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«&23:3ia3T9<&33 > E>WM D(gaL& li' 3 WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1813. TOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. JOHN C. CALHOUN, FOR VICE PRESIDENT: IjKVI IVOODMP.Y. — mmammm m ri: i—mw 1 1 tmm. ■a - RAPS. The number of this admirable writer, will be found on o,ir fust page—also, a brief, but interest ing notice of a tremendous meeting at Faneuil Hall, Boston, got up for the purpose of hearing Col. R. M. Johnson on the interesting subject cf Irish Repeal. DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATIONS. Wc are pained in perceiving that several democrat ic pipers arc engaged in rather an angry, and cer tainly, a very unprofitable discussion, as to who, and i-hat ha re l ecu tut cauics of our defeat} This, to say the least of it, is, we think, a little too junniscent, and not quito as considerate as truo policy would justify. It is enough for us to know, that we have been beat on—badly beaten. But, shall we therefore bewail cur fate, and peevishly whine over it, like a lubberly school-hoy for the les3 of his first penny-whistle 1 Forbid it, manhood 1 Spirit of Democracy forbid it! Let us tlien immediately reorganise our ranks, intro duce into our system of operations more efficient reg ulations and harmonious action, and prepare for in btart, actual, and vigorous service. All this can ea sily lie effi'ctc-d, if the proposition we have thrown relative to the appointment of Delegates to the Baltimore Convention, should he acceded to—we mean the proposition to refer the election of Delegates to the Democratic party generally, or to our friends i’l the Legislature, after the apportionment of the Stale into districts. That the proposition will be ac ted to, wo feel very sanguine; because it presents but a fair and equal field to the unrestricted exercise of the freedom of election—and so soon as it is acce ded to; the Calhoun and Van Buren divisions of the Democracy of Georgia, although fraternally contend ing for their first and favorite choice, will, in their nooie bearing against the common enemy, rush to the decisive contest, like Pclopidasand Epaminomlas with their shields interlocked; and, in 1811 regain our lost ascendancy by-a final and brilliant triumph over the Clay and BiJdls bankers and protective tar ilTilP3. But, "why stand yo here all the day idle?” The enemy is again in the field, and will soon be ready to do battle—they are actively engaged in organizing and drilling forces; and their Recruiting Ser geants, with the Silcer Veil of their False Prophet streaming trom their standard, are scouring the coun try far and wide, beating up for auxiliaries, to whom they promise rich and magnificent bounties in the MOON! Arouse tlien, Democrats! Shake o.T your lethar gy and bury your dissensions' Let your watchwords be, ACTION-VIGILANCE-UNION 1 In al most every section of the OIJ Dominion, and other portions of our wide spread Confederacy, the Democ racy are indcfUtigably and zealously engaged in form i.ig Associations lor the purpose of advancing our gvoat an.l good cav.»e- iU« cause of the Constitution -the cause of the Men of the Revolution-the cause of a ashington, a Jefferson, and a Franklin. Ec f shell Associations, properly organized and con d ted, the mushroom Clay Clubs, which are spring g up around us like vegetable ephemera of the oiglit, will soon wither and perish and resolve them selves into their original element. Up, up then, ye Democrats of Bibb—be up and doing. Set an example worthy of your principles and yourselves to your Democratic brethren through out the State, by immediately organizing an Associa tion, for the holy and patriotic purpose of "opposing t ic election of Henry Clay, and exposing the evil t mdenry of the political creed of his supporters.” I.iise no time in calling a primary meeting, and strongly and earnestly appeal to every county, city, ■village, and hamlet in Georgia, to go and do likewise, i his is no time forleinporising—no time for dallaying —no time for procrastinating. We must fight the enemy hand to hand, and breast to breast—aye, we must beard him in his very den, if we would wrest from his grasptlic PALLADIUM he has stolen from the sacred portals of our Temple. Remember, that the glorious stake for which we contend, is PRIN CIPLE; and that the great reward to which vve look, is the preservation and perpetuity of our Con stitution as handed down to us by our Fathers, who confirmed it by their faith and works, and who sealed and consecrated it with their blood. . MR. WEBSTER BREAKING GROUND. 'Birdolph.— What, are ail dent Pistol and you friend* yet ? jm. —For my part, I care not: I say little; but w:.-n time shall serve, there shall be smiles—but that shall boas it may. I dare not fight; but 1 will wink ami hold out mine iron. It is a simple one; but what though ? it will toast cheese; and it will endure chid as another man’s sword wiil: and there’s the flu nor of it." Mr. Webster in a letter to tho Whigs of Plymouth county, has expressed himself in favor of Messsrs. Briggs and Ee.J, the Whig candidates for Governor Rnd Lieut. Governor. There is something significant in tins, when taken in connection with the recent recommendation of the New York Courier and En quirer, that, to ensure vioto y, “it is only necessary for V higs to forget and forgive, and place in nomi nation for President and \ icc President, Henrv Clay and D. V coster. ’ At the first blush we scouted l ie pessihikty of such an association as ridiculous, knowing as we did, the deep-rooted feelings of por smai hostility which existed between the “god-like” and t.ie mill-boy of the slashes—hut since Mr. W. has made a public declaration in favor of Messrs, Briggs and Reid, we must confess that it has stagger ed our incredulity, and that we are now prepared to believe in almost any thing, except the existence of political integrity among the leaders of the modern whig party. The “adjourned veracity” union in 1825, between Henry Clay and John Quincy Ad ams, was no less astounding than shameful and pros tituting—but the moral corruption with which it was surrounded and deeply imbued, would sink into in significance when compared with a similar coalition between the former individual and Daniel Webster. However, opposed we may have been to the latter personage, U|Mii many leading measures of political economy, we have always, nevertheless, esteemed him u-'aian who would not barter away his private honor and public reputation for even the highest emol ument or most elevated distinction that the glittering seals of office could bestow. HUMBUGS. Notwithstanding the coolness of our evenings and mornings, these nuisances continue to sport about in considerable and with unabated assiduity. In anoth er part of our paper wo have given a capital specimen from the Southern Recorder and the Columbus Fn quirer, of some of the peculiarities of these political insect*. We beg leave to bespeak from our reader* an at tentive perusal of the whole article—they wiil find the letter to tho Enquirer peculiarly edifying and al most as true as any thing in Gubver or Munchausen. As we are among thoso who think it right to give the D—l his due, wo cheerfully praise the extreme inge nuity, with which both the letter and comments arc executed. Bait for gudgeons, would have been the appropriate heading for tho extract; but believing that they must be simpler fish titan guJgcons who would swallow such a bait, nicely as it is tricked out, humbug was preferred. Asa trick to entrap cither the Calhoun or Van Buren sections of the Democracy of Georgia into the support of llenry Clay, the attempt will be as suc cessful as the nursery recipe for catchihg birds by placing a little salt on their tails. The letter is evi dently an imitation of the infamous forgery, over the signature of Thomas Jefferson, recommending Hen ry Clay, a man, whom tho patriarch of Monticello had formerly described as a reckless, dangerous and unprincipled politician. As might be expected, under the government of Supreme wisdom and righteousness, there is an agen cy in the course of Providence inimical to, detect ive and punitary of mischievous imposture—however skilfully planned and ably conducted, there is always something about it to induce doubt, excite suspicion, and warn those against whom it is intended to op- erate. The legends relate that formerly when Satan used to amuse himself by becoming visible in places of fashionable resort, gambling saloorfs, financiers sanc tums, where ho was known as “tho gentleman in black,” notwithstanding the infinite skill and taste with which his toilette was made, still there was an odor of nationality, an inconvenient shewing of the rumpal appendage, and tile cleft in thetoo of his boot, no art could disguise that excited suspicion of his real character. Thus it ever is with imposture. The last place, as we understand, where he made a prominent display was at the great Harrisburg Convention; but finding that ho had nothing to com municate, with which the members in general were familiar, he retired with the consoling conviction, that he might safely leave the interests of his king dom in the hands of Mr. Clay and the Convention, and Further, that man himself was every way compe tent to destroy the liberty and happiness of the world, without aid from Pandemonium. The fiooJ of de moralization poured over the land during tho Harri son caucus, based as it was, on an ulter disregard of the Decalogue proved that Lucifer had not mistaken his men. TURKEY TALK, OR HEADS I WIN, TAILS YOU LOSE. An Indian and a white man went a hunting, in co partnership. On proceeding to divide the resuit of a • days hunting, which mi fine fat turkey and a small squirrel, the white man innocently observed to the copper colored son of the forest, " I’ll take the Tur key and you may have the Squirrel, or, you may have the Squirrel and I’ll take the Turkey— I don’t care which, just as you choose.” The Indian after reflect ing a while quietly took the squirrel and divided the copartnership, and dcseri'oed the conversation as Tur key taik. The manufacturers and their retainers in Congress, when they wish to buy any thing for their own use,such as flaxseed, materials for making but tons, Sec., by way we suppose of punishing them selves for their manifold sins and iniquities, (good easy souls,) insist on paying a very high price for them, and consequently have these articles entered either duty free, or a merely nominal one; hut after having made the flaxseed into oil, and the materials into buttons, Ac., to be certain that the dear consu mer buys such things very cheap, they neither eat, drink or sleep until the government has imposed a duty on them of 30, 50 or 103 per cent, as the ease maybe. YVhat astonishing love ? YVhat unsophis ticated and pure affection ? YVhat amazing philan thropy ? YVhat an admirable specimen of Turkey Talk ? The persons interested in this gigantic system of national swindling, like the philanthropic Augustus Torirlinson, “ rob with a lovers air,” while they are gently removing twenty, thirty, fifty or one hundred par cent, on linseed oil, brass kettles, loaf sugar, sad dles, Sec., they tel! us it is for our benefit and not theirs. Y\ ith what resignation do we hear injuries when they fill upon —our friends. YV e extract the following from the Journal of Com merce, acknowledged, we believe, by mercantile men to be one among the ablest commercial papers in the Union. It is in reply to an article from the N. Y. Tribune, in which that paper denied that the duties laid on brass kittles, lir.sccd oil and loaf sugar in creused the price of thoso articles. “As to the articles mentioned by us on Saturday, wc have made an explanation already respecting brass kettles, in reply lo the note of Messrs. Phelps, Dodge &Cos , which note however one of the gen tlemen was good enough to say had not the sanction of the house, and was not designed for publication. He alto thinks that the article costs more in Eng land at the present time than the price which we s:atcd. Kra s kettles are entirely prohibited by the present duty, though there arc yet some left of old importations. . l.inseed Oil is will imported, and merchants know that any article-which is imported for consumption, can always he purchased cheaper before the duty is paid than afterwards, by the amount of the duty and something more ; for the moment a duty is paid, a calculation of profit is placed upon it. It is a fact, now, that any importation of linseed oil can be bought twenty-five cents cheaper before the duty is paid, than, afterwards; and this makes generally thirty cents to the consumer. These are plain mat ters of mercantile truth, and it is also known that the price of domestic made oil is governed by the price of foreign oil entered for consumption. This matter is too palpable to requite argument, or' even to ad mit of it. Now as to Sugar. The last quotation from Lon don, was, for “best crushed sugar in bond, 255. (Id. per 112 lbs.” This isles; than six cents a pound.— Any quantity, of fine loaf and crushed sugar may be bought in England a: less than six cents a pound. One cent would cover charges, making seven as the cost on the wharf. The price at w hich the great re finers sell, is eleven and a half cents ; so we fail of making out our cose, in ibis stage of the process, bv a l ent and a half a pound ; hut if a profit of 25 per cent is added to the cost by the dealers through whose hands the article passes, then the consumer pays 6 cents ext. on account of the duty. The duty on refined sugar excludes i' entirely; none of it can be impurted. We should be quite willing to take a tree system, and agree to place the trade in these three articles so that the consumers of them ali would pay lc-s for loaf sugar C cents lb. Brass kettles, 12 cts. lb. Linseed oil, 25 cis.gal. There is one thing most singular about the practice of the men who preach that high duties make cheap goods. The articles which they use as the raw ma terial of manufacture, they arc always anxious to have admitted free. So, while the maaufacturcrs of linseed oil arc- sure that a duty of twenty-five cents a gallon maki s oil cheaper, they leave n-> stone un turned to have linseed made free. If they really believed that high duties make cheap goods, would they not put a high duty on flaxseed? They all know the doctrine to be utterly fallacious and false, and they always deny it in their practice towards tho article they wish u> buy. Yet they would have us believe that they take a great deal of pains to get high duties imposed for the sake of making the arti cles they have to sell, cheap; and they ask us tOjbe licve them. Did men ever act upon such a plan ? No; high duties make high prices; and no body knows it better than the patrons of American indus try ; falsely so called. Flaxseed is the only seed in the whole country which i* susceptible of protection. There was one chance to protect the interest of the farmers, and in this they were sacrificed to the manufacturers. The duty on flaxseed at the samo rate with that put on other seeds, should have boon thirty cs. a bushel; yet the reports of cargoes in our paper yesterday morning contain 1800 bags of linseed imported all the way from Croti3tadt by one of the largest linseed oil manufacturers in the country. Will the farmers work to support such a system as this ? Can they ho deluded into a belief that it is meant to do them good, or to act fairly upon all the interests of the countiy? Nothing is plainer than that oor national legislation has been controlled by one interest, to tl.e damage of all others. The laws have been made, not for the public good, but for private benefit.— Each log roller lias been allowed to write into the law so much as would advance bis private interest, until in the inertness of honert patriotism, selfish industry has accomplished its unworthy ends.” V/c also beg the attention of our friends to the fol lowing. Indeed we hope it will meet the eye of every body who uses, or wishes to use Loaf Sugar, but is prevented by the present high price. From the New York Journal of Commerce. Protection of American Inhatry —There Is no part of do mestic manufactures more worthy of the support of Ameri cans than the manufacture of ships: and no industry more worthy of protection than that of seamen Yet instead of be in? protected, lroih are intolerably oppressed by our system of protection to American industry. The duty upon the raw materials manufactured into a ship of a thousand tons, is not less than five thousau 1 dollars. Wc saw, the other day, the invoice of two anchors and a chain cable which had been imported for anew slop. The cost was *TOC 19 The duty, payable in cash, ;c£j 23 The best hemp rieaiae costs here lOcentslb. Equally good rope can he bought abroad at seven,if not forsix cents, Such is the burthen of our Tariff system, that it is a common thin? lo borrow cables and anchors for the first voyage, and return them when the ship gets back. How miserably foolish must be such a policy. In settling :ho loss of .a vessel from England the oilier day, the Capain bad charged 330 lbs. ofloaf sugiir. “ Ilow came that ea board!” inquired the underwriters! “It was ship store,” said the Captain. “What!” said the underwriter, “do you uive your sailors loaf sugar V “Yes,” said the Captain, “it costs no more than brown sugar does here.” Can American sailors get loaf sugar at home J Our Tariff for the benefit of foreign sugar refiners just come over to this country, forbids it. RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION—MR. BERRIEN, Ac. Some of the Nestors of the Federal Whig press are taunting the Democracy relative to the course pur sued by two of our consecutive Legislatures in the celebrated case of John McPherson Berrien. They intimate that, in accordance with our doctrine, it would be but right to instruct Senator Colquitt out of office, and that then it would, of course, become his imperative duty to resign. What kind, considerate, and patriotic souls 1 AY hat disinterested, profound, and enlightened politi ians! Instruct Senator Colquitt to resign! For what? “ Aye, there’s the rub.” For our own poor particu lar, nothing could afford us finer sport or higher gratification, than an attempt of the kind, were it to be ma le, by the Com niltee on the State of lic, at our approaching Legislature, which is now al most on the eve of its session. What a glorious scene would it present! YVhat superlatively rich materials would it furnish to support and ornament the beautilu! structure of YVhig Federalism in Geor gia, if they could only succeed in walking Senator Colquitt out of office, and putting in his place one of the little incaUj-mouthsd Slashes of Henry Clay 1 But the question still recurs, For What/ Yes, For I Vital f it is, however, far froth being a difficult question to answer--and, as Senator Berrien would doubtless, draw up the Report for the Committee on tue State of the Republic, his intimate acquaintance with the political delinquinces of Iris colleague would readily enable the black cockade gentleman to an. swer the question by truly preferring against tho re cusant Senator, something like the following charges • That YValtcr T. Colquitt, Senator in Congress fnm tho State of Georgia, stands accused and con victed before the people of opposing a Protective Ta riff’, a Bank of the United States, the destruction of the Presidential Veto, arid Mr. Clay’s plan of tax ing the people to pay the debts of the States; and, that furthermore, the said YV alter, stands accused and convicted before the people of manifold other flagitious and seditious attempts to overthrow the supremacy of the Universal Federal YVhig party, and that among those numerous, flagitious and seditious attempts, stand forth in bold, horrid and treasonable relief, his Hannibal-like opi>osition to the elevation of Henry Clay to the Presidency, and of John -Ylac pherson Berrien to the Y'ice Presidency cf the Uni ted States; for which, therefore, he, the aforesaid Walter T. Colquitt should be ostracised and ban ished t'oe Senate, as a dangerous and incorrigible enemy to the magnificent system of Consolidation and Centralization, which the Universal Federal YVhig party are building up. Y cs, there above stand the charges—they arc the only ones that can he fairly and truly preferred against our aide and distinguished Se nator; and if they arc preferred, we hazard nothing in saying that YValter T. Co.quitt will promptly obey instructions and re sign 1 But the most nonsensical an 1 ridiculous feature in the whole of this mummery, is the ignorance or something worse, displayed by the YY’hig press, in reference to the relative positions occupied by Mr. Berrien and ?vlr. Colquitt, livery body acquainted with tlie political history of Georgia, for even the last four years, very well knows that in 1841, John McPherson Berrien, in nn Address to the people of the United States, invoked “the action of the legis lative councils of the sovereign SlatesloT the Union” with the view that they should instruct their Senators in Congress to carry out certain gnat measures that Mr. Clay had much at heart! “On this hint” our Legislature of I SII-2, “spake’—and really and truly, ir, strict compliance with the very right which Mr. Berrien invoked, told him they had no further yse for I his services. ’J bus, it will lie seen that it was at the express solicitation of Mr. 8., that the Legislatures alluded to, acted--(fcat it was on their part, but a j courteous acquiescence in a very urgent call which 1 e made upon their patriotism ! But as those Legis- I .lures could not for a moment permit Mr. B. to point out and define subjects and object* for tlicit consideration; or control, in the slightest degfee, their independent course of action, in reference to the exercise of the right invoked by him, they, in compli ance with his wishes respecting a doctrine recognized by hints f substantially told him, that the Councils of the Republic would lie greatly benefitlej by his re tirement from the Senate of the United States. This is the “short anil long” of the whole affair. Mr. Berrien was caught in his own trap —and so quick and sharp did it spring upon him, that for a while lie was struck dumb with shame and consternation. But this thorough-pared politician soon recovered his presence of mind, and with an effrontery that would have put Jack Falstaff to the blush, turned round, and abased, traduced, and condemned the very authorities for carrying out a doctrine which he had himself urgently called upon them to carry out 1 1 Now, let us ask, what analogy is there between the relative positions of Mr. Colquitt and Mr. Berrien? Why, none at all. The question is supererogatory. When Mr. C. invokes the Sovereignty of his State to exercise the right of instruction, our life for it, he will obey the voice of that Sovereignty should it in struct him to retire. He would not be found playing the little shuffling and ambidextrous tricks of a time serving and tergiversating politician, who twists and skulks to screen himself from the effects of a meas ure, the adoption of which he himself had ardently sought and re ommended. No, no—there is too much of the pure Democratic Je.fersoninn blood flow ing in the veins of YVALTER T. COLQUITT, for him, ever thus to degrade his character as an A merican Statesman, or tarnish his honor and fair fame as a high-minded, true and fearless Southron. Ho cannot say, like some of his adversaries, whom it may be his duty to encounter in the grave anti dig nified arena of the Senate, “I do the wrong, and first begin to brawl. The secret mischief, that I set abroach, I lay unto the grievous charge of ethers, And thus I clothe my naked villainy, And seem a saint when most 1 play the devil.” APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT. CONSULS. William Hog an, of Georgia, has been appointed Consul, for Nuevitas, in Cuba, in the place of YVm. 11. Freeman, resigned. O’CONNELL rs. BROUGHAM. The great Reformer seizes with avidity every op portunity, to pour the caustic streams of his satire and wit, upon the devoted head of his eminent adversary, Lord Brougham. In alluding to him, on a recent oc casion, O’Connell parodied’ the well known lines of Pope, and thus applied them: “If parts allure thee think how Brougham shined, The brightest, maddest, **»*»cst of mankind.” O'Connell might have gone a step further, and paid his respects to the scolding old Duke, as he calls Wellington, or ViilainUm as Byron facetiously styles him in his Don Juan, and said, “Isyellow dirt the passion of thy life? Look first on YVcll’sly, thrn on YVcil’sly’s wife 1” TFIE FIRE IN MONTICELLO. The report of the fire in Monticello, Jaspercounty, published in our last, is, we lament to s*y, confirmed by the Mtllcdgcville papers. The Post Master at Monticello, in a letter to the Editors of the Federal Union, says, that the fire was first discovered about It alf past 2 o’clock on the morning of the 23d ult., in the store house of Jesse Loyall, Esq., and that the flames had made such progress as to preclude any hope of saving the adjoining buildings. The houses consumed, were the store house of Mr. Loyall, to gether with his goods, but recently received—the store house of Mr. Thomas J. Smith & Co.—the two adjoining store houses unoccupied, the property of Mr. Dyer—the grocery store of 11. D. C. Edmond son ti. Cos., and the store house well filled with goods ofC.C. Norton, besides several out building*, com prising the entire side of tho South Square of the vil lage. The Court House was at one time in flames, and but for the untiring exertions of the citizens would have been destroyed. Loss estimated at fifty or sixty thousand dollars. The impression is gener al that the fire was the work of an incendiary. . A CARD. LEGS &. CO., owe the Municipal Authorities an apology, and hasten to tender it. On the mornim* of last Tuesday week, during their usual promenade, Legs & Cos., perceived that the Hole in the Pave still remained unrepaired, and wasinduced to believe it continued so, during the day. The ensuing morn ing, however, they were informed, that not long af ter their promenade of the previous day, the Hole in the Pave was “done up” in neat and workman like order—this intelligence reached them too late tocoun termand the publication of their Card, which, under existing circumstances they cannot but regret. As Legs & Cos., have no disposition whatever, to wal-e into Corporate bodies, cither civil, military, or ecclesiastical, except upon just and sufficient grounds, they presume this flat-footed explanation will prove altogether satisfactory. THE YVEATHER. The Dist Demon has flej —vanished—gone clear off in a full tide of successful absorption. YVc breathe more freely, move more buoyantly, cough more can dily, and sneeze more euphoniously. Shortly after our appearance on last YVednesday, not Professor Espy, but the Rain King, came to our aid, and the way he pelted, with a pitiless storm, his Dust-ship and drove him to parts unknown, was a caution to all element al mad caps who delight in kicking up a dust. O, ’twas a glorious time for ducks and ducklings, geese andgoslins; aye, and for bipeds and quadrupeds of every genus, species and gender. The “ sobs and groans that rung in the ears, and the “processions” of blue devils and all sorts of devils that flitted before tile affrighted vision of the Telegraph, ceased to dis turb its philosophic repose; and even old Ocmuloee raised himself two or three feet from his bed, and en joyed the scene with a rippling laugh, while-several trim looking boxes, ladened with Cotton danced over his bosom, and went their way merrily to Savannah. The Steamers, however, couldn’t go it, and will have to wait for more copious favors from tho Rain ing Monarch before they can aid us in the Work of transportation. Our atmosphere too, of course, has become more pure, clsstic and wholesome; anil Mons. La Grippe is rapidly loosening his screws and grappling irons, and looking out for more congenial quartets. Health, rosy Health, is fast usurping his place, and almost every face that we pass wears a more cheerful, anima ted, and business like appearance. TME DIRECTION POSTS—ORTHOG RAPHICAL ROW. “YY’licre oft the sign-jiost caught the passing eye.” Every body in these diggings, t > use a term classi cally rich and fascinatingly euphonious, knows that our beautiful and enterprising town is divided by the Ocmulgbe, as it winds its meandering nay between what is called East and YVkst Macon; and that over the stream of the aforesaid Octnulgee is thrown a neat, substantial and comfortable Bridge, at each end of which stand imposing and conspicuous Direc tion Posts, with the following inscription, to which a doubled black fist points with a fore-finger as l#ng, lean and lank as was that of Roanoke's Orator, when he protruded it to issue his dicta to a tremb ling House: ‘‘lS* Keep well to the wright and pass tho Bridge in a slow walk as the law directs.” Now, once upon a time it happened that a genuine son of Hibernia, being about to pass the aforesaid Bridge, had his eye arrested by the Direction Post, upon which he gazed anti pondered with that kind of cunning sagacity which Pefer Pindar says is ex pressed by a Magpie when peeping into a marrow bone. Seemingly satisfied with the result of his co gitations, he prepared to cross, when his attention was caught by a workman doing some repairs on the left hand- passage of th* Bridge, whom, after a mo ment’s consideration, he cautiously approached with the “slow” and stealthy pace of a feline squaller when preparing to pounce upon its victim. As soon as Pat got within jumping distance, he made a flying leap arid clung to the workman with all the tenacity that could be evinced in a real down-right Donney brook hug. The workman was at first, evidently much alarmed—but soon recovered his self-posses sion, when a struggle took place that would have done honor to a couple of Kilkenny cats. The noise soon brought out the Keeper anti Sub-Keeper of the Brhlge, who succeeded, not without some difficulty, however, in separating the workman and Paddy from the ardent embraces of each other. As Sir Tip staff was leading off Paddy to a Magistrate for examination, Paddy politely requested a parley, when the followingcolloquy and explanation ensued: “And, why, for man, (said Paddy,) are you afthur tacking nte to tho Squires? Is it bekasc Fv dun a* the law dinks? Och, ma vourneen, what wud ould Ireland say to dis? And what wull Mike YValsh and all the bys in York city say to if, wen they kirn to know that in this blissid land o’ liberty, Pat O’- Shaunassec O’Kafe was tuck before the ’Squire for kaping and prasarving the law.” “For keeping the law ?” replied the indignant offi cial. “To a man up a tree, it would look more like breaking the law, sir.” “Yes, for kaping tl.e law—and luk yonder at me witness! ’ rejoined Pat, pointing at the* same time' triumphantly at the Direction Post. “And shure enuf doesn’t it say wid its own black finger that I must kape well to the workman, which manes the vv r i g h t, (spelling the word very emphatically.} and that I must cross over in a slouw walk? Ami didn't Pat O’Shawnassec O’Kafe, kape well and stick well ta the workman ? Be ntc shoul an’ he did. Anddidn’nl Pat O’Shawnassce O’Kafe' pass as slouw ly as that thafe of the world, Murdoch Delany did, wen he stole the pratees and butthurmilk ? An’ be the houly prokcr he did that same, as all iv ye kin testify.” “But,” responded the constabulary knight, whose ryes began to open to the ludicrous character of the incident, “the law means that you should take the right hand passage, and cross over in an orderly man ner.” “Och, an’ is it me right hand yud tak’ hould on,” cried Pat. “Here man tuk’ it, an’ ntc heart into the •bargain—but, as long aS ye live me jewel, remember that it doesn’t bekim stch as me to make manning for yer laws, and that yc sliud always “pell the word right, r-i g-h t, and not w-r-ig-h-t, nor r-i-t-e —for if ye do, by the Hill o’ Houth, ye'll be shure to be right wrong.” It is needless to say, that Pat’s humorous explana tion resulted in his immediate enlargement, and that he went his way rejoicing. But, notwithstanding Pat’s practical criticism, the old Posts anti their Di rections pertinaciously maintain their ground, incor rigibly un -right —cous as ever. From the Richmond Enquirer. Mr. CLAY’S PRESENT VIEWS. If there be any one quality which Mr. Clay’s most ardent friends have most proudly claimed for him, it is the manly, bold, above-board moral courage, with which he spouts forth his opinions. But he appears to be throwing otTtbis vaunted eharacterietic, and to be stooping to all the tricks and disguises of the electioneering arena. Our correspondent from Georgia unveils, in the following communication, tile duplicity which Mr. Clay exhibits in the subsequent correspondence. We seize this opportunity, too, to convey our astonishment that any one should have ventured to compare the opinions of Messrs. Clay and Van Burcn upon the tariff. We have a letter before us, sent to us by a friend, and addressed to him by Mr. Van Buren, in which Mr. Van Burcn denounces, and utterly disclaims, the present tariff law ; and we all know that Mr. Clay, in a letter or speech addressed to some of the citizens of Kentucky, complains heavily of the prospective designs of the Republicans to strike at that law. (But more anon of Mr. Clay’s positions,) Mean-while, we advise our readers to read over again the expositions of Mr. Clay’s course, as made in the address of the commit tee of Oglethorpe county, and which we published in the course of the last week : 7b the Editors of the Enquirer. I have taken the liberty of forwarding to you the Lagrange Herald, containing a letter from Mr. Clay to the Editor. Take it ail in all, it is an extraordi nary production, coming as it does from the father of the boasted American system. It was manifestly written for litis latitude, and intended to guli that portion of the \Vhig party, who are fullering in their support of the great enemy of Southern interests. Is it not something new under the sun, that Mr. Clay should, at this late day, place himself in the attitude of opposition to the justly odious tariff of 1828 1— Was he not, at that time, the master-spirit, who con trolled and directed the policy of the administration of Mr. Adams ? Was not the tariff of 1828 one of the prominent measures of that Administrate, and woos Mr. Clay at that, or at any other time, understood to lie opposed to it, or to the circumstances winch* gave, birth toil? You will remark that Mr. Clay, in his litter, says that he was Well acquainted with the circumstances, and that they were hbririv dis creditable to American legislation, and that he hoped,' for its honor, they Would never be again repealed.- If Mr. Clay, in writing this letter, has not forfeited the character for frankness anti candor for which his friends sav he is so eminently distinguished, his pub lished history is a tissue of egregious blunders.—T YVhat is the impression lie is seeking to make upon the public utind, in this anti-protective latitude ? That lie has always been opposed to a high protec tive tariff, and more especially to the tariff of 1828 1 YVhat unblushing hypocrisy 1 Mr. Clay opposed to a high protective tariff 1 Such art assumption is con tradicted by the | roininont agency he exerted in building up that stupendous system of fraud and op pression, shadowed fnith in the tariff hill of 1824. YVhat does Mr. YVebstcr say, in his celebrated YY’orcester speech, delivered in 1832 1 “If, as the President avers, we have been guilty of improvident legislation, what act of Congress is the most strikin'* instance of that improvidence? Certainly it is the act of 1824. The principle of protection, recognised' before that time, was, by that act. carried to a newr ami great extent—so new, and so great, that the act was considered the foundation of the system. That law it was which conferred on the distinguiseeiT citizen, whose nomination sor 4 Prcsitlent this meeting has received with so much enthusiasm, the applica tion cf Author of the American System. According ly, the act of 1824 has been the particular object of attack in all the warfare waged against the protective policy. If Congress ever abandoned legitimate ob jects of legislation in favor of protection, it did so by that law.” Such is the testimony of one who was, at the time it was given to the country, the distinguished, the zealous, and eloquent friend of Mr. Clay. But it is unnecessary to multiply the proofs of Mr. Clay’s uniform support of high duties. Proofcould be piled upon proof. His speeches—his acts—his very repu tation as a statesman, which is identified with the “American system,” furnish a mass of testimony sufficient to convince the most incredulous of all of his friends, who are incredulous on this subject. Mr. Clay would have shed some light on his history of the legislation of the country, if he had informed us what circumstances, connected with the tariff of 1828, were so discreditable, in his opinion, to the American legislation, ami, of course, to those of his friends who voted for it. You will mark how ex ceedingly equivocal his expression is. He does not say that the tariff of 1828 was discreditable to Ameri can legislation, but that its history, with the circum stances that gave birth to it, was discreditable. Our election took place on Monday last, and the returns which have been received leave scarcely a doubt but that the YVhigs have carrietl the Slate. To thoso who understood the combination of circum stances which defeated the Democratic party, the re sult was not unexpected. If the Democratic strength : can be brought to hear upon the ensuing Presidential contest, vve will show a very different result. Mr. Calhoun has a strong hold on the affections of the people ot this State, and I think we can bear him triumphantly through the exciting and violent con test with which vve are threatened during the next campaign. Although Mr Calhoun has far more strength in this State than either of the distinguished gentlemen who have been referred to as the candidate of the Democratic party, Gen. Cass would be accep table to us. HUSKISSON. From the Lagrange Herald, Oct. 5. Fetter from Mr. Ctay. —The following letter is horn the Hon. Henry Ctay to us, in reply to certain intrriogatories propounded by us in a letter dated August 22, 1813, a copy of wlti h we insert below : L.tortareas, Cn Aim, SJSJ, lod.i. Deat Sir:—Permit me, though a stranger, to pro pound a tew important questions to you relative to yo u- present views, independent of vvliat they may have been heretofore. 1 request your attention particularly, because I have contracted for, and am about to establish a press, &c., am: contemplate publishing a newspaper here, to be styled “ The Lagrange Herald.” Like wise, a Clay club has been organized, consisting of a large number of our citizens. Besides, the unlu ous duties of the cditoriol department will devolve upon me in it* commencement ; and 1 desire to know precisely in wliat manner 1 am to meet the Demo cracy, in their numerous modes of attack. I lease state it y »ur views ot the protective policy of 1832 have undergone any modification, anil »o, what extent. And would you, if you had it in you* power, go for a bill as protective in its principles as the tariff act of 1833 ? Please state your present convictions with respect to a tariff, what the extent of your tariff measures, are, &c. YVith most profound respeft; 1 am, dear sir, your obedient servant, F. S. BRONSON. lion. H. Cl,iv, Ashland Ivy. Ashland, Sept. 13 1843. Dkar Dir:—l received your favor, addressing some inquiries to nte in respect to the policy of pro tecting American interests. On that subject I have ve y frequently publicly expressed my sentiments within the last two years. In the Senate of the U. S., early last year, 1 fully expressed my views, and what 1 said was published. About the same time, I communicated them, in the answer w hich I transmit ted, to a latter, addressed to me by a committee of tho Legislature ot New York, which was also published. I again expressed my opinion, in reply to a letter which 1 received from a fellow-citizen of Philadelphia requesting me to state tin principles of the YVhif party. A statement ol them, as understood by me, was act ordingly math.*, anti it is now conspicuously published at the head of many newspapers. Tho. last expression of my opinion is contained in a letter which 1 recently aJdresscd to Nashville, and of which I now transmit you a copy. If you had seen these various expressions of the opinions which I hold on the subject of your letter, 1 presume you would not have deemed it necessary to address me. 1 ho sum and substance of what I conceivo to he the true policy ot the United States, in respect to a Tariff, may he briefly stated. In conformity with, the principle announced in the compromise act, 1 taink, that whatever revenue is necessary to on eco nomical and honest administration of the General Government, ought to he derived from duties, impos ed on foreign imports. And I believe that, in estab lishing a I ariff of those duties, such a discrimina tion ought lo lie made, as will incidentally afford reasonable protection to our national interests. 1 think there is no danger of a high tariff' being ever established ; that of 1823 was eminently deser ving that denomination, i was not in Congress when it passed, and did not vote for it j but, with its history, anti with the circumstances which gave birth to it, I um well acquainted. They were highly dis creditable to American legislation ; and 1 hop?, for its honor, will never he again repeated, A fler my return to Congress, in 1831, my efforts were directed to the modification and reduction of the rates of duly contained in tho act of 1828. Tho act of 1832 greatly reduced and modified them ond the net of 1828, commonly called the compromise act still further reduced and mollified them. The act which passed at lire extra session of 1841, which I