American Democrat. (Macon, Ga.) 1843-1844, November 01, 1843, Image 2
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WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1813.
TOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
JOHN C. CALHOUN,
FOR VICE PRESIDENT:
IjKVI IVOODMP.Y.
— mmammm m ri: i—mw 1 1 tmm. ■a
- RAPS.
The number of this admirable writer, will
be found on o,ir fust page—also, a brief, but interest
ing notice of a tremendous meeting at Faneuil Hall,
Boston, got up for the purpose of hearing Col. R. M.
Johnson on the interesting subject cf Irish Repeal.
DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATIONS.
Wc are pained in perceiving that several democrat
ic pipers arc engaged in rather an angry, and cer
tainly, a very unprofitable discussion, as to who, and
i-hat ha re l ecu tut cauics of our defeat} This, to say
the least of it, is, we think, a little too junniscent, and
not quito as considerate as truo policy would justify.
It is enough for us to know, that we have been beat
on—badly beaten. But, shall we therefore bewail
cur fate, and peevishly whine over it, like a lubberly
school-hoy for the les3 of his first penny-whistle 1
Forbid it, manhood 1 Spirit of Democracy forbid it!
Let us tlien immediately reorganise our ranks, intro
duce into our system of operations more efficient reg
ulations and harmonious action, and prepare for in
btart, actual, and vigorous service. All this can ea
sily lie effi'ctc-d, if the proposition we have thrown
relative to the appointment of Delegates to the
Baltimore Convention, should he acceded to—we
mean the proposition to refer the election of Delegates
to the Democratic party generally, or to our friends
i’l the Legislature, after the apportionment of the
Stale into districts. That the proposition will be ac
ted to, wo feel very sanguine; because it presents
but a fair and equal field to the unrestricted exercise
of the freedom of election—and so soon as it is acce
ded to; the Calhoun and Van Buren divisions of the
Democracy of Georgia, although fraternally contend
ing for their first and favorite choice, will, in their
nooie bearing against the common enemy, rush to
the decisive contest, like Pclopidasand Epaminomlas
with their shields interlocked; and, in 1811 regain
our lost ascendancy by-a final and brilliant triumph
over the Clay and BiJdls bankers and protective tar
ilTilP3.
But, "why stand yo here all the day idle?” The
enemy is again in the field, and will soon be ready to
do battle—they are actively engaged in organizing
and drilling forces; and their Recruiting Ser
geants, with the Silcer Veil of their False Prophet
streaming trom their standard, are scouring the coun
try far and wide, beating up for auxiliaries, to whom
they promise rich and magnificent bounties in the
MOON!
Arouse tlien, Democrats! Shake o.T your lethar
gy and bury your dissensions' Let your watchwords
be, ACTION-VIGILANCE-UNION 1 In al
most every section of the OIJ Dominion, and other
portions of our wide spread Confederacy, the Democ
racy are indcfUtigably and zealously engaged in form
i.ig Associations lor the purpose of advancing our
gvoat an.l good cav.»e- iU« cause of the Constitution
-the cause of the Men of the Revolution-the cause
of a ashington, a Jefferson, and a Franklin. Ec
f shell Associations, properly organized and con
d ted, the mushroom Clay Clubs, which are spring
g up around us like vegetable ephemera of the
oiglit, will soon wither and perish and resolve them
selves into their original element.
Up, up then, ye Democrats of Bibb—be up and
doing. Set an example worthy of your principles
and yourselves to your Democratic brethren through
out the State, by immediately organizing an Associa
tion, for the holy and patriotic purpose of "opposing
t ic election of Henry Clay, and exposing the evil
t mdenry of the political creed of his supporters.”
I.iise no time in calling a primary meeting, and
strongly and earnestly appeal to every county, city,
■village, and hamlet in Georgia, to go and do likewise,
i his is no time forleinporising—no time for dallaying
—no time for procrastinating. We must fight the
enemy hand to hand, and breast to breast—aye, we
must beard him in his very den, if we would wrest
from his grasptlic PALLADIUM he has stolen from
the sacred portals of our Temple. Remember, that
the glorious stake for which we contend, is PRIN
CIPLE; and that the great reward to which vve
look, is the preservation and perpetuity of our Con
stitution as handed down to us by our Fathers, who
confirmed it by their faith and works, and who sealed
and consecrated it with their blood. .
MR. WEBSTER BREAKING GROUND.
'Birdolph.— What, are ail dent Pistol and you
friend* yet ?
jm. —For my part, I care not: I say little; but
w:.-n time shall serve, there shall be smiles—but that
shall boas it may. I dare not fight; but 1 will wink
ami hold out mine iron. It is a simple one; but
what though ? it will toast cheese; and it will endure
chid as another man’s sword wiil: and there’s the
flu nor of it."
Mr. Webster in a letter to tho Whigs of Plymouth
county, has expressed himself in favor of Messsrs.
Briggs and Ee.J, the Whig candidates for Governor
Rnd Lieut. Governor. There is something significant
in tins, when taken in connection with the recent
recommendation of the New York Courier and En
quirer, that, to ensure vioto y, “it is only necessary
for V higs to forget and forgive, and place in nomi
nation for President and \ icc President, Henrv Clay
and D. V coster. ’ At the first blush we scouted
l ie pessihikty of such an association as ridiculous,
knowing as we did, the deep-rooted feelings of por
smai hostility which existed between the “god-like”
and t.ie mill-boy of the slashes—hut since Mr. W.
has made a public declaration in favor of Messrs,
Briggs and Reid, we must confess that it has stagger
ed our incredulity, and that we are now prepared to
believe in almost any thing, except the existence of
political integrity among the leaders of the modern
whig party. The “adjourned veracity” union in
1825, between Henry Clay and John Quincy Ad
ams, was no less astounding than shameful and pros
tituting—but the moral corruption with which it was
surrounded and deeply imbued, would sink into in
significance when compared with a similar coalition
between the former individual and Daniel Webster.
However, opposed we may have been to the latter
personage, U|Mii many leading measures of political
economy, we have always, nevertheless, esteemed
him u-'aian who would not barter away his private
honor and public reputation for even the highest emol
ument or most elevated distinction that the glittering
seals of office could bestow.
HUMBUGS.
Notwithstanding the coolness of our evenings and
mornings, these nuisances continue to sport about in
considerable and with unabated assiduity. In anoth
er part of our paper wo have given a capital specimen
from the Southern Recorder and the Columbus Fn
quirer, of some of the peculiarities of these political
insect*.
We beg leave to bespeak from our reader* an at
tentive perusal of the whole article—they wiil find
the letter to tho Enquirer peculiarly edifying and al
most as true as any thing in Gubver or Munchausen.
As we are among thoso who think it right to give the
D—l his due, wo cheerfully praise the extreme inge
nuity, with which both the letter and comments arc
executed. Bait for gudgeons, would have been the
appropriate heading for tho extract; but believing
that they must be simpler fish titan guJgcons who
would swallow such a bait, nicely as it is tricked out,
humbug was preferred.
Asa trick to entrap cither the Calhoun or Van
Buren sections of the Democracy of Georgia into the
support of llenry Clay, the attempt will be as suc
cessful as the nursery recipe for catchihg birds by
placing a little salt on their tails. The letter is evi
dently an imitation of the infamous forgery, over the
signature of Thomas Jefferson, recommending Hen
ry Clay, a man, whom tho patriarch of Monticello
had formerly described as a reckless, dangerous and
unprincipled politician.
As might be expected, under the government of
Supreme wisdom and righteousness, there is an agen
cy in the course of Providence inimical to, detect
ive and punitary of mischievous imposture—however
skilfully planned and ably conducted, there is always
something about it to induce doubt, excite suspicion,
and warn those against whom it is intended to op-
erate.
The legends relate that formerly when Satan used
to amuse himself by becoming visible in places of
fashionable resort, gambling saloorfs, financiers sanc
tums, where ho was known as “tho gentleman in
black,” notwithstanding the infinite skill and taste
with which his toilette was made, still there was an
odor of nationality, an inconvenient shewing of the
rumpal appendage, and tile cleft in thetoo of his boot,
no art could disguise that excited suspicion of his real
character. Thus it ever is with imposture.
The last place, as we understand, where he made
a prominent display was at the great Harrisburg
Convention; but finding that ho had nothing to com
municate, with which the members in general were
familiar, he retired with the consoling conviction,
that he might safely leave the interests of his king
dom in the hands of Mr. Clay and the Convention,
and Further, that man himself was every way compe
tent to destroy the liberty and happiness of the world,
without aid from Pandemonium. The fiooJ of de
moralization poured over the land during tho Harri
son caucus, based as it was, on an ulter disregard of
the Decalogue proved that Lucifer had not mistaken
his men.
TURKEY TALK, OR
HEADS I WIN, TAILS YOU LOSE.
An Indian and a white man went a hunting, in co
partnership. On proceeding to divide the resuit of a
• days hunting, which mi fine fat turkey and a small
squirrel, the white man innocently observed to the
copper colored son of the forest, " I’ll take the Tur
key and you may have the Squirrel, or, you may have
the Squirrel and I’ll take the Turkey— I don’t care
which, just as you choose.” The Indian after reflect
ing a while quietly took the squirrel and divided the
copartnership, and dcseri'oed the conversation as Tur
key taik. The manufacturers and their retainers in
Congress, when they wish to buy any thing for their
own use,such as flaxseed, materials for making but
tons, Sec., by way we suppose of punishing them
selves for their manifold sins and iniquities, (good
easy souls,) insist on paying a very high price for
them, and consequently have these articles entered
either duty free, or a merely nominal one; hut after
having made the flaxseed into oil, and the materials
into buttons, Ac., to be certain that the dear consu
mer buys such things very cheap, they neither eat,
drink or sleep until the government has imposed a
duty on them of 30, 50 or 103 per cent, as the ease
maybe. YVhat astonishing love ? YVhat unsophis
ticated and pure affection ? YVhat amazing philan
thropy ? YVhat an admirable specimen of Turkey
Talk ?
The persons interested in this gigantic system of
national swindling, like the philanthropic Augustus
Torirlinson, “ rob with a lovers air,” while they are
gently removing twenty, thirty, fifty or one hundred
par cent, on linseed oil, brass kettles, loaf sugar, sad
dles, Sec., they tel! us it is for our benefit and not
theirs. Y\ ith what resignation do we hear injuries
when they fill upon —our friends.
YV e extract the following from the Journal of Com
merce, acknowledged, we believe, by mercantile men
to be one among the ablest commercial papers in the
Union. It is in reply to an article from the N. Y.
Tribune, in which that paper denied that the duties
laid on brass kittles, lir.sccd oil and loaf sugar in
creused the price of thoso articles.
“As to the articles mentioned by us on Saturday,
wc have made an explanation already respecting
brass kettles, in reply lo the note of Messrs. Phelps,
Dodge &Cos , which note however one of the gen
tlemen was good enough to say had not the sanction
of the house, and was not designed for publication.
He alto thinks that the article costs more in Eng
land at the present time than the price which we
s:atcd. Kra s kettles are entirely prohibited by the
present duty, though there arc yet some left of old
importations. .
l.inseed Oil is will imported, and merchants know
that any article-which is imported for consumption,
can always he purchased cheaper before the duty is
paid than afterwards, by the amount of the duty and
something more ; for the moment a duty is paid, a
calculation of profit is placed upon it. It is a fact,
now, that any importation of linseed oil can be
bought twenty-five cents cheaper before the duty is
paid, than, afterwards; and this makes generally
thirty cents to the consumer. These are plain mat
ters of mercantile truth, and it is also known that the
price of domestic made oil is governed by the price
of foreign oil entered for consumption. This matter
is too palpable to requite argument, or' even to ad
mit of it.
Now as to Sugar. The last quotation from Lon
don, was, for “best crushed sugar in bond, 255. (Id.
per 112 lbs.” This isles; than six cents a pound.—
Any quantity, of fine loaf and crushed sugar may be
bought in England a: less than six cents a pound.
One cent would cover charges, making seven as the
cost on the wharf. The price at w hich the great re
finers sell, is eleven and a half cents ; so we fail of
making out our cose, in ibis stage of the process, bv
a l ent and a half a pound ; hut if a profit of 25 per
cent is added to the cost by the dealers through
whose hands the article passes, then the consumer
pays 6 cents ext. on account of the duty. The duty on
refined sugar excludes i' entirely; none of it can be
impurted. We should be quite willing to take a tree
system, and agree to place the trade in these three
articles so that the consumers of them ali would pay
lc-s for loaf sugar C cents lb.
Brass kettles, 12 cts. lb.
Linseed oil, 25 cis.gal.
There is one thing most singular about the practice
of the men who preach that high duties make cheap
goods. The articles which they use as the raw ma
terial of manufacture, they arc always anxious to
have admitted free. So, while the maaufacturcrs of
linseed oil arc- sure that a duty of twenty-five cents
a gallon maki s oil cheaper, they leave n-> stone un
turned to have linseed made free. If they really
believed that high duties make cheap goods, would
they not put a high duty on flaxseed? They all
know the doctrine to be utterly fallacious and false,
and they always deny it in their practice towards tho
article they wish u> buy. Yet they would have us
believe that they take a great deal of pains to get
high duties imposed for the sake of making the arti
cles they have to sell, cheap; and they ask us tOjbe
licve them. Did men ever act upon such a plan ?
No; high duties make high prices; and no body
knows it better than the patrons of American indus
try ; falsely so called.
Flaxseed is the only seed in the whole country
which i* susceptible of protection. There was one
chance to protect the interest of the farmers, and in
this they were sacrificed to the manufacturers. The
duty on flaxseed at the samo rate with that put on
other seeds, should have boon thirty cs. a bushel;
yet the reports of cargoes in our paper yesterday
morning contain 1800 bags of linseed imported all
the way from Croti3tadt by one of the largest linseed
oil manufacturers in the country. Will the farmers
work to support such a system as this ? Can they ho
deluded into a belief that it is meant to do them
good, or to act fairly upon all the interests of the
countiy? Nothing is plainer than that oor national
legislation has been controlled by one interest, to tl.e
damage of all others. The laws have been made,
not for the public good, but for private benefit.—
Each log roller lias been allowed to write into the
law so much as would advance bis private interest,
until in the inertness of honert patriotism, selfish
industry has accomplished its unworthy ends.”
V/c also beg the attention of our friends to the fol
lowing. Indeed we hope it will meet the eye of every
body who uses, or wishes to use Loaf Sugar, but
is prevented by the present high price.
From the New York Journal of Commerce.
Protection of American Inhatry —There Is no part of do
mestic manufactures more worthy of the support of Ameri
cans than the manufacture of ships: and no industry more
worthy of protection than that of seamen Yet instead of be
in? protected, lroih are intolerably oppressed by our system of
protection to American industry.
The duty upon the raw materials manufactured into a ship
of a thousand tons, is not less than five thousau 1 dollars.
Wc saw, the other day, the invoice of two anchors and a
chain cable which had been imported for anew slop.
The cost was *TOC 19
The duty, payable in cash, ;c£j 23
The best hemp rieaiae costs here lOcentslb. Equally good
rope can he bought abroad at seven,if not forsix cents, Such
is the burthen of our Tariff system, that it is a common thin?
lo borrow cables and anchors for the first voyage, and return
them when the ship gets back. How miserably foolish must
be such a policy.
In settling :ho loss of .a vessel from England the oilier day,
the Capain bad charged 330 lbs. ofloaf sugiir. “ Ilow came
that ea board!” inquired the underwriters! “It was ship
store,” said the Captain. “What!” said the underwriter,
“do you uive your sailors loaf sugar V “Yes,” said the
Captain, “it costs no more than brown sugar does here.” Can
American sailors get loaf sugar at home J Our Tariff for the
benefit of foreign sugar refiners just come over to this country,
forbids it.
RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION—MR. BERRIEN, Ac.
Some of the Nestors of the Federal Whig press
are taunting the Democracy relative to the course pur
sued by two of our consecutive Legislatures in the
celebrated case of John McPherson Berrien. They
intimate that, in accordance with our doctrine, it
would be but right to instruct Senator Colquitt out of
office, and that then it would, of course, become his
imperative duty to resign. What kind, considerate,
and patriotic souls 1 AY hat disinterested, profound,
and enlightened politi ians!
Instruct Senator Colquitt to resign! For what?
“ Aye, there’s the rub.” For our own poor particu
lar, nothing could afford us finer sport or higher
gratification, than an attempt of the kind, were it to be
ma le, by the Com niltee on the State of
lic, at our approaching Legislature, which is now al
most on the eve of its session. What a glorious
scene would it present! YVhat superlatively rich
materials would it furnish to support and ornament
the beautilu! structure of YVhig Federalism in Geor
gia, if they could only succeed in walking Senator
Colquitt out of office, and putting in his place one
of the little incaUj-mouthsd Slashes of Henry Clay 1
But the question still recurs, For What/ Yes, For
I Vital f it is, however, far froth being a difficult
question to answer--and, as Senator Berrien would
doubtless, draw up the Report for the Committee on
tue State of the Republic, his intimate acquaintance
with the political delinquinces of Iris colleague would
readily enable the black cockade gentleman to an.
swer the question by truly preferring against tho re
cusant Senator, something like the following charges •
That YValtcr T. Colquitt, Senator in Congress
fnm tho State of Georgia, stands accused and con
victed before the people of opposing a Protective Ta
riff’, a Bank of the United States, the destruction of
the Presidential Veto, arid Mr. Clay’s plan of tax
ing the people to pay the debts of the States; and,
that furthermore, the said YV alter, stands accused
and convicted before the people of manifold other
flagitious and seditious attempts to overthrow the
supremacy of the Universal Federal YVhig party, and
that among those numerous, flagitious and seditious
attempts, stand forth in bold, horrid and treasonable
relief, his Hannibal-like opi>osition to the elevation of
Henry Clay to the Presidency, and of John -Ylac
pherson Berrien to the Y'ice Presidency cf the Uni
ted States; for which, therefore, he, the aforesaid
Walter T. Colquitt should be ostracised and ban
ished t'oe Senate, as a dangerous and incorrigible
enemy to the magnificent system of Consolidation
and Centralization, which the Universal Federal
YVhig party are building up.
Y cs, there above stand the charges—they arc the
only ones that can he fairly and truly preferred against
our aide and distinguished Se nator; and if they arc
preferred, we hazard nothing in saying that YValter
T. Co.quitt will promptly obey instructions and re
sign 1
But the most nonsensical an 1 ridiculous feature
in the whole of this mummery, is the ignorance or
something worse, displayed by the YY’hig press, in
reference to the relative positions occupied by Mr.
Berrien and ?vlr. Colquitt, livery body acquainted
with tlie political history of Georgia, for even the
last four years, very well knows that in 1841, John
McPherson Berrien, in nn Address to the people of
the United States, invoked “the action of the legis
lative councils of the sovereign SlatesloT the Union”
with the view that they should instruct their Senators
in Congress to carry out certain gnat measures that
Mr. Clay had much at heart! “On this hint” our
Legislature of I SII-2, “spake’—and really and truly,
ir, strict compliance with the very right which Mr.
Berrien invoked, told him they had no further yse for I
his services. ’J bus, it will lie seen that it was at the
express solicitation of Mr. 8., that the Legislatures
alluded to, acted--(fcat it was on their part, but a j
courteous acquiescence in a very urgent call which
1 e made upon their patriotism ! But as those Legis-
I .lures could not for a moment permit Mr. B. to
point out and define subjects and object* for tlicit
consideration; or control, in the slightest degfee,
their independent course of action, in reference to the
exercise of the right invoked by him, they, in compli
ance with his wishes respecting a doctrine recognized by
hints f substantially told him, that the Councils of
the Republic would lie greatly benefitlej by his re
tirement from the Senate of the United States. This
is the “short anil long” of the whole affair. Mr.
Berrien was caught in his own trap —and so quick
and sharp did it spring upon him, that for a while lie
was struck dumb with shame and consternation.
But this thorough-pared politician soon recovered
his presence of mind, and with an effrontery that
would have put Jack Falstaff to the blush, turned
round, and abased, traduced, and condemned the very
authorities for carrying out a doctrine which he had
himself urgently called upon them to carry out 1 1
Now, let us ask, what analogy is there between the
relative positions of Mr. Colquitt and Mr. Berrien?
Why, none at all. The question is supererogatory.
When Mr. C. invokes the Sovereignty of his State
to exercise the right of instruction, our life for it, he
will obey the voice of that Sovereignty should it in
struct him to retire. He would not be found playing
the little shuffling and ambidextrous tricks of a time
serving and tergiversating politician, who twists and
skulks to screen himself from the effects of a meas
ure, the adoption of which he himself had ardently
sought and re ommended. No, no—there is too
much of the pure Democratic Je.fersoninn blood flow
ing in the veins of YVALTER T. COLQUITT,
for him, ever thus to degrade his character as an A
merican Statesman, or tarnish his honor and fair
fame as a high-minded, true and fearless Southron.
Ho cannot say, like some of his adversaries, whom
it may be his duty to encounter in the grave anti dig
nified arena of the Senate,
“I do the wrong, and first begin to brawl.
The secret mischief, that I set abroach,
I lay unto the grievous charge of ethers,
And thus I clothe my naked villainy,
And seem a saint when most 1 play the devil.”
APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT.
CONSULS.
William Hog an, of Georgia, has been appointed
Consul, for Nuevitas, in Cuba, in the place of YVm.
11. Freeman, resigned.
O’CONNELL rs. BROUGHAM.
The great Reformer seizes with avidity every op
portunity, to pour the caustic streams of his satire and
wit, upon the devoted head of his eminent adversary,
Lord Brougham. In alluding to him, on a recent oc
casion, O’Connell parodied’ the well known lines of
Pope, and thus applied them:
“If parts allure thee think how Brougham shined,
The brightest, maddest, **»*»cst of mankind.”
O'Connell might have gone a step further, and
paid his respects to the scolding old Duke, as he calls
Wellington, or ViilainUm as Byron facetiously styles
him in his Don Juan, and said,
“Isyellow dirt the passion of thy life?
Look first on YVcll’sly, thrn on YVcil’sly’s wife 1”
TFIE FIRE IN MONTICELLO.
The report of the fire in Monticello, Jaspercounty,
published in our last, is, we lament to s*y, confirmed
by the Mtllcdgcville papers. The Post Master at
Monticello, in a letter to the Editors of the Federal
Union, says, that the fire was first discovered about
It alf past 2 o’clock on the morning of the 23d ult., in
the store house of Jesse Loyall, Esq., and that the
flames had made such progress as to preclude any
hope of saving the adjoining buildings. The houses
consumed, were the store house of Mr. Loyall, to
gether with his goods, but recently received—the
store house of Mr. Thomas J. Smith & Co.—the two
adjoining store houses unoccupied, the property of
Mr. Dyer—the grocery store of 11. D. C. Edmond
son ti. Cos., and the store house well filled with goods
ofC.C. Norton, besides several out building*, com
prising the entire side of tho South Square of the vil
lage. The Court House was at one time in flames,
and but for the untiring exertions of the citizens
would have been destroyed. Loss estimated at fifty
or sixty thousand dollars. The impression is gener
al that the fire was the work of an incendiary.
. A CARD.
LEGS &. CO., owe the Municipal Authorities an
apology, and hasten to tender it. On the mornim*
of last Tuesday week, during their usual promenade,
Legs & Cos., perceived that the Hole in the Pave
still remained unrepaired, and wasinduced to believe
it continued so, during the day. The ensuing morn
ing, however, they were informed, that not long af
ter their promenade of the previous day, the Hole in
the Pave was “done up” in neat and workman like
order—this intelligence reached them too late tocoun
termand the publication of their Card, which, under
existing circumstances they cannot but regret.
As Legs & Cos., have no disposition whatever, to
wal-e into Corporate bodies, cither civil, military, or
ecclesiastical, except upon just and sufficient grounds,
they presume this flat-footed explanation will prove
altogether satisfactory.
THE YVEATHER.
The Dist Demon has flej —vanished—gone clear
off in a full tide of successful absorption. YVc breathe
more freely, move more buoyantly, cough more can
dily, and sneeze more euphoniously. Shortly after our
appearance on last YVednesday, not Professor Espy,
but the Rain King, came to our aid, and the way he
pelted, with a pitiless storm, his Dust-ship and drove
him to parts unknown, was a caution to all element
al mad caps who delight in kicking up a dust. O,
’twas a glorious time for ducks and ducklings, geese
andgoslins; aye, and for bipeds and quadrupeds of
every genus, species and gender. The “ sobs and
groans that rung in the ears, and the “processions”
of blue devils and all sorts of devils that flitted before
tile affrighted vision of the Telegraph, ceased to dis
turb its philosophic repose; and even old Ocmuloee
raised himself two or three feet from his bed, and en
joyed the scene with a rippling laugh, while-several
trim looking boxes, ladened with Cotton danced over
his bosom, and went their way merrily to Savannah.
The Steamers, however, couldn’t go it, and will
have to wait for more copious favors from tho Rain
ing Monarch before they can aid us in the Work of
transportation.
Our atmosphere too, of course, has become more
pure, clsstic and wholesome; anil Mons. La Grippe
is rapidly loosening his screws and grappling irons,
and looking out for more congenial quartets. Health,
rosy Health, is fast usurping his place, and almost
every face that we pass wears a more cheerful, anima
ted, and business like appearance.
TME DIRECTION POSTS—ORTHOG
RAPHICAL ROW.
“YY’licre oft the sign-jiost caught the passing eye.”
Every body in these diggings, t > use a term classi
cally rich and fascinatingly euphonious, knows that
our beautiful and enterprising town is divided by the
Ocmulgbe, as it winds its meandering nay between
what is called East and YVkst Macon; and that
over the stream of the aforesaid Octnulgee is thrown
a neat, substantial and comfortable Bridge, at each
end of which stand imposing and conspicuous Direc
tion Posts, with the following inscription, to which a
doubled black fist points with a fore-finger as l#ng,
lean and lank as was that of Roanoke's Orator,
when he protruded it to issue his dicta to a tremb
ling House:
‘‘lS* Keep well to the wright and pass tho Bridge
in a slow walk as the law directs.”
Now, once upon a time it happened that a genuine
son of Hibernia, being about to pass the aforesaid
Bridge, had his eye arrested by the Direction Post,
upon which he gazed anti pondered with that kind of
cunning sagacity which Pefer Pindar says is ex
pressed by a Magpie when peeping into a marrow
bone. Seemingly satisfied with the result of his co
gitations, he prepared to cross, when his attention
was caught by a workman doing some repairs on the
left hand- passage of th* Bridge, whom, after a mo
ment’s consideration, he cautiously approached with
the “slow” and stealthy pace of a feline squaller
when preparing to pounce upon its victim. As soon
as Pat got within jumping distance, he made a flying
leap arid clung to the workman with all the tenacity
that could be evinced in a real down-right Donney
brook hug. The workman was at first, evidently
much alarmed—but soon recovered his self-posses
sion, when a struggle took place that would have
done honor to a couple of Kilkenny cats. The noise
soon brought out the Keeper anti Sub-Keeper of the
Brhlge, who succeeded, not without some difficulty,
however, in separating the workman and Paddy
from the ardent embraces of each other. As Sir
Tip staff was leading off Paddy to a Magistrate for
examination, Paddy politely requested a parley,
when the followingcolloquy and explanation ensued:
“And, why, for man, (said Paddy,) are you afthur
tacking nte to tho Squires? Is it bekasc Fv dun a*
the law dinks? Och, ma vourneen, what wud ould
Ireland say to dis? And what wull Mike YValsh
and all the bys in York city say to if, wen they kirn
to know that in this blissid land o’ liberty, Pat O’-
Shaunassec O’Kafe was tuck before the ’Squire for
kaping and prasarving the law.”
“For keeping the law ?” replied the indignant offi
cial. “To a man up a tree, it would look more like
breaking the law, sir.”
“Yes, for kaping tl.e law—and luk yonder at me
witness! ’ rejoined Pat, pointing at the* same time'
triumphantly at the Direction Post. “And shure
enuf doesn’t it say wid its own black finger that I
must kape well to the workman, which manes the
vv r i g h t, (spelling the word very emphatically.}
and that I must cross over in a slouw walk? Ami
didn't Pat O’Shawnassec O’Kafe, kape well and stick
well ta the workman ? Be ntc shoul an’ he did.
Anddidn’nl Pat O’Shawnassce O’Kafe' pass as slouw
ly as that thafe of the world, Murdoch Delany did,
wen he stole the pratees and butthurmilk ? An’ be
the houly prokcr he did that same, as all iv ye kin
testify.”
“But,” responded the constabulary knight, whose
ryes began to open to the ludicrous character of the
incident, “the law means that you should take the
right hand passage, and cross over in an orderly man
ner.”
“Och, an’ is it me right hand yud tak’ hould on,”
cried Pat. “Here man tuk’ it, an’ ntc heart into the
•bargain—but, as long aS ye live me jewel, remember
that it doesn’t bekim stch as me to make manning for
yer laws, and that yc sliud always “pell the word
right, r-i g-h t, and not w-r-ig-h-t, nor r-i-t-e —for if
ye do, by the Hill o’ Houth, ye'll be shure to be
right wrong.”
It is needless to say, that Pat’s humorous explana
tion resulted in his immediate enlargement, and that
he went his way rejoicing. But, notwithstanding
Pat’s practical criticism, the old Posts anti their Di
rections pertinaciously maintain their ground, incor
rigibly un -right —cous as ever.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
Mr. CLAY’S PRESENT VIEWS.
If there be any one quality which Mr. Clay’s
most ardent friends have most proudly claimed for
him, it is the manly, bold, above-board moral courage,
with which he spouts forth his opinions. But he
appears to be throwing otTtbis vaunted eharacterietic,
and to be stooping to all the tricks and disguises of
the electioneering arena. Our correspondent from
Georgia unveils, in the following communication, tile
duplicity which Mr. Clay exhibits in the subsequent
correspondence. We seize this opportunity, too, to
convey our astonishment that any one should have
ventured to compare the opinions of Messrs. Clay
and Van Burcn upon the tariff. We have a letter
before us, sent to us by a friend, and addressed to
him by Mr. Van Buren, in which Mr. Van Burcn
denounces, and utterly disclaims, the present tariff
law ; and we all know that Mr. Clay, in a letter or
speech addressed to some of the citizens of Kentucky,
complains heavily of the prospective designs of the
Republicans to strike at that law. (But more anon
of Mr. Clay’s positions,) Mean-while, we advise our
readers to read over again the expositions of Mr.
Clay’s course, as made in the address of the commit
tee of Oglethorpe county, and which we published in
the course of the last week :
7b the Editors of the Enquirer.
I have taken the liberty of forwarding to you the
Lagrange Herald, containing a letter from Mr. Clay
to the Editor. Take it ail in all, it is an extraordi
nary production, coming as it does from the father of
the boasted American system. It was manifestly
written for litis latitude, and intended to guli that
portion of the \Vhig party, who are fullering in their
support of the great enemy of Southern interests. Is
it not something new under the sun, that Mr. Clay
should, at this late day, place himself in the attitude
of opposition to the justly odious tariff of 1828 1—
Was he not, at that time, the master-spirit, who con
trolled and directed the policy of the administration of
Mr. Adams ? Was not the tariff of 1828 one of the
prominent measures of that Administrate, and woos
Mr. Clay at that, or at any other time, understood
to lie opposed to it, or to the circumstances winch*
gave, birth toil? You will remark that Mr. Clay,
in his litter, says that he was Well acquainted with
the circumstances, and that they were hbririv dis
creditable to American legislation, and that he hoped,'
for its honor, they Would never be again repealed.-
If Mr. Clay, in writing this letter, has not forfeited
the character for frankness anti candor for which his
friends sav he is so eminently distinguished, his pub
lished history is a tissue of egregious blunders.—T
YVhat is the impression lie is seeking to make upon
the public utind, in this anti-protective latitude ?
That lie has always been opposed to a high protec
tive tariff, and more especially to the tariff of 1828 1
YVhat unblushing hypocrisy 1 Mr. Clay opposed to
a high protective tariff 1 Such art assumption is con
tradicted by the | roininont agency he exerted in
building up that stupendous system of fraud and op
pression, shadowed fnith in the tariff hill of 1824.
YVhat does Mr. YVebstcr say, in his celebrated
YY’orcester speech, delivered in 1832 1 “If, as the
President avers, we have been guilty of improvident
legislation, what act of Congress is the most strikin'*
instance of that improvidence? Certainly it is the
act of 1824. The principle of protection, recognised'
before that time, was, by that act. carried to a newr
ami great extent—so new, and so great, that the act
was considered the foundation of the system. That
law it was which conferred on the distinguiseeiT
citizen, whose nomination sor 4 Prcsitlent this meeting
has received with so much enthusiasm, the applica
tion cf Author of the American System. According
ly, the act of 1824 has been the particular object of
attack in all the warfare waged against the protective
policy. If Congress ever abandoned legitimate ob
jects of legislation in favor of protection, it did so by
that law.”
Such is the testimony of one who was, at the time
it was given to the country, the distinguished, the
zealous, and eloquent friend of Mr. Clay. But it is
unnecessary to multiply the proofs of Mr. Clay’s
uniform support of high duties. Proofcould be piled
upon proof. His speeches—his acts—his very repu
tation as a statesman, which is identified with the
“American system,” furnish a mass of testimony
sufficient to convince the most incredulous of all of
his friends, who are incredulous on this subject.
Mr. Clay would have shed some light on his history
of the legislation of the country, if he had informed
us what circumstances, connected with the tariff of
1828, were so discreditable, in his opinion, to the
American legislation, ami, of course, to those of his
friends who voted for it. You will mark how ex
ceedingly equivocal his expression is. He does not
say that the tariff of 1828 was discreditable to Ameri
can legislation, but that its history, with the circum
stances that gave birth to it, was discreditable.
Our election took place on Monday last, and the
returns which have been received leave scarcely a
doubt but that the YVhigs have carrietl the Slate.
To thoso who understood the combination of circum
stances which defeated the Democratic party, the re
sult was not unexpected. If the Democratic strength :
can be brought to hear upon the ensuing Presidential
contest, vve will show a very different result. Mr.
Calhoun has a strong hold on the affections of the
people ot this State, and I think we can bear him
triumphantly through the exciting and violent con
test with which vve are threatened during the next
campaign. Although Mr Calhoun has far more
strength in this State than either of the distinguished
gentlemen who have been referred to as the candidate
of the Democratic party, Gen. Cass would be accep
table to us.
HUSKISSON.
From the Lagrange Herald, Oct. 5.
Fetter from Mr. Ctay. —The following letter is
horn the Hon. Henry Ctay to us, in reply to certain
intrriogatories propounded by us in a letter dated
August 22, 1813, a copy of wlti h we insert below :
L.tortareas, Cn Aim, SJSJ, lod.i.
Deat Sir:—Permit me, though a stranger, to pro
pound a tew important questions to you relative to
yo u- present views, independent of vvliat they may
have been heretofore.
1 request your attention particularly, because I
have contracted for, and am about to establish a
press, &c., am: contemplate publishing a newspaper
here, to be styled “ The Lagrange Herald.” Like
wise, a Clay club has been organized, consisting of
a large number of our citizens. Besides, the unlu
ous duties of the cditoriol department will devolve
upon me in it* commencement ; and 1 desire to know
precisely in wliat manner 1 am to meet the Demo
cracy, in their numerous modes of attack.
I lease state it y »ur views ot the protective policy
of 1832 have undergone any modification, anil »o,
what extent. And would you, if you had it in you*
power, go for a bill as protective in its principles as
the tariff act of 1833 ?
Please state your present convictions with respect
to a tariff, what the extent of your tariff measures,
are, &c.
YVith most profound respeft;
1 am, dear sir, your obedient servant,
F. S. BRONSON.
lion. H. Cl,iv, Ashland Ivy.
Ashland, Sept. 13 1843.
Dkar Dir:—l received your favor, addressing
some inquiries to nte in respect to the policy of pro
tecting American interests. On that subject I have
ve y frequently publicly expressed my sentiments
within the last two years. In the Senate of the U.
S., early last year, 1 fully expressed my views, and
what 1 said was published. About the same time, I
communicated them, in the answer w hich I transmit
ted, to a latter, addressed to me by a committee of tho
Legislature ot New York, which was also published.
I again expressed my opinion, in reply to a letter
which 1 received from a fellow-citizen of Philadelphia
requesting me to state tin principles of the YVhif
party. A statement ol them, as understood by me,
was act ordingly math.*, anti it is now conspicuously
published at the head of many newspapers. Tho.
last expression of my opinion is contained in a letter
which 1 recently aJdresscd to Nashville, and of
which I now transmit you a copy. If you had seen
these various expressions of the opinions which I
hold on the subject of your letter, 1 presume you
would not have deemed it necessary to address me.
1 ho sum and substance of what I conceivo to he
the true policy ot the United States, in respect to a
Tariff, may he briefly stated. In conformity with,
the principle announced in the compromise act, 1
taink, that whatever revenue is necessary to on eco
nomical and honest administration of the General
Government, ought to he derived from duties, impos
ed on foreign imports. And I believe that, in estab
lishing a I ariff of those duties, such a discrimina
tion ought lo lie made, as will incidentally afford
reasonable protection to our national interests.
1 think there is no danger of a high tariff' being
ever established ; that of 1823 was eminently deser
ving that denomination, i was not in Congress
when it passed, and did not vote for it j but, with its
history, anti with the circumstances which gave birth
to it, I um well acquainted. They were highly dis
creditable to American legislation ; and 1 hop?, for
its honor, will never he again repeated,
A fler my return to Congress, in 1831, my efforts
were directed to the modification and reduction of
the rates of duly contained in tho act of 1828. Tho
act of 1832 greatly reduced and modified them ond
the net of 1828, commonly called the compromise act
still further reduced and mollified them. The act
which passed at lire extra session of 1841, which I