legs off’,” as he said, to find one of tiie regular endorsers. The time grew worse. Col. Rathbun found himself in a difficulty, which com polled him to call upon his brother for aid, and one day, in the midst of his gi gantic operations, he was appalled with tlie knowledge of the abyss over which he was standing. This was Benjamin Rathbuu’s first knowledge of the forge ries. W hat could he do? Could a warm hearted man send his brother and two nephews to the state prison, for serving his interests too recklessly ? Where is the man who would not try to save them ? 'The conduct of Benjamin Rath bun, at this moment, showed the true greatness of his character. He lmd prop erty to the amount oft\v r o millions and a half, as appeared by a subsequent valua- j tion. Os this, to tlie last penny, without' making one cent of provision for him-; self, his excellent wife, or liis aged lather, j he assigned, to secure his endorsers, to ; procure a loan which would take uj> ev ery dollar of forged pajier, and pay, to the last penny, every debt he owed in the world. And he went to work with all his energies to accomplish tiiis pur pose. The result is known. His as signees, men whose fortunes he had built up, were no sooner in jx>ssession of this assignment than they had him arrested —they kept him'for two years in a filthy jail, and after repeated trials, procured his conviction, and his sentence five y’ears to tlie state prison at Auburn, and then divided, plundered, and squandered his whole propeity, cheating his credit ors, and carrying out a system of fraud, such as was never equalled in tiiis coun try. For nearly two years, did Benjamin Rathbuni lie in a narrow, miserable cell; in the jail of Erie county. His wile, a most elegant woman, who lias clung to him with all of woman’s fidelity in his reverses, was supported chiefly by two Episcopal clergymen, who boarded with j her. Rathbun bore his conviction and sen tence with manly fortitude, confident that the u arid would yet do justice to his character andqnotives. The parting with his wife was*one of those scenes, in which reality beggars all fiction. For nearly thirty years they had been togeth er, in poverty and wealth, in prosperity and adversity, surrounded bytheir friends at tlie social board, or sitting at the bed side of the sick, and offering the consola tions of religion to the dying. Now he left her, sentenced, as a felon, to a long imprisonment. The Sheriff of Genesee county, wlieie he was convicted, by what bribes aid perjuries let Heaven reveal, entertained ; MV. Rathbun in his own house after h « | sentence, and without the least watch upon him, let him receive his visitors in his own parlour "*V hen ready to go, lie I sent his son, a boy t 6 drive him to Au burn in his private carriage, unmanacled and unguarded. He stc \d at the V merican Hotel, dined, conversed with i some friends who calied upon him for an hour or two, and then walked calmly, as if it had been to church, up to the state prison, where he announced his name and errai'd, and after enquiring particu larly respecting all the regulations of the * prison, he juit on the dress of a convict, and went to his apjxiinted labor. His mild and dignified demeanor filled the keejters with involuntary respect, and the first opportunity was taken to make him steward of the hospital, where du ring these live years he has administered | medicines to the sick convicts, with his advice and consolations admired and be loved by all who had known him. W e never knew a man more respected, or better beloved, by the laboring classes and the jioor. They always spoke of his fate with tears. The law might find him techcically guilty—they knew the goodness of his In art. They had never j applied to him for justice or charity in ; vain, if they fell sick or were injured in his employ, he not only continued their wages, but both he and his wife were found by their bedsides. Strange circumstances have occurred since the date of his imprisonment. One of his chief enemies, a vijier he flourished to sting him, died miserably soon after, the victim of remorse. He is dead, however, aud therefore we refrain from further re mark upon Ins career. Two others now ! stand indicted lor perjury. Another is a miserable drunkard, and Benjamin Rath bun, when he returns to Buffalo from his five years’ exile, will be in a better posi tion, and have more of tlie resjiect and confidence of that community, than any one of those who consjiired to destroy him. It seems as if Buffalo, with all its great natural advantages, had been stand ing still during his a' sence that he might begin where he left off, to build up her . future prosperity and greatness. UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. The commencement exercises of this Institution, which have taken place this week, have attracted to our place the u sual concourse of visitors. The cool and generally pleasant weather thus fiir, has doubtless added to the enjoyments of the occasion ; and we would fain hope that the public exhibitions, and the more private and social entertainments which J our hospitable citizens know so well how |to provide, have combined to gratify those who have honored us by their pres ence, and created an increased regard ! for our College and our town. 'The Commencement Sermon was de livered on Sunday in the College Chap el, by the Rev. Mr. Brantley, of Augusta. It was a chaste and forcible defence of the Christian religion, and was listened to with profound attention by a large | congregation. His address to the gradu ; ating class was peculiarly appropriate and impressive. The Board of Trustees convened on Monday, and had not closed their labors at the time of preparing this article. We learn that among their first acts was the granting permission to President Church, to be absent a few months, in consequence of ill health. Should he determine to avail himself of the offer so kindly ten dered him, we doubt not the relaxation will be beneficial, and be the means of prolonging iiis valuable services in this Institution. The Rev. Stephen Elliott, Bishop of the Episcopal Church, for the Diocese of Georgia, has been appointed a Trustee, in the place of Gen. Watson, dec'-ased. On 'Tuesday, the Junior Exhibition took place. The following young gen tlemen delivered addresses, all of which were highly creditable, and some of them evinced sujterior talent. 1 J. Ashley, Telfair County. Ireland, \m. 14-