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AMBBIOAM DEIVIOCHAT. Tlie most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. J | DK. WM. GREEN -EDITOR. A M~ D—*>iCOJx^LTi PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES' BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM. EC?- IN ADVANCE -CU Rates of Advertising, Ac, One square, us 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents Tor die Oral inseruoL, and 50cents for eacli subsequent inset don. All Advertisements containing more titan 100 and less titan 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. tO- N. U dales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors, Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the lore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Court ty in which the property is situated. Notice of these must be given in a public Gaxcue, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub ished FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, mast be made at public auciion, on ,he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sahjs in the ceunty where the let. ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS nouce being previously given in one of the public gaaetts of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where g it saless are to behold. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any eider absolute shall be made thereou by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, a 1 t he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES MY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if Written by himself.” Amos Kendall, P. MO. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Edxtoh Posr PRINTING. —• -**o © ©♦**•— OF BOOK AND FANCY JOB PRINTING Will be neatly executed at the Office of th*. American Democrat, on Mulberry Street. Our collection of Job Type is New and comprises every vari ety desirable, to enable us to execute our work in a superior manner. ADDRESS Os the Committee appointed by a Meeting of Democratic Voters of the City of New York, held in the Park, Sept. 4,1843. TO THE PEOPI.E OF THE UNITED STATES : Fellow-Citizen?.— We address you un der the sanction and in the name of a numerous meeting of the "Electors of this city, by one of whose resolutions we are instructed to set forth to you the grounds of preference for John ('.Cal houn as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. He has been already named in many and various quarters, by much concurrent public opinion, and his nom nation is hourly increasing in favor, and must continue so to increase, as the nearer approach of the election induces men to give more ernest thought to this important subject. The hour of scruti ny and comparison cannot but be favor able to a candidate com bines unimpeachable integrity with abil ities of the highest order, and with a na-' tive frankness and* independence, and clear and strong intelligence which as sure you that under the responsibility of power he will find a guide for his foot steps in his own direct perceptions of truth and right, as well as example and warning in the gathered experience of his predecessors. The question before our party at this election is simply that of a choice be tween the names of Calhoun and Van Buren. Other candidates have, indeed, been rather suggested than brought for ward, but none of them occupy definite ground, and none now could fail to be damaged by being pressed. Their friends will do well to limit their views to the next place after Mr. Calhoun ; but the matter now in hand is to ascertain whe ther the Ex-President is to come bes re him. We have something to say to the contrary, and we mean to say it plainly; we mean to attack Mr. Van Buren direct ly on some points, and on others, we are perfectly conscious that strong disadvan tageous lights of contrast will fall on him from much that we have to say in favor of the man of our preference. It would be unworthy of our cause, and of our candidate, to do this covertly, and we proclaim it and avow it beforehand. We mean al 1 that we say, and all that our words convey ; all, but no more. We shall indicate plainly the deductions we wish to make from the high estimation in which Mr. Van Buren is held by a por tion of our party; but to that estimation, saving these deductions, we adhere. He is a man who has deserved well of us all; tie has run through a long and honorable public career, with a character unscathed tend unimpeached. Partisan malice has done Us utmost against his fame ; even action of his well known life, every word t>f his speaking or writing, has been can vassed, tortured, sifted and perverted, to make out matter for some tangible accu sation ; and with what result i The re sults have been poured out in vague gen eralities, in charges of cunning an in trigue, easy to make, difficult to invfsti gate, and impossible precisely to meet arid DEMOCRATIC BANNER TREE TRADE; DOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANES; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—JT. C. C^MLMOUJT. overthrow with evidence. He was driven from office at a time when the apparent majority of his fellow citizens was insane, and if the sounder majority of these days -hall deem it fit for these reasons to rein state him, then we and all those who think with us, will cordially accept and concur in their decision. Bnt at the outset, there are serious ob jections which attach necessarily to the very nature of a restoration. It must come in pledged in some sort to be a mother of restorations, to disorganize and derange the public service to satisfy per sonal claims, which will be urged as rights, with arguments unusually diffi cult to resist. There will lie histories of victims and martyrs, appeals to old sym pathies and antipathies, a revival, in short, of a host of persons and things that might better be forgotten, which yet will add a hundred fold to the difficulties and dangers which always besiege the ap pointing power. From these no Presi dent can free himself; but Mr. Calhoun wi l meet them unpledged,untrammelled, unincumbered. He has never been hack neyed in the by-paths of mercenary poli tics, nor intimate in their mysteries, nor bound up in close correspondence and reciprocal obligation with all their wire pullers at all the ends of their immense ramifications. He has not clambered dil igently up constructing his ladder as he rose, to his present elevation ; he has risen buoyantly on that favor of the gen eral public which his high qualities at tracted naturally, and which they have amply justified. He has won his way, not by craft, but by its absence ; not by uncommittal, but by fearless advocacy of unequivocal opinions. We have seen him gain popular favor by the fearless ness of his support even of an unpopular doctrine, and strengthen his character for constancy by openly acknowledging an error. Such as we see hnn then, we are certain that he has nothing in reserve; that he will fulfil in the future the expec tations we have formed upon the past, and this, under our institutions, is one of the highest recommendations any candi date can offer. Our so called Government, is nothing in fact but the pul lie service; its most ex alted offices' are merely executive, and the power that accompanies them, is a strictly limited trust. The whole theory of republicanism presumes in the nation the capacity of judging and the right to know how this power is to be employed ; and of course the right to enquire into this, if it will) before it bestows it, and to be plainly answered. The ministers of irresponsible sovereigns may have their private opiuions,and views, their ambigu ities, evading questions they do not choose to satisfy,and their reserves which their subjects must respect, but never penetrate. It is otherwise here : and the man who copies this insolence and pre sumption, who attempts to hoodwink a free people, and expects to be trusted to lead them blind-loid, misconceives him self and them, and sins deeply against a first principle of liberty. Mr. Calhoun is not the man. He is identified with definite and intelligible views on all the great questions now or lately in discus sion before the public, and those views may be found summed up in one of the resolutions of the meeting in whose be half we have now the honor to address you. “Free trade, low duties, no debt, separation from banks, economy, re trenchment, and strict adherence to the constitution ;” such is the catalogue, and its significance, pointed as it is, is greatly heightened by the sincerity and thorough going character of the man in whose name it is thus promulgated. Almost all indeed, if we admitted reserves and qual ifications, might now adopt these words. There is a pretty general abandonment of the whig projects of borrowing and banking, and of the folly and waste of collecting unnecessary revenue, and re turning it, diminished by spoil and plun der, through an unconstitutional distri bution. All these heresies may be said to be at rest, and if in treating of the opinions of a presidential candidate,-we are to argue at grout length against them, we should incur the suspicion of wishing rather to overshadow and conceal something in a multitude of words than to explain or elucidate anything. Something like this we have observed, with pain, in Mr. Van Buren’s letter to the Indiana convention. He is full and diffuse, too much so, where there is nothing in dispute. He figuts the well fought battles over again, and slays the slain, and loudly declares him self for the victors. But in the question ot free trade there is a battle field yet on decided, and to that he comes slowdy and with evident hesitation and reluctance. He explores it cautiously on every side, and blows a breath of favor with a sen tence of contrary argument, carefully di luted with hypothesis, to every point of the compass. Protection is detfl red to be constitutional, and here in the guise of a quiet legal opinion a white flag is hung out to the oppressors of co nmerce, of which they well know the significance. Piotection then is constitutional, discrim ination is not altogether to be condemned, hut twenty per cent maximum is sugges ted, and straightway loosened to twenty tve, and amplified by diligently noted contingencies into tliuty-fiVe. Finailyj MACON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1843. in another paragraph, stored away as se cretly as possible, but alive and real, wc find the insinuation that the present mea sure of protection is “not to be increased.” Hear this, fellow-citizens, comfort your selves with this, for you are of it; the present abominable tariff will certainly never be increased, and somewhere be tween this safe assurance thrown out to one extreme of inte.est and opinion, and the fast and loose generalities about du ties lor revenue, addressed to the other you must look for the course Mr. Van Buren will hold according to circum stance.s, should he have an important part to play in the readjustment of the tariff. Our ships are rotting at the wharves because no freights can now be earned on imports. Our exports, for the same reason, are hindered with demands of double freights outward, and a promi nent candidate lor the presidency expres ses one of the phases of his opinion of these evils by hinting that they are not to be increased !! It is much to say, immediately after reading such a declaration, that we will nevertheless co-operate with the parti sans of their candidate, should he be le gitimately and fairly adopted by the democratic party. Yet we will do sos on that condition, and on that condition only, but to such fairness the district system of election for members of the General Convention is absolutely indis pensable. To a Convention so elected we will surrender our individual prefer- j ences, but we will not yield them other-! wise. VVe demand to be heard and coun ted in the Convention from all parts of the Union—minorities where we have minorities,majorities u hi re those are ours The Calhoun section of the democratic party in this State, if it be a minority,will not therefore submit tamely to be smoth ered, to be disfranchised, and,even worse, made to give up its votes to be counted against its cause. No precedents of ab surdities ratified by custom, no claim oC political rights for geographical lines and I boundaries, no juggling inapplicable an- ! alogies of state representation, will ever; make this wrong light. We protest against it now, and we will protest ■ against and resist it to the end. If a President is to be chosen by counting states, it may better be done in a House ot Representatives of the whole people than in the Convention, especially the unfairly packed Convention of a party, And this consummation, which we de sire to see not made necessary, we will yet do our utmost endeavor to promote, if we are forced to it; and that we can bring it about we know. Party discip line is excellent when exercised in good faith, and to lead to coucert of action for a generally desirable object; but it is here, and should be ever, a powerless instrument to enforce injustice. But to return to our candidates and to conclude. Eel low-citizens, there is one remarkable difference between the two men thus prominent before you ; a differ-' ence you all can recognize, feel, and ap preciate. It is this, that one of these men you know, and the other you do not.— You do Mr. Calhoun ; as a man, you recognise in him great characteristics of human individuality, impulses, passions, faculties, talents and opinions. He has made them known in your public coun cils, he has impressed them on your leg islatures, and even the very creed of par ty, the orthodoxy of democratic faith has something in it now which he originated, and which you have accepted and field fast because it wis good. He has said and done a thousand things in the course of his public earner, which have laid his character open before you, which have come from his heart and feelings and gone home to yours. You might agree or differ with his views, but you made a personal acquaintance through them with ahim, and him you were sure to like. And from this acquaintance you are now able to determine how he will or would act in any supposable case, or on any given question, and you can deter mine this on the merits of the case itself, without reference to its bearing on poli tics and votes, or to any influences or in terests that might be brought to bear up on it. With Mr. Van Buren all this is widely different. No action of his life enables you to guess what manner of man he is ; you inay judge in what cir cumstances he was placed, what objects he had in view, but you refer it all to the externals, and of the internal mind you know nothing. Seareh in your minds for all you know about him, and you shall find you know what otfices he has held ; and that you do not very well know how he came to be selected for them. He has never dealt with you di rectly, but always atone remove, always, as it were, at second-hand. He has not stood out a m in of free speech and action, in hold relief, like Mr. Calhoun, before the people, but he has practised apart with their servants. By those the people trus ted he has been trusted, but not by them He is a man of calculation and one who makes no mistakes, and his strength lies in his kno.wldge of every pivot and pinion of the political system. Such knowl edge in political*life is eminently valua ble and useful, and the man who had a genius for acquiring it and turning it to account became in public bodies. Not in political clubs and coui- nti (tees and conventions only, but also in legislatures and cabinet councils, and to all in turn he did good service, and fro m all he collected his wages in advance ment. But he has no personal popularity; he never hud any; and the deliberate appro bation, half negative, that we bestow on his public career, is a thing as different from the genial feelings of friendship with which men speak of Jackson or Calhoun, as a certificate of good charac ter is different from a cordial embrace.— For Mr. Calhoun, we repeat, these genial feelings exist; we appeal for them con fidently to sympathies as wide as this Union, and we call on the millions in whose breasts this appeal must find an echo, to give in their answers at the bal lot boxes. To them we appeal from the i high handed proceedings of the late Con vention at Syracuse, a hundred men as sembled, no body knows how, without mission or credentials, yet claiming to exercise the whole powers of the demo cratic party. These men have arrogantly actually appointed delegates to represent us all in the Baltimore Convention; del egates whom that body cannot recog nise, whose seats other delegates elected by the people in the districts will dispute, and, for the sake of peace in our party; it is to be hoped successfully. The con tract that puts the state of New York in to the keeping of thirty-four men; to be delivered over, bound hand ami foot, to Mr. Van Buren, must be annulled, for there are thousands upon thousands among its people who might have voted for him voluntarily, yet who will not be dragooned into it thus : Fellow-citizens, the issue is before you. On one side you have a man practiced in office, familiar with majorities and mi norities, skilful to use or escape from them, and very great in political addition and substruction. On the other is, the eloquent apostle of a living faith, and that faith a true one,’and your own, a man who is the impersonation of enlar ged political views and such action as those views inspire. We leave this is sue in your hands, and we believe we may predict, in reference to that keeping back or confusing of opinion, which we have had occasion to denounce in Mr. j Van Buren, that you will not trust a man 1 who thus manifestly refuses to tTust you. John L. M’Crackan, ) Emanuel B. Hart, > Com. John Hecker. ) GLANCE AT THE UNITED STATES SENATE. The following spirited sketch of the great leaders in the Senate of 1831, has been several times of late, published in Northern prints, and credited to wrong sources. It was written by B. R. Car roll, Esq., of this city, and published in the Southern Literary Journal, of Dec., 1535. A GLANCE AT THE U. S. SENATE OF 1934. CLAY, WEBSTER, CALHOUN, PRESTON, I shall attempt to give you *n glance at these men. Fortunately, I write fiom the Reporter’s box, and the subjects are all placed in the most favorable light. First of all, is old Harry Clay—old in reputation, though not so in age. There he sits, afar off to the right behind Dan iel Webster, whose noble forehead re minds one of some massive castle, armed with veteran troops, and impregnable to the assaults of the enemy—there he is, tall ‘ and mijestic! Perhaps, howev er, I should not have said majestic, since his feet, elevated to a parallel with his head, are carelessly resting upon the va rious reports and papers which lay in one confused mass upon his desk—no fa vorable sign, I fancy, of the value which he puts upon them. What a lofty fore head he has ! with the eye, the nose, the cheek-bones of an Indian prophet. His long fingers are cosily clasped in each other—his brow fixed, and, with his chin resting on his breast, lie seems rumina ting some great national question—or perchance a game of ‘three handed whist.’ I like his mouth prodigiously—in fact, it is a prodigious mouth —as wide and smooth as a Connecticut clam shell; it contaius too, words os smooth and slip pery as a clam shell’s meat. Behold ! something has brought him to his feet. ‘Mr. President!’ What a soft, silvery, simply utterance he gives the word! What a fine six foot, figured fellow. He has learned his gestures from nature! Now lifting Ins hands with an easy mo tion to his head—and now they meet, like his conclusions, in one perfect unity of point. But he is only suggesting to the Senate—the question before it is not one of great moment, else Harry would do the business in quite a different style. If the honor, the reputation, the interest of the country were at stake, lie would make you feel every sort of way—from the maddened indignation ol uie soul, down to the calm sunshine of the heart. ■To use an illustration from fits great In ternal improvement in his speech, l, he would cause to crawl along with the snail-like progress of the sluggish Missis sippi craftsman, waiting ou tide and wind—but, superior to liothj like the no ble steamboat, dashing from its prow ev ery impediment, he would bear down ail opposition.” Harry Clay is truly a great uian; and, if we speak of him as uu ora- tor, he certainly stands at the head of the American catalogue. When I say ihis, I loose none of my deep veneration for Patrick Henry. That man, 1 grant, J ‘spoke with a voice sweeter than music j —in words as pure and as true as inspi -1 ation’—but they were the words of liber ty —and no lips, warmed with coals from her altar, could have failed to have spo ken eloquently. It was easy then to be a patriot, and still easier to proclaim pat riotic sentiments—but in this day—no, I will not express myself—enough is it, that we hav such men as Henry Clay— and the Republic is sale. Those men who suppose him a great politician, have widely mistaken him —I mean politician as it is now taken—with all its trickery and time serving. He is too frank for such he attempted to act the part once, but came near being hissed from the stage. If Henry Qlay lives at all with posterity, (and 1 do not make this a pos sibility) it must be the first of our Parli amentary orators—as the man, who was idolized by his friends, and honored by those, who, differing from his politics, have been improperly called his enemies. Just before Harry, I have placed the honorable Daniel Webster. 1 cannot nick-name him. Even his name is too cold and terrible to sport with. There is nothing of persuasion or gentleness in his countenance—if you love it at all, ’tis orily that love which superior abilities inspire. I have said this head reminds one of some massive castle. If you could point from them two spears dipped in poison, with the black flags of death" placed above, they would somewhat re semble his darkened brows and furious eyes when provoked to combat. Then, too, is that unearthly smile of his—al ways attending his sarcasms, which, as an orator of the other house has well said, are like “the emanations of the spir it of the icy ocean—the are frozen mer cury, becoming as caustic as red hot iron.” If the Massachusetts Senator ne ver warms you with his fancy, he never fails to delight. His mind is a book of well selected problems, which ho demon strates and arranges in a structure as va rious and as beautiful as the pillars of the senate room in which he thunders. Nature has cut him out, body and soul, for the forum ; and, if this government ever places him in his propher sphere, it will be at the head of our judiciary, illu minating it by his various accomplish ments and profound legal attainments. Immediately before Webster, on the opposite side of the Senate, sits Calhoun. If you notice that peculiar forehead of his, with the stiff, grizzly hair which stands up above it, you will never after mistake his likeness. He is the greatest man in conversation you ever listened to. Ife is up! If he had’not such a slouch shoulders, he would be at least six feet high. But he wears the helmet of Minerva, and that of itself, is enough to make him stoop. He has (as is always his manner) caught the eye of Webster, and is laying off his argument to him. His long slim finger, how point edly it shakes—his mouth, how it goes —and his eye—that eye, which every one marks as such a peculiar feature— how it searches, as the eagle does the hawk when about to rob it of its prey. There now, he has been too rapid—the Massachusetts Senator has lost him. He perceives his fault—he repeat.sjbis propo sition, ‘do you observe, sir /’ am I right? It is self-evident! Again they are on the same track. What a cloud of thought on Webster’s brow. It is gathering slow ly, only to burst like an electric shock in some pointed reply. But . Calhoun has built up his argument with too much caution. He has hanged out conductors on all sides of it. W T ere I called upon to select from the Senate the man best qualified townie the nation—despite of his being a nullifier, I should choose Calhoun. He lias just the right kind of knowledge for such an of fice. From a long participation in the affairs of government he is intimately ac quainted with all its ramifications, and is lietfer suited to business life than any great man I know. Asa proof of this, I, some time ago, in bis native place, heard twomechanicsearnestly disputing wheth er their Senator was the best blacksmith or carpenter. They each claimed him as being first in their trade, when fortu nately a brawny looking farmer came up and ended the dispute by swearing that Johnny Calhoun he had known from a little shaver, “he knowed him to be the best farmer in all the country, and would lick any man who denied what he said to be true.’ Although the farmer’s argu ment was the most ‘powerful,’ the parties were, nevertheless, all true; for such is the versatility of Calhoun’s mind, that he imparts light to every subject upon which he exercises it. In society of any kind he is more at home than any man whom 1 have ever mot. He has all the accomplishments of Lord Bolingbroke. stamped into the mould of nature. I wish from n?y soul that he had a better voice—bis stoop 1 could easily excuse. By his side, you observe a tall, portly looking person—with a playful eye, and countenance ripe with eloquence. He is Prestoii, the other Senator from South Carolina—decidedly the first orator in the Senate, so lur as mere oratory goes. 1 NO. 20. If you had never been told so, you might have traced his relationship to Patrick Henry, in the full blooded veins of his forehead. He is grace all over, and that awkward hump in the shoulder is all af fectation. But as David Crocket would say’ “he is working agin nature”—he cannot do it. D;d you ever hear Preston when animated ?—then you recollect his peculiar powers. Just like a cataract— now dashing and tumbling precipitously along, sweeping in its course, earth, tree and rock—and now, floating like a gen tle stream over spangled sands glitterino under the gorgeous rainbows of the spray above above. Ilis language, bis gesture, his figure are all poetry. He is the Apol lo Belvidere of the Senate House. I have but one reason to urge why h« should change his wig—its redness. In all other respects, it is the most graceful auxiliary to his eloquence imaginable. Behold him! In the mlbst maddened strain he is bringing down the severest meledictions on the heads of the present administration. His hands are raised convulselv —with what terrible effect they are brought to his head—the whole man shrinks from the grasp—and his whole body has paused in an attitude of the most breathless silence. Now, all of that was trick—trick from beginning- to ending—it was planned and executed chiefly to adjust his wig, which, in the warmth of his argument, had slipped from its proper position. The great fault of Preston is, that he speaks too much. Great men sometimes fritter away their abilities by making them too com mon. Let him take care. Queer Advertisement.—A singu lar notice appears in the National Intelli gencer : If the person who, about 1815, or 1816 married the daughter of a shoemaker at Carlow, named MARY DUNN, (who in ISIO removed to Dublin as the mistress of a Captain in the Queen’s Cos. Militia, afterwards a Baronet, with whom she was in keeping for several years) will ac knowledge his marriage with the said Mary Dimn, a reward of £SOO, or of $2,250 will be paid to said person, on such marriage buiug legally proved by him; the proving of which cannot occa sion him either personal discredit or loss. A further reward of £IOO, or $450, will be paid to any other person who will dis cover or find out the aforesaid Mary Dunn’s aforesaid husband, who is said to have gone to America about 1817, and to have again emigrated there about 1828. These two sums will be paid within one month after the above mentioned mar riage has been proved in Ireland through the above mentioned evidence. The marriage referred to will be equally bind ing, though it may have been pfrformed by a lawful Protestant Clergyman, or a Roman Catholic Clergyman, or even by a Couple Beggar. For further particulars, inquire by let ter of Messrs. Goodhue, New York. Electoral Vote op the States! —The following table shows the electo ral vote of each of the States under the new apportionment. Two deducted from each will show the number of Represen tatives to which each State is entitled in the lower house of Congress. Maine 9 Georgia 10 New Hampshire 6 Alabama 9 Massachusetts 12 Lousiana . ..6 Vermont 6 Mississippi 6 Rhode Island 4 Tennessee 13 Connecticut 6 Kentucky 12 New York 36 Ohio 23 New Jersey 7 Indiana 12 Pennsylvania 26 Michigan 9 Delaware 3 Illinois 7 Maryland 8 Missouri 5 Virginia 17 Arkansas 3 North Carolina 11 South Carolina 9 Total 275 Required to elect 138 Our Rail Road. —A novel and in teresting sight was witnessed on Sunday afternoon, on our Rail Road. The arri val of one locomotive with a train of 72 cars, all loaded, and forming a line of ve ry near a quarter of a mile. The weight of the whole amounted to perhaps near 340 tons. The locomotive is anew one called the Camel, three of which have been built by Messrs Baldwin and Whit ney, in Philadelphia for our Rail Road. It is expected that 1500 bales of Cotton can be brought in or.e trip by this pow erful engine. The other two are shortly expected, and will no doubt hereafter greatly expedite the transportation both up and down on the Road.— Char. Mer cury. Three of the democratic members elect to Congress from Tennessee are mechan ics. An Irew Johnson is a tailor; J. W. Blackwell is a copper-smith ; and G. W. Jones is a saddier. All are men of talent. A Bunker Hill Soldier on the other side. —A newspaper published at Dumfries, Scotland, mentions one Ser jeant Reid, who was in the British army at the battle of Bunker Hill, and now in the 108th year of his age. There has been one death from yellow fever at Vicksburg, Mississippi.