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ilic Most perfect Gore nine t noiild lie that which, emanating direct]) from the People, Governs least —Posts least—Disposes Justice to all and confers Privileges on None.—BEST'! >, YOL. I. ' Dll. WM. GREEN EDITOR. D2HO3P.AT. PUBLISHED WEEKLY* IN THE REAR OF Jt BARNES’ BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET* MACON. C!EO. AT TWO SOLLAHi PXUi ANi'.'Ulfl, JO- IN ADVANCE -CU Rates of Advertising, Ac. On« square, of 100 words, or lees, in smalt type, 75 cents for the lirst insertion, and 50 cents for each subsequent nu.tr (ion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less ilia -200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Vearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. 50“ N. U dales of I.AND, by Administrators, Executors ■or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the firs Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun. ty in which the property is situated. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in ,ha same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub' lished FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ortli ury, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, must he made at public auclion, on ,he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the leu ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been gra. ted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given m one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONT.IS, before any order absolute shall be made th reon by the Court. A.I huduess of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at he Oili -e of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT REMITTANCES BY MAIL.— “A Postmaster may en. ~.p money iu a letter la the publisher ot a newspaper, lo pay te subscription ni a third person and frank the letter, if written ttv himself.” A nas K'n !ai : , 1 * M U. CO IMENH.'aTIONS a.hire -re I to the Eoiro'. P.et Pate TO THE PEOPLE OK VIRiiIYIA NO 111 f ’c!hic-Citi:tns . T have frankly suited my |>rfmiice lbr Mr. Ua'hoim over all competitor* tor the Presidency. 1 have a painful impres sion of the necessity of restraining the ju risdiction of the Federal Government to subjects of general or national concern, in which all parts of the Confederacy have a co iimon and simi'ar inter *st. And of excluding from its authority all local and peculiar interests; so as to prevent tli-* combination of local factions to ac co liplish the o jects of injii lice and op pression. 'l’lie history of the Union is replete with examples of insufferable wrongs to whole classes of our People, resulting from a neglect of the princip e for which 1 contend. 'Pile inhabitants of extensive regions comprised within the limits of our confederation of States, are supposed to h ive a peculiar interest in the con struction of works of internal improve provement. The manufacturing capital ists of the north have not an identical in terest in the system, but they are greatly concerned in securing a monopoly of the American market, in which to vend their fabrics at prices higher than the. natural cob of production, and higher than could be obtained in any market of fair compe tition. The farmers and planters of the Smith have no peculiar interest iu auy artificial system. They arc indebted to the cour age, virtue and wisdom of their ancestors, for all the advantages of good govern ment, and under its operation they arc content to rely on the assiduous and judi cious application of honest labor, to se cure every blessing, which a beneficent Providence graciously vouchsafes, to the temperate enjoyment of social man. The Representatives of these three dis tinct classed assemble in the halls of Fed eral Legislation. The manufacturing in terest introduces a Bill for a Protective Tariff. But they have not the numeri cal force to pass it. It is so clearly wrong for Congress to adopt a system of Law, the object of which is to enable a favor ite and favored ciass, to extort from all other classes of American citizens, a higher price for their commodities than they are really worth, when there are numbers of people anxious to furnish them at prices much lower, that the tin ted proposition would find few advocates, if it could derive no aid from adventitious circumstances. Few men would counte nance a member of Congress who would advocate a naked proposition to compel a Virginia Planter to pay seven cents a pound for Lon to a Pennsylvania Iron monger to add to his affluence, when there are men in Richmond who would be glad to furnish him better Iron from abroad, at the reduced price of three cents per pound. Nor would such a member secure grea ter favor if he should piopose to compel a Virginia P ant:r to pay $2 50 fora blanket for his laborer, to secure tho pros perity of a .Massachusetts Woollens Fac tory, when there are men in Richmond or Petersburg who would he glad to fur nish him a better blanket at the reduced price of $1 25. Yet these and similar propositions are introduced and triumph antly passed into Law by shameless com bi .aliens of local factions. 'The Iron in terest and Woollens interest unite in their applications, and associating with them selves a great many others, who arc de sirous of appropriating to their own uses, the proceeds of the labor of other men, DEIHOCKATIO JK-HHEIt - imitmi MW POTIES, WO DEBT; SEPABATION FEOIO BAKSS; BOOBOittS, MMeSt 03EUEJIT; JkXX) A STIUOT ADBSXUBHOE TO THE CONSTITUTION.-- J C. tVJi.Jlol.v. they introduce a Kill which they denom inate a protective Tariff—or a Kill for the protection of American Industry, the ob jects of which is, to enable each of the favored classes to extort inordinate gains from their own countrymen. To secure the passage of this Bill, they vote for the appropriation of large sums of money from the Federal Treasury, to construct roads through the wilderness—or over a morass—or a mountain cliff—or perhaps to construct tin Appiau Way between two prosperous aud proud cities, abounding with gorgeous palaces of marble! “One good turn deserves another,” and in return for such important favors, the Representatives from regions interest ed in works of Internal Improvement, cast their votes for the Protective Tariff. Thus majorities are formed for the sys tem of Internal Improvements, and the Protective Tariff, to the utter sacrifice of the Planters and Farmers, whose Repre sentatives stand by in helpless impotence —a melancholy group—witnessing the tyranny, and deploring the outrage by which their constituents are flayed, hut utterly unable to extend to them even the semblance of protection. To prevent the recurrence of similar evils, 1 hold it to he indispensable, to es tablish that rightful construction of the Constitution, which withholds all local interests from the authority of Congress, and confines its actions to measures of a general and national character, in which all the People of the Union have a simi lar interest. If such were the practice, the representatives from Maine or Massa chusetts could not vote for a measure destructive of the Virginia Planter, — without, at the same time, expo-ing his own constituents to similar evil. We should then l ave the security of similar ity of interest, between the representative and constituent bodies, and tllici nt res ponsibility on the part of the representa tive, to those who ir • iijuri nisly iffxited bv hi- legislation. We have not these se curities under tie* construction which sanctions legislation on local and peculiar interests. The Tariff was j«ss<d against the will, against the vote and in defiance of tfie most determin and opposition, and solemn protest of the delegation from the South ern States, which suppose themselves to Ix3 injuriously affected by the measure. Our entire representation in congress was utterly unable to extend to us the prot< *- tioti which is the design of all represen tation. They could exert no other influ ence on the question, than to afford to our oppressors, by th.'ir presence, the consti tutional pretext for the outrage. That outrage was perpetrated by a majority composed of the Representatives of the People, who on this subject, are supposed to have no identity of interest with the South. Indeed they are supposed to have an interest adverse and antagonistic to ours. We are therefore, without all manner of remedy, as those who passed the act are not responsible to us, or to men who have an interest similar to ours, but to constituents who derive advantage from the wrong which we suffer ! If we complain, they mock our calamity, and laugh us t» scorn. They have the bold ness to tell us, we know not what is for our own good, and would convince ns that the Tariff’ is a benefit to the South! Would such he their language if they were responsible to us? No. But if we invoke the protection of the representa tive principle—involved in the doctrine of representative responsibility—they ap peal to their constituents, and found their appeal on the service rendered them, by the very injury inflicted upon us! and readily securing their re-election, they return to Congress to scoff’ and deride us, and to add to our suffering, the misery and oppression of increased taxation. The recurrence of these evils must be prevented. The limited construction of the Constitution—the rightful exposition of the instrument, must be established, j and recognised, throughout the length ! and breadth of the land. The Southern i people cannot submit to this degrading inequality. Legislativedispensation must lie equal. We cannot recognise our own inferiority. If we have the patience to j endure the torture, we must find the courage to throw off’ the despotism. The Government must be administered in the | spirit iu which it was conceived, and on the principles of which it was founded, j Generality of Interests—equality of Fa vors—it is for this I bare my sword. To accomplish this I prefer Mr. Calhoun, because I believe he is the truest and pu rest exponent of the Principle. 1 find another strong ground of pref erence, in the firm conviction that, if nominated by the National Convention, he would receive a larger vote than could lie secured tor any' other candidate whom the Convention could select. It is true, I may deceive myself. ‘The wish” may be “father to the thought,” but the opin ion i sincerely entertained. In ventur ing to express it, it is due to candor to state, that the comparison is intended as between himself and Mr. Van Buren a lone. Because they occupy most prom inent |>ositions before the country ; and it is not expected that another can re ceive the nomination, unless through ! dissentions among their friends. In making the selection between them, I if the right of choice were con- MACON, U EDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1843. fined to the Van Buren party of 1810, a majority wight decide in favor of the candidate for whom they registered their votes, in that eventful and disastrous cri sis. But even that would not he intend ed as homage to superior personal quali ties. In that regard there are none, who rate Mr. Calhoun inferior to any other statesman. The preference would he determined I y that feeling, to which Mr. Ritchie so artfully appeals—the desire to “be righted through whose sides we were wronged.” A feeling which cannot Ixj vindicated, when subject to the test of pure ethics, or right reason. It is not known that such would be the result. It is not certain that Mr. Van Buren, when compared with Mr. Calhoun, would command a majority of the votes cast for him in 1840. Many then voted for him with reluctance. A yet greater number voted for the cause and not for the man. And not a few, have since expressed a preference for another. But if it were an ascertained and a conceded fact, that he would command such ma majority, it might yet be maintained, that Air. Calhoun, competing with Mr. Clay, I would receive a larger vote, than Mr. Van Huron could command in such a contest. By consequence, the Republi can party would be stronger with Mr. Calhoun as their candidate, than if head ed by tlie vanquished champion of IS4O. It would be a great error to take Mr. Van Buren, even it he were known to be the “first choice” of a majority of Demo crats, if it can be shown, that Mr. Cal houn would receive a larger vote, when competing with our political and danger ous adversaries. If we will learn wis dom from experience and adversity, we must know that it requires ali the strength at our command to ensure a victory over the great enemy. If there be a patriot and sage who can carry to the war, a larger force than can be mustered for Mr. Van Buren, we owe it to the coun try to make him our leader, even though \*e might prefer the chief, under whom we encountered former sufferings. In the circle of my acquaintance, l have instituted a general inquiry into the comparative popularity of the two— and I am led to the conclusion, that, if nominated, Mr. Calhoun would receive every vote which could be secured for Mr. Van linen, in addition, he would receive the votes of many gentlemen, who con’d not lie induced under any cir cumstances, to record their suffrages for Mr. Van Huron. If it were proper, it would be easy to designate by name, many gentlemen, of the highest aespcct ahility and intelligence—of the most hon orable character and deserved influence, who openly declare a preference for Mr. JJalhotm over any and every competitor, and who are yet deterred from forming a connexion with the Republican party, by the apprehension that, under certain cir cumstances, they may be expected to re cord their suffrages for Mr. Van Buren. The writer speaks from personal knowl edge when he affirms this remark to be true as applied to gentlemen of Peters burg aud the adjacent counties. He has reason to believe it true, when applied throughout trie broad limits of the Com monwealth. It may he stated as a fact worthy of notice, that in one of the Congressional Districts of Virginia, the gentlemen who were candidates on the White Electoral ticket in 1836, and the Harrison Electo ral ticket in 1810, being different indi viduals, are now both professed and de voted friends of Mr. Calhoun, and will give him an earnest and efficient support, even though lie should be nominated by a party with whom they have formed no political connexion ; and they' cannot be induced, by any possible combination of circumstances, to record their suffrages for Mr. Van Buren. “Os the first class, and better than” their “class,” these gentlemen are honor able specimens of a whole class of culti vated and influential Virginians, who cherish the same feelings, and are ani mated by the same spirit, towards the great Statesman of South Carolina, whose talents they ad nire, and whose virtue they revere. It is notorious that there are in Vir ginia, largo numbers of meritorious and enlightened men, who will swell the numbers of the Republican party', if we have Mr. Calhoun as our candidate, who would be repelled from our ranks by the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, and be left to linger reluctantly in the ranks of the enemy', or to loiter in society, in sul len inactivity', content like Achilles to hang up their armor. It is believed that a similar state of facts is co-extensive with the Union, .md that, to select .Mr. Van Buren as the nom inee of the National Convention, is to go into the contest with numbers volunta rily reduced. It can scarce Ix3 denied that the nomi nation of Mr. Calhoun would give satis faction to the greatest number of persons in the South ; and it is known that there are many votes which would he given to him, which could be secured to the Republican ticket, by no other device than his nomination. In that entire re- j gion, it follows, that our strength would be greatest-with him as our candidate, j In a previous number, it has been j shown, that, we gain nothing in the Ptorth by the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. Our party, it is true, may triumph there. But it will be the triumph of Democracy, I and not the triumph of Martin Van Bu- I ren. No regiment follows his banner to jour camp, llis name lends no force to j our cause. It nowhere awakens the en thusiasm of the People. Os the eleven States north of Virginia and east of the Alleghanies, he received but New Hamp shire alone—and even in that single I State his majority was less by two thous \ and votes , than the majority of the Dem ocratic Governor of the same year.— ; Which proves that eyen in New’Hamp shire, Mr. Nan Buren was weaker than : his party, and could not command the full V'ote ol his party. Hence it appears, j that, throughout all the Atlantic States, from Maine to Georgia, both inclusive, we are without motive for the nomina tion of Mr. Van Buren. Let us push the investigation over the Alleghanies.—West of that great chain of mountains, and north of the Ohio riv er, there are four nou-slave holding States. Os these, Gen. Harrison received three ; Mr. Van Buren only' Illinois 1 — one 1 They were entitled to give thirty-eight votes in the Electoral colleges, of which Gen. Harrison received thirty-three, Mr. Van Buren only' five! (5) Computing the aggregate | opular vote of the four States, Mr. Van Buren was beaten by the noririous majority of thirty-six thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine votes (36,- j 939 1) | He was “run to the tliroal-latcli” even in the single State of Illinois, which he carried. The popular vote of that State : being (93,013) ninety-three thousand aud thirteen, of-which Mr. Van Buren receiv i ed the leau majority of ninetceu-huudred j and thirty-nine ! West of the Alleghanies and cast of the Mississippi, there are five slave holtl : ing States—including Alabama and Lou : isiana. Os these Gen. Harrison received J four, Mr. Van Buren only Alabama a lone. They were entitled to east forty ; six votes in the Electoral colleges, of which Gen. Harrison received thirty nine, Mr. Van Buren only seven ! Computing the populaiwote of the five | States, Air. Van Buren was beaten by the enormous majority of thirty-eight thous i and one hundred and forty-eight 1 (38,- 148 i) Missouri, the residence of Mr. Benton , gave to Mr. Van Buren a majority of six thousand six hundred—being the larg est majority' which he received in any State of the Union. He carried the State of Arkansas by a meagre majority of sixteen hundred and eighty-five votes. Os the eleven States west of the Alle ghanies, which spread themselves over so vast a domain, Gen. Harrison received seven 1 Mr. Nan Buren received Ala bama and the three small of Illi nois, Missouri and Arkansas. These eleven States were entitled to ninety-one (91) votes in the Electoral colleges, of which Gen. Harrison receiv ed seventy-two, (72) Mr. Van Buren only nineteen! (19!) In the seven Western States which Gen. Harrison received, his aggregate majority amounted to eighty-two thous and five hundred and forty-six, [82,51 6.J lu the four Western States which Mr. Van Buren received, his aggregate ma jority amounted to fifteen-thousand se ven-hundred and forty-three, [15,713.] In the eleven States west of the Alle ghanies, Mr. Van Buren was beaten by the enormous majority of sixtv-six thous and, eight hundred and three 1 [66,503 1] There are five Southern States on the Atlantic, of which Gcti. Harrison receiv ed three—Mr. Van Buren two.—They were entitled to (70) seventy' votes in the Electoral colleges—of which Gen. Har rison received thirty'-six (36) —Mr. Van Buren thirty-four (34.) Gen. Harrison received large majorities in Maryland, North Carolina and Georgia. Mr. Van Buren received in Virginia a miserable : majority of 1392—thirteen hundred and ninety-two, which was nearly equivalent j to a defeat, it being the first time the Re publican party was ever brought into difficulty in the Old Dominion. No oth- i er Republican Candidate was ever suffi ciently odious, to bring into doubt the j result of a Presidential election in Vir ginia. In South Carolina the vote was given by the Legislature, and there is no mode ; of ascertaining the popular suffrage. But the vote was certainly given to the He- ; publican cause and not to Mr. Fan Bn- | ren , personally, whose friends will not j pretend to claim for him, the existence j of personal popularity in South Carolina. Excluding her from the calculation, and computing the popular vote of the j five Southern States on the Atlantic, and Mr. Van Buren was beaten by' the great j and decided majority of twenty four thousand three hundred votes, which ex ceeds the aggregate of Mr. Van Buren’s majorities received in all the States of the Union ! In the six States which were recorded j for Air Van Buren (exclusive of South | Carolina) he received an aggregate ma- ! jority of twenty-three thousand, five j hundred and seventy-four. Os these 6602 were given by Missouri,, the residence of Mr. Benton. 6436 were given by' N. Hamp shire, the residence of jSIr. oodbnry. 3520 were given by Alabama, the re-idenee of Mr. King. Leaving 1937 for Illinois, 1685 for Arkansas, 1392 for Virginia, and on these three small majorities, lie received 31 votes in the Electoral Col leges.—Being more than one half of his whole poll ! j Having thus made the circuit of the : Union in an unavailing search fora soli tary spot on which to rest his claim to i personal popularity—and having cvery ! where encountered, plain, positive, palpa ble proof, of general and overwhelming unpopularity, it may'he safely confided to the intelligence and prudence of the Republicans of N irginia to decide, wheth- I er they shall discharge their duty to their principles, by selecting him as the Republican candidate for the Presidency. 'l’he partisans of Mr. Van Buren rea -1 son inconclusively, and argue sophisti cally, when they would persuade us to disregard these clear and unequivocal j indications and proofs of public aversion ; because, they' say, it is unjust, unreason able and founded in prejudice. That this aversion exists in the public mindjis undeniable. If it exists, the effect on our I cause is precisely the same, whether it be just or unjust. The Statesman who forms his systems, aud-prosecutes his pol icy', without regard to the influence of the evil passions, his plans I terminate in disappointment. The polit ical party', which under similar fatuity, disdains, in the adoption of itsmeasures, to estimate the power of folly and preju dice, will he forhmate'to escape a similar fate. Folly', prejudice and evil passions, , as well as the purer feelings of tile heart, 1 are elements which propel the public I mind, and demand to be cautiously ex amined and philosophically treated, in : projecting the great affairs of State, or planning the operations of a political campaign. And no matter how unjust the prejudice, and no matter how unrea sonable the aversion—if they have a po tential existence—if they have taken firm hold on tiie public mind, they cannot be disregarded with impunity. It is sornetirnesjargued with'irnpregna ble.force, that when enjoying the ad van- | ininienscTpatrouage, Mr. Van Buren was j unequal to the task of maintaining and defending his position. Far less able will he he, to 1 reconquer hisjlost eleva tion, now that the powers of the office have been turned against,liim. But if there be those to whom this | view of the subject is inconclusive, even such must acknowledge the impolicy of j going before the country with the iden- j tical, unmitigated, issues on which we j encountered defeat so complete, as to j throw us into actual consternation. An j j election between Air. Van Buren and the probable candidate of our adversaries, will be nothing more nor less, than anew trial of the issues of 1840, in which the former opponents of Air. Van Buren, if they come forward to record their votes in his favor, will feel that they are malt ing a bold admission of former error , and present inconsistency. It would also afford every facility of fevading'the great issue of principle, and conducting the canvass on personal issues, to be in fluenced, if not decided, by violent prej udices against our candidate. However great file injustice which he has received at the hands of his foes, we shall be gross ly deceived, if we suppose that there were not many honest men who voted against him under the firm conviction, j that he stood before the country convict- j ed of null-administration. If such im- i pression could he made by the artful I collocation and imposing array of the evi- 1 deuces which his enemies could then | command, will he occupy a better posi- j tion time that his conquerors have had possession of the' capitol, and for two : long years, by Congressional Commit | tees, have pushed their examinations | through all the Departments and all the ramifications of Government, in quest of new proofs of alleged delinquencies ? The evidences produced in 1840, were deemed by the country sufficient to jus tify his condemnation. He was con demned. I think unjustly'. But the Nation was satisfied with the sentence, i Nothing exculpatory has been adduced since. His accusers have enjoyed full opportunity of collecting (and collating their proofs. They are bctter.prepnred to sustain their accusation, and enjoy a yet more important advantage, in the fact that a large majority of the voters are committed against him, and cannot vote for him without exposing them selves to the charge of inconsistency. The force of these circumstances may be obviated entirely, by' the simple operation of changing our candidate. The policy is too obvious to bo neglected. RIP RAPS. T.ie Vatican.— The Vatican, in the “Eternal City,” is more than 1,000 feet long, nearly BGO feet wide—contains 8 grand staircases and 200 smaller qp ies . 20 courts and 4,422 apartment; and a library of 387,000 print* s *! volumes and 23.000 manuscripts. So says a foreign corraspomtent of the New York Tribune (NO 23. I’ioni the cw Vorlk Journal of Commerce. SIIL CALIICUX. The political position of this gentle man is, and always has been peculiar. He has commanded the votes of the whole country at mi-election, and been chosen by unanimous acclamation A ice ■ President of the United States ; yet ho never had a party, iu the common no* ceptation of that term. There never has been, between him any set of politicians. through the country', any arrangement for mutual support. If lie were elected President lo morrow there would not bo a man in the whole country to whom ho would owe the least obligation, or who could claim any thing of him. Air. Cal houn has never taken auy part in arrang ing elections ; he has never had wires to pull, or machinery to manage, but has been a mere spectator, and lias always treated his own prospects when he has been a candidate, with less interest than almost any other man has treated them. His friends have hever done much to or ganize themselves. They were in old times the whole country, and so needed no organization. The support given to Mr. Calhoun has always been, to an un usual extent, the impulse of personal es teem. At home it is so peculiarly', — There he mingles not at nil with politi cal partisans. From Congress he goes home and busies himself upon his farm and in his family, and scarcely is seen at all in public until he returns to his offi cial position, lie will not conform to the Southern custom of stump canvass ing lor votes, nor do any tiling which looks like seeking for office. lie was educated at Yale College, and studied law at Litchfield, yet he lias never visit ed those places since his youthful educa tion was completed, and chiefly because his position has been such, fora series of years, that lie could not travel through the country without exposing himself to tho charge of seeking for votes. During the whole course of his life we do not recollect that he has ever been charged with unfaithfulness to any of his engage ments of any sort. liis political opinions have always been frankly avowed; and when avowed there has never been any doubt as to what they were, or whether they would be adhered to. He has nev er waited for public sentiment to be form fl i p 1 _1 1. Ti 1 - - opinions, but whenever a subject has come before the Ixxly to’which lie belong ed, lias taken his ground respecting it r and uniformly with so thorough a com prehension of all its bearings, that his opinions have wanted no modification afterwards. In this way he has been much the most consistent of all our lead ing public men. It is not at at all dis reputable to any man that he is some times in error, nor that when he perceives the truth, lie avows the change which his opinions have undergone. It is al leged, we know, that Air. Calhoun is in consistent because he advocated the stim ulating of American manufactures into existence as a reason for increasing the tariff at one time, and now advocates free trade upon its broadest and most uncom promising principles. Air. Calhoun him self, in his late letter, seems to allow that his position is not now exactly wliat it was once, but it seems to us that he made the concession more as a matter of mag nanimity', than because it was really de manded by the circumstances; At a time when threatening war was gathering n routid our infant country', Air. Calhoun did propose that duties should be advanc ed some two to live per cent, making them up to fifteen or seventeen per cent in all, and lie gave as one reason for do ing so, that it would stimulate manufac tures into existence ; hut he never advo cated any other tariff than onejof ade quate revenue. A man who drinks a glass of wine nt the table of his friend, might as well he taunted with inconsist ency because lie protests against drunk enness in the streets. It is not for us certainly to call this inconsistent,?for it is just what we have agreed to. There are., modifying circumstances almost always attendant upon the practical application of great principles, and yielding to them in a practical spirit is not apiedge to car ry out those modifying, circumstances until they' become nsceudant’principles and destroy the fundamental rule, it is true that as a fimdrim.ental principle, trade should be left free altogether, and entirely free ; yet it would l>e any thing hut practical wisdom to determine that nothing should ever modify this prinefo pie in its practical operation. In his personal character Air. Calhoun is a model for statesmen. Amid all the bitterness with which he has been assail ed, the purity of his life was never ques tioned. lie professes to make the pre cepts of the Bible his rule of life, and no one ever questioned the sincerity of his profession. Alany men who stood repu tably in our churches, have fallen under the temptations of publicjlife, made ship wrecks of the faith, become vicious iu, their personal habits, raid unworthy of trusts in their political associations. But Air. Calhoun has never been charged 'with personal vice or political treachery. Although w© do not think that personal piety should be a test for office, yet it is right that Christian men who have been praying that we may hare rulers “who Jeer Gc>d and hate covetousness,” should,