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TfTuT I\YY\ Alexander, Elbert Cos. Shad ows of Life. \V. C. Holt, Columbus Ga. Southern Poetry. Its Present and Prospective State. II 11. Hill, Troup County. Thou, that goest to Padua, where mv harp hangs on a cypress, salute it in my name, and say that I am oppressed with years and misfortunes. [Tasso in Prison. G. AY'. Holland, Jasper County. The Force of Example. Thomas I. Bacon, Liberty County. Nay, Women arc trail too. u\ y, as the glasses where they view themselves. [Sh&ksfieare. The following members of the Gradu ating Class were appointed Commence ment Orators: T. W. White, P. K. S. Elbert Cos. 2d Honor. Salutatory. “ There arc more things in heaven ami earth, Ho ratio, Than are dreamt of in your philosophy.” James Laßoche, P. K. S. St. Joh's Colleton, S. C. For what would an American citizen exchange his inherit ance ? Jabcz L. M. Curry, P. Iv. S. Tallade ga Cos., Ala. No more —no more—Oh 1 never more on me. The freshness of the heart can fall like dew.” [Uyron- J. Howell Anderson, I). S. Salem, Ga. 4th Honor. The limit of human knowledge. William Lundy, D. S. Macon, Ga.— Dawn of Philosophy. S. 1). Kirkpatrick, P. K. S. Decatur, Ga. 3d Honor. Old Romance. L. G. McElvy, 1). S. Decatur Cos. Ga. 31 Honor. The glory of England and America contrasted. John L. Bird, P. K. S. Crawfordville Ga. (Excused.) LaFayette Lamar, D. S. Lincolnian, Ga. 4th Honor. “The wise want love, and those who love, want Wi.-dotn.” [Shelley. Linton Stephens, P. K. S. Crauford rille, Ga. Ist Honor. Valedictory. I We were prevented by the dense crowd, and Ihe remoteness of our posi tion, from distinctly hearing all the speak-. ers. What we did hear, however, satis- i lied us that the young gentlemen had added to good native mind., a degree of; application to the pursuits in which they j have for the lat four years been engaged, alike honorable to them and their pre ceptors. After the orations had been delivered, the Degrees were conferred, concluding with a very feeling and practical address i from Ihe President. The Degree of A. 11. was then confer red upon the following gentlemen, com- j prising the Graduating Class : G. YV. Allen, Abbeville J)i Irict, S. C.; J. H. Anderson, Salem, Geo.; S. K. i Borders, Alabama ; J. S. Bird, Taliaferro Cos.; J. L. M. Curry, Talladega, Ala; R. Henderson, Newton eo.; J. F. King, Wayne co.; S. D. Kirkpatrick, DcKalb co.; J. 1 ,aßo< he, (. lesto l, S. C.: 1,. Lamar, Lincoln ce.; L. G. MeElvy, Florida; J. Morrow, Abbeville S. C.; E. H. Pottle, Camdeu co.; Linton Ste phens, Taliaferro co.; W. Y. Stoke., .Morgan co.; J. Turner, 3 .incolu co.; T. "YV. White, Elbert co.; Win. Lundy, Bibb eo. And that of A. M. upon (lie following former Graduates of this Institution : Win. P. White; Benj. Al. Palmer; Adam G. Foster; Win. Williams; Au gustin Wingfield ; Benj. C. Bonner ; YV. 11. Dabney ; Augustin L. Borders ; Jos. 11. Echols; Louis A* Goneke. The honorary Degree of L. L. 1). was also, by unanimous vote of the Ti n. tees, conferred upon one of Carolina’s most li tinguished sous, Hon. George Alc- Juffie, who lias been one of our guests I he present week. To-day the ceremonies will close with m Address by the Hon. F. YY r . Pickens, lefore the two Literary Societies of the Jollcge. The high reputation which his gentleman enjoys, authorises us to mlicipate such a repast, as shall furnish in appropriate conclusion to the iutel ectual enjoyments of the week. —Athens limner. “TO THE PEOPLE OP GEORGIA.” The following aide and eloquent article from ttie Aetcrsburg Republican, addrnaril lo the |ieo|>!e o. /irginia, wit! lose none of it-.? force or applicability by icing addressed to the People of Georgia. We ask or it the candid and serious consideration of every republican reader. TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA. NO. It. Fellow Citizens : In a recent number of the Enquirer, the Editor has displayed the adroitness for which he is so distinguished. He has employed the art of a perfect Tacti cian. Availing himself of the impru dence of one of the friends of Mr. Tyler, he inserts an anonymous communication, and takes advantage of the occasion to open the eyes of tlie country “to the real prospect of any co-operation” between Mr. Tyler and the friends of any other candidate. The Green-Eyed Monster is thus turned loose to do his oliices among men. Mr. Tyler is admonished to abandon all “impracticable aspirations”—“any idle hopes of ambition”—all ideas of the Presidency;”—“lo purge his Cabinet,” and then “he may command any man who is calculated to serve the Stat Who are thus “-calculated to serve the State ?” A grave question truly ; which may lie answered by the sagacious Edi tor, when his suggestions are adopted by that President, who “ with all his errors —ic th his former devolion to the 15 it ig Party,'' &c., is yet graciously recog nised as one, who “ has done the State some service, by his Vetoes.” 1 will not presume that the distinguish cA Editor, who so z.-aiotwly inculcates YYhig Party” as an insuperable objection on the part of Democrats. It might gen erate dangerous feuds, and impair his character tor prudent caution. The allusion, however, has aroused attention, and if the suggestion be deem ed important, the Editorial assumes far greater consequence when considered in other aspects. In it, the Enquirer is made to assume its position in the next Presi dential canvass —and Mr. Ritchie stands out the avowed advocate of Mr. Van Bu reu, as compared witn all Ihe distinguish ed Statesmen, whose names have been brought to the public attention, in con nexion with the Democratic National Convention. And not only has he ac complished this delicate maneuvre with bis accustomed dexterity and address, but in taking up his position, he has stu diously and signally improved its advan tages. He defiles under cover of a cor respondent of “The Alexandria Gazette,” who is made to encourage the drooping spirits of the followers of Mr. Van Buren, by exhibiting calculations on which his hopes are founded, and expressing confi d- nt expectations of success, if these predictions should be falsified in the se quel, Mr. ILlchie forfeits no character ibr sagacity. lint neither the “Eulogy'” of Mr. Ty ler, nor “the correspondent of the Alex andria Gazette,” had achieved all which was necessary; and it was reserved for tlie Enquirer itself to appeal to the strong est feeling which can be awakened in behalf of its favorite—the desire to beat the Whigs with the very candidate who was crushed in the conte.-t of 1810.— “The injury which the Republican Par tv rcceivi and in IS 10 mut he redressed by the ‘sober, second thought of the People.”’ “ YVe must be righted through whose sides we were wronged.” Such is the sentiment to be aroused by an apt and beautiful quotation from Air. Van Buren ! Nothing could be more delicate and ap propriate, and certainly nothing more ef ficient ! 'Phoso who hold large intercourse with the People, h ive perceived a strong disposition among the Democrats, to beat the Whigs, with the very candidate who was overthrown in ISIO. Audit is ob vious, from the extensive prevalence of this feeling, that its foundation is laid deep in the principles of our nature. The sagacious and experienced editor of the Enquirer, determined to engage it in the accomplishment of the groat object of his wishes—the nomination and success of Mr. Yan Buren. In all this, there is nothing of which one can complain. It is natural that a great statesman should attempt the ac complishment of great ends—and none can be offended, if in his efforts, he should appeal to tile just and natural sentiments of the heart. But if it lie ju 'tillable in the Editor to appeal to this feeling to in tlueuce the judgments of the public mind, it is our duty to analyse it, to ascertain whether its suggestions may be trusted— whether it can be adopted as a guide, in matters of the utmost moment AY hat then is this feeling which thus actuates j the Democrats—inspiring the desire lo beat the YVhigs with the candidate who was beaten in IS ii). Is it a suggestion of right Reason / or is it merely one of those emotions of the heart—which, how ever natural, never fail to betray us into weakness and folly/ YYill the mere identity of the candidate, give additional satieliiy to our cause / or increased vital ity to our principles? or will it enable us to achieve any higher aim of political philosophy? These questions will not bear an examination. It is clear the Re publican Principle will not be more per spicuou 4y or beautifully illustrated—nor established on n more solid foundatiqp. It may afford a petty, personal gratifica tion to his followers—and the candidate himself may be furnished with a motive to remove the stigma supposed to be iu i ident to defeat. But this is merely and purely personal—and every man knows and feels that it is not a consideration worthy to influence a decision involving such momentous consequences. All per sonal considerations are disavowed and discredited by the very motto of the En quirer. And the editor must in candor : concede the personal gratification or per sonal interests of Air. Van Buren, would fumi'hlo the Republican parly, a mo tive grossly inadequate lo the decision of a question, involving Ihe triumph or over throw of their principles. The people of the United States have too ifoep concern in the high office of the Presidency, to confer it as an object of individual grali • filiation, or to avenge an individual af | front. Besides—disgrace is not necessa | l ily connected wit Ii defeat. If our con duct be marked with skill and courage, we meet, without reproach, the fortune of war. Xenophon, by his retreat, has thrown around his memory itnperi liable renown—and all our sympathies are ou traged in behalf of the A’irtuous, who suf fer adversity with patient resignation and dignity. Nor will this dhpo-ition to “be right ed through who-e sides we were wrong ed” be found more defensible, when ex amined with reference to its bearing on our adversaries. Indeed, thus analysed, it degenerates into the barbarous senti ment of revenge. Far from being re ceived as furnishing a rule of human conduct, it is driven out from the pale of civilization, and sent to preside over t!>e frantic transports of the savage, exulting in the writhings of the victim at the stake. AY e are expressly forbidden by Divine mandate, to indulge the spirit of revenge. In contempt of this high in junction, it is said sometimes to furnish a principle of action to the softer sex — I “ JSvvtvt is Revenue —< -jvi ially to wo non,” but the noble author of the severe sar casm, a cribcs a far nobler sentiment to men , even when struggling ’mid the fu ry and havoc of war. To deter nine to “ he righted through whose sides we were wronged,” for the Democratic party', would be still more reprehensible. It would be to sacrifice the cause of the country on the altar of the very demon of se fishness ; and I am persuaded that, after a candid examina tion into the nature of this desire to “ be righted through whose sides we were wronged,” it will be condemned and re jected by the Republican party as inade quate and inadmissible—revengeful and selfish. These remarks are not expected to show that Mr. Van Buren ought not to be chosen by the National (’onvention as tiie Republican candidate for the Presi dency, but they are relied upon to prove, that we ought not to be influenced iu our choice by I lie reason urged by Mr. Ritchie. In determining a question of such mag nitude, we will not yield to the desire to gratify Mr. Van Buren personally—or to vex the YVhigs—or to secure a fleeting gratification to ourselves. All these will be rejected as insignificant when com pared with our solemn duty to our coun try'. The best interests of that country will lie vitally etfected by the result of the next Presidential election, and the success of the Republican party is essen tial to the advancement of those interests. YYe must adopt the best mode of ensur ing success. “ Cateris paribus we should select the candidate who would most perfectly enforce—most beautifully illustrate—nio.-t firmly establish the Re publican principle. But we must con sult t lie suggestions of prudence, and cal culate the chances of success and the probable comparative strength of onr par ty, when rallied under either chief. The questions which we have to determine are, who will most certainly ensure our success / who will ensure us the great est numerical strength / who will most securely —most effectually —most tri umphantly carry out and enforce and establish our principles? In forming conclusions on these interesting subjects, we must reason on the facts before us. YY'e dare not blindly close our eyes to the evidences spread out through the country. If, by such fatuity, we sacri !i< : the lasting happiness of the People, posterity would “ sting us with their! curses in our graves.” YYe must coolly ! contemplate the difficulties of our situa tion, and prove ourselves equal to the crisis. YY 7 e must calmly look into the condition of things, and determine wheth- j or the indications of the popular mind will justify the selection of Mr. Van Bu ren, as calculated, above all ot her men, most certainly to lead us on to victory. From certain allusions, we arc author ized to infer, that the institution of such an inquiry may be regarded as the dis play of opposition to Mr. Van Buren, if it do not even bring one under suspicion of disaffection to the Republican cause. I deny the justice of the suggestion, and disavow its applicability to me—but l am not to be deterred from a candid and respectful examination of his claims, as compared with his distinguished compet itors for the confidence and favor of the country. In preferring my appeal to the Republican party, to decide whether they will select him as their candidate, should they give an atlinunlive response, 1 pro pose to acquiesce, and give him my hearty suffrage. But I should lament—should deplore the selection—because I believe, that, more than any other cause, it would bring into peril the final, the triumphant success of our principles. It is now very generally conceded, that his original elevation was fortuitous —not ascribable to his own strength, nor induced by the natural operation of any i strong principle of our political system, affected or acted on, by the characteristics iof the individual man. Rejected by the ; violence of his enemies as Minister near j the Court of St. James, he engaged the i sympathy of the Jackson party. In (heir resentment, against the Senate, they rai.s -led him to the Y 7 ice Presidency of the li nked States—-and made him “heir ap parent to the throne.” In fulfilment of their purpose, they nude him President. But all violent emotions are of short du ration : Such is the constitution of man —and when by the operation of natural causes, the fervor of popular enthusiasm was allayed, and lie was left lo rely on his own strength, he afforded an easy and almost unresisting conquest to his embit tered and exasperated locs. ’His victorious conquerors indulged in excesses, and in their turn, experienced that stem rebuke and sad reverse which Public Justice never fails, sooner or la ter, to indict on atrocious outrage. But the popular detestation of the arrogant and frantic excesses of the dominant par : ty of IS 11, furnished no indication of 1 popular regard for Mr. Van Buren. It hud no relation, no reference to him. It was the judgment of condemnation pro nounced—almost fiercely pronounced— by an entire and indignant country, on the faction which perverted and prostitu ! ted power. In these occurrences he ’ seeks in vain for the evidences of the re viving affections of the People. Ameri ca sighs not for the renewed embraces of I her rejected Lord; and we shall but de j ceive ourselves, if we trust again to pop [ ular fervor, to raise him, once more, to j the summit of political elevation. Let I , him meet, wit)i the fortitude of true great -1 ness, the irreversible late which has over -1 taken him. 'l’lie Republican party have a solemn duty to perform. They are underastrong, imperative obligation to the country and ! to posterity, to a< hieve a victory in the approaching contest, and ensure the as cendency of the Republiban primiple. They are bound by the high sanctions of honor—to examine with caution—and decide with candor on the plan of their operation. They have no right to give away the Presidency as mere matter of furor —nor consult, in their resolves, the illusory and seductive suggestions of self. 'Filey must act upon a system for the public good, and weigh the evidences should prompt us to designate .Air. Y'an Buren as the Republican candidate for the Presidency / How shall we justify the choice liefore the country ? Have we the evidences of his popularity ? Do we know of any considerable body of men who were opposed to him in 1840, and who will now yield him their sup port ? YY e have the result of the elec tions gloriously sustaining the Republi can cause. But they had no reference to him. Perhaps if he had constituted the issue, the result might have been less brilliant. Public aversion to obnoxious individuals has occasion illy retarded the progress of Truth, and rejected princi ples have sometimes triumphed, when freed from the dead weight of individual unpopularity. It might furnish scope for iuferesting inquiry, to ascertain how far we have been thus effected in our own all-glorious career, since the mourn ful events of 1840. The dreadful expe rience of the last Presidential election may not be altogether lost to Republicans, if we learn from it, no other lesson, than that our adversaries are capable of great exertion. Unless it can be shown that there are whole classes, or imiheuse numbers ready to support Mr. Y'nti Buren now—who were opposed to him in 1840. Republi cans will pause long, before they select him as their candidate. Without some strong assurances of success, we shall be false to our principles—false to posterity —false to our country and false to our selves, if under the influence of consid erations, grossly inadequate—we stake the sacred cause of our country, on the fortunes of a champion, under whom we have been once donned to the most dis astrous —most signal—mostcomplete and humiliating overthrow known to the his tory of political parties. YVliat then is the lesson which we de rive from the experience of 1840 / It is a painful retrospect; but as men and patriots we are bound lo contemplate it with fairness. South Carolina voted for Y an Buren ; but it will be conceded that her vote was not secured by the strength of Ins personal popularity. Indeed it may be safely assumed that, she might have been as readily induced to support any other man, who had sustained the same policy and principles. Her vote was purely oue of principle ; not unat tended with heavy sacrifices of teelings. If she be excluded from the computation, Mr. Van Buren was beaten (145,775.) One hundred and forty Jive thousand seven hundred and seventy Jive votes ! In his own State he was beaten (13,- 293) thirteen thousand two hundred and ninety three votes 1 When we look to the list of States we find recorded for YY in. H. Harrison, (nineteen,) 19 For Martin Van Buren, (seven !) 7 If we transfer our examination to the i Electoral Colleges, we find the whole number to liuve®cousisted of two hun dred and ninety four (294,) of which YY in. 11. Harrison received two hundred and thirty-lbur, 231 Martin Van Buren only sixty ! fit) Os these sixty votes, there were cast for Mr. V an Buren, By New Hampshire, 7 Illinois, 5 Missouri, 4 Virginia, 23 South Carolina, 11 Alabama, 7 Arkansas, 3 Let us consider what proportion of these was secured by considerations of personal devotion, or even individual preference for Mr. Van Buren. Os South Carolina 1 have already spo ken. lie received her support through the generous magnanimity of her sons, who, yielding to the impulses of the loft iest patriotism, unhesitatingly recognised the obligations of duty, and sustained their principles, even in the person of an individual, whom they —did not love. Deduct her eleven and there remains forty-nine on his poll. It is presumed there is not one man in our State who would hazard the opinion, that the Republican party in Virginia, has derived strength from the name of Martin Van Buren. There are those who very sincerely believe that, but for the unfortunate connexion, our adversa ries could never have become so formid i able. Yet, Gen. Harrison well nigh overran the State. Our popular vote in 1840, may be estimated at 86,395, and the majority of the Republican Ticket, may be set down at (1391) thirteen hun dred and ninety-one ! So near was Vir ginia. passing under the yoke ! To our candid Republican brethren, it is sub mitted to decide, whether they were not saved that mortification, by Ihe strenuous exertions of many State Rights men—to whom Mr. Van Buren was known to be unacceptable. Men who triumphed over themselves, and gave him their support under a strong sense of duty, and disin terested devotion to the principles of the Constitution. V irginia remained Repub lican in defiance of the unpopularity of the Republican candidate. And if her vote of 23 be deducted from 49, there remains but 26 on the poll of Air. Van Buren. Causes, similar to those which opera ted in Virginia, anl exerted a mighty iu lluence in Alabama. Some of her most distinguished sons, who acknowledged a strong aversion to Mr. Van Buren per sonally —did violence to their own pre dilections—recorded their votes for the Republican ticket, and suffered martyr dom for their principles. The Stale was saved to the Republican cause, through the chivalrous etforts of States Rights men ; and, if her seven electoral votes j lie deducted from the twenty-six, we have I the stupendous result of nineteen votes from the Electoral Colleges, recorded on the poll of Martin Vufi Buren !! Even in some of the States which gave him those nineteen votes, his majorities were smaller than the majorities on deni-1 Buren should be nominated to preserve the unity, settle the faith, and secure the eo-operation of our Sort hern confeder ates.—lt might be ungracious to trace the just implication, but there are exist ing facts, which it may lie useful to ex amine, to form a just idea of the degn*e of Northern co-operation, which may reasonably be expected to result from such a policy. North of the Potomac and East of the Alleghanies there are eleven States—of these Mr. Van Buren received but one ! and even in that one his majority was two thousand less than the majority of the Democratic Governor ! Those ele ven States were entitled to 136 votes in the Electoral Colleges—of which YV. H. Harrison received one hundred and twenty-nine and Mr. Van Buren received seven ! And in the same States, Mr. Van Buren was beaten in the popular votes by a clear aggregate majority of about sixty thousand! It is submitted then as worthy of re flection whether it be wise to calculate o ; securing aid from those States by nomi nating Aim as the Republican candidate. We cannot turn from this unpleasant exhibit and closing our eyes to the hor rible spectacle, trust to fortune for deliv erance. YYe must gaze steadily on our difficulties thoroughly comprehend them—and improve our means to avert or to overcome them. Let us institute a candid and cautious examination into the causes of the catas trophe of 1840. What occasioned that due result? With great deference to the undoubted sagacity of Mr. Ritchie, 1 deem that he is content to ascribe it to causes utterly inadequate and unsatisfac tory. That somewhat may have been accomplished by the fraudulent practises of our adversaries, is by no means in credible. A few thousand suffrages may have been contioiled; but to assert, that one hundred ad forty five thousand, seven hundred and seventy Jive votes were bought and sold, is to ascribe to the People of America a degree of corruption and depravity, endangering the liberties of the country, and disgusting and re volting to the moral sense of the world. In vindication of the moral character of my country, 1 declare in the spirit of candor and sincerity, 1 do not believe it. Nothing but disaster can mark the folly which would regulate the conduct of a great political party, or an assumption so glaringly erroneous, and disparaging to the character of the American People. Nor shall we be more sate to ascribe our defeat to the “ mummeries of the YVhigs.” Those “ mummeries” were an offence against good taste ; and took their origin in a contempt for popular intelli gence. They were addressed to that class of our people who are deridingly denominated the “Hurra Boys” and who, by the YVhigs, are supposed to be exempt from t!ic influence of reason, and given up to the dominion of the wildest irn pulses. To assert that the judgment of the country could be swayed by such in fluences, is to go far to concede, that our enlightened countrymen are incapable of the high functions of self-government, and I am loath to believe, that a right eous cause, founded on pure principles, and represented in the person of a popu lar candidate, could be thrown into dis credit by such “mummeries.” Indeed 1 believe that such mummeries attempted against such a cause, so represented, would cover their projectors with dis grace. It is only after a cause has been defeated by some more powerful though latent influence, that such “mummeries” can be advantageously employed, to ren der the overthrow anil victory complete. Such an excitement could never have been kindled, by such means, against Washington, or Jefferson, or Madison, or Jackson, when sustaining the best inter ests of the country. Rejecting the untenable and danger ous illusion, that the election of 1840 was ascribable to the “ mummeries, mis representations andfraudsof the YY’liigs,” j I conjure my countrymen once more to recur to the lesson of experience, explore j the fatal field of ’4O, and contemplate the catastrophe with the patient, inquisitive eye of Philosophy, seeking to gather strength from adversity. In prosecuting such an investigation, we shall be con strained to refer the stupendous results of that disastrous era, to the Principles involved in the discussion, or, to the character of the men, who stood forth as their exponents. In other words, our defeat must be ascribed, either to the unpopularity of our Principles, or to the unpopularity of our candidate. But it cannot be neces sary to adduce arguments to prove to the Democratic Republican Party, that their defeat was not occasioned by the want of purity or popularity of their Principles. Then it must have been occasioned by some objection personal to the candidate; and as it cannot be imputed to any just charge of impurity in the candidate, it follows, that, our cause was overwhelmed —ous Principles disgraced, and our par ty subjected to the deepest mortification, in consequence of the personal unpopu larity of Air. Van Buren. And I appeal to every man of candor, who professes the Republican creed—no matter wheth er he lives in the North or in the South —or in the East, or in the YYest—on the Mountain or in the Yhile ; 1 refer it to the secret thoughts of his heart to decide, whether he does not know and feel that Air. Van Buren is unpopular! “ Arul none did love Inm!“ If the election of IS 10 he conclusive and indisputable to prove the personal unpopularity of Air. Van Buren at that time, can we rely on any supervening de velopment to establish a change in the popular feeling? AVhat are “the assu rances on which the friends of Air. Ann j Buren rely for his re-election ?” —They j are stated by the Correspondent of the 1 Alexandria Gazette, and adopted by the . of his pa rty in 18440. 1 Ins proves tT.-T “ his party ’ was lamentably and pifious ly unable to elect him ! Ido not believe “he received the un divided support” of the Republican Party. That Party, undivided, could have elected any candidate; but with Mr. Van Buren as their leader, they could not be preserved in unbroken phalanx. They were torn into fragments, and a remnant degenerated into the Van Lu na Party , coldly sustained by some who were ready to testify their devotion to the Republican Principle, even when represented in his person. It was but a fragment of Republicans who encounter ed the defeat of 1840. It is verily be lieved that the Republican Party never could have witnessed the triumph of their adversaries, if some of them had not fa tuitously endeavored to force the honors of the country on Mr. Van Buren in defiance of a strong feeling of repug nance, with which he has been ever re garded by many good and true Repub licans. These are unpalatable truths—but if they be truths,they cannot be disregarded with safety, and 1 fear if we turn away from their contemplation as objects disa greeable to the eye—taking no steps to obviate their force, we are doomed to in cur a heavy penalty, and its bitterness, | to expiate the egregious folly. But we are told that “he received up wards of 400,000 votes more in 1840, when defeated, than when elected in 1836.” Perhaps, this may be ascribed in part, with justice, to the practice of Fraud—in part to the actual numerical increase of the constitutional body;—and | perhaps, in a still greater degree, to a very thin election in 1836. And what | are the just inferences from this fact sta j ted by the Correspondent of the Alexan dria Gazette, and relied upon as an as • suranee of the re-election of Mr. Van Bu ren/ It would seem to prove conclu sively, First, that, in 1836, when he en joyed the full benefit of the popularity ■of President Jackson, lie was but coldly received by the people, and entirely un | able to inspire that ti-rvor of popular emo tion, necessary to bring out the strength of the Party. Second, that lie was re -1 garded by his adversaries in 1840 with | such a feeling of incurable aversion and implacable abhorrence, as to stimulate them to those wonderful efforts, which produced results absolutely confounding all human calculations and transcending human credulity. It would appear then from this fact adduced as an assurance of his re-election —that the man recommended by the cor respondent of the Alexandria Gazette,and by the Richmond Enquirer, as the Re publican candidate for the Presidency, is one who engages not the affections of his friends, though lie inspires his adversa ries with loathing disgust, and implacable hate ! YY'e are next referred to the immense diminution of the AY big vote exhibited in a lew months after the election of 1840, iu die States of Maine, New York, Penn sylvania, and Ohio. But it is not stated ! by the writer, there was a corresponding I increase of the Democratic vote. On the contrary, it is justly inferable from his j statement, that there was no such in crease,and that the elections were carried by the Democrats in consequence of the ! failure of their adversaries to cast their votes. If this were the fact, it would prove the existence of a Whig strength able to beat Mr. Van Lurcn. But sup pose this not to be the fact, and that both ; parties fairly polled their strength in the | second series of elections to which the writer refers, then there is no resisting the conclusion, that the Republicans, when separated from Mr. Van Buren, were stronger than when connected with him. Because in the elections of 1840, when his name headed their Ticket, they suffered the most mortifying defeat; whereas, in the second series of elections, ; when our Tickets were disencumbered | of his name, we rushed resistless to all 1 glorious victory. j The present condition of political par ties in Virginia, furnishes another “as surance” to this writer of the re-election of Mr. Van Buren, but every candid mind must admit, that the strength of the Republican party in the Old Dominion, is not increased by the probability that he is to be the Republican candidate for the Presidency. On the contrary, it is known there are many who loiter and linger about the outskirts of the camp of the enemy, who would rush to us with en thusiasm, if we blit hang out the banner of another leader. The last “assurance of his re-election - ’ adduced by this writer, is the supposition that “it is believed, of all the members of Congress elected to the next session, there are not twenty Whigs.” 'This affords no proof of the popular regard for Air. Van Huron, because the elections were not conducted on any is sue involving his personal popularity.— The present forlorn condition of the AY liigs is justly referable to far different causes, and we have no reason to suppose the Republican succe-scs would have been less brilliant, if Mr. V. B. had been long since “gathered to his fathers.” In 1839, the Republicans carried a firm ajority of Congress on the issue of the independent Treasury lu 1840, the Republicans were over whelmed on the personal issue of Mar tin Van Buren. In 1841, when that personal issue was dropped, the Repub icons triumphed on the strength of their principles. Let them pause before they renew that personal issue in ISI4. From the days of Mr. Jefferson, the R e * publican party had maintained the ascen dency. Alter the glorious termination ot the glorious contest of 1841, we wer e able to maintain steady and respectable majorities every where out of ''“'A a] England. In 1824, we weae betrayal