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s y or,iP,L j icg?AJr. Fnm tlie Missouri Krporltr. District Action—Mr. Van Mirer*. “ He was satisfied that there was no one point on which the people of the Uni ted States were more perfectly united, than upon the propriety, not to say in dispensoble necessity, of taking tlie elec tion of President from the House ofßep resentati ves- The experience under the Constitution, as it stands, as well former ly as recently, had produced thatirapresi sion, and he considered the vote of the Honseof Rejiresentatives(on Mr, Me 1 inf lie’s proposition, similar tot 'ol, Benton's,) its tlie strongest manifestation of its exist ence. In that respect it would be of value, but beyond that it could produce no results. [Two-thirds not voting for the amendments.] Although it could, he thought, he satisfactorily shown that the small States would, if nothing was done, be better olf than they were under the Constitution, as it stands, still til I ex perience has shown that they do not think so. There is no reason to believe that they will ever consent to give Up the power they now have, without any equivalent, without a resort to the prin ciple upon which the Constitution was founded — that of compromise, The equivalent with which they would be satisfied, with which they ought to he satisfied, in the breaking up* of the CONSOLIDATED STRENGTH OF THE large States, HY THE ESTAB LISHMENT OF THE DISTRICT, SYSTEM. It is 7i, vain, therefore, for gentlemen to he, or to affect to be, in \ favor of taking the election from the [ House , unless they are willing to do \ that also, without which the leading oh- ! ject cannot be effected —without that, all is empty profession. Ii e must, for the \ purpose of ]hc election, make ull the States of the same size, which, would be the affect of the District System, and then, AND THEN ONLY, can we give the election of President and Vice Pre sident to the PEOPLE, preserve the purity of the system, and, in reality, restore the balance of power among the States to the fooling on which it stood at the adoption if the Constitnti n. — Believing that the desire to take the elec tion from the House had sunk deep in the public mind—knowing the albpow erfu! ngeuey which public’sentiment for tunately bad in our Coverninent—lie had the strongest hopes that the correct sentiment which now happily existed upon this one point, would be able to carry the other [the District System] with it. Ho hoped, and believed, th»» •he people of the United States would, in the coming recess, iu all constitutional forms, express their opinion on this sub joc*. Ii they did so, and if they really desire theeleclion of their ('hi f Magistrate and were true to themcelves, another session would not pass by without on opportunity being furnished by the States to express their opinion upon this most important subject; a subject with which, in his opinion, the future ml fare or the country, and the liberties of its citizens, were more closely connected than any other which had been agitated in Con gress since the adoption of the Constitu tion.” We entreat every fair minded man to consider earnestly the present slate of politics in this country. Three parties present themselves; the Whigs who have a set of distinct principles, Bank, Protec tion, Distribution, and Assumption ; the last, however, perhaps fair to lay upon them all : then the Democrats, who are against all this; and then the party whose principle is that Mr. Van Buren ought to be President. 'Phis battle the* Evening Post fights under free trade colors, and the Albany Argus under those ot Protection, and under these two heads all the Northern Van Buren men march up in parallel columns. Mr. Vim Buren is fully committed in both ways. He lias written to the Indiana Convention adopting as the true principle in the plainest terms the rate of protection at present afforded ; and he has written to the Richmond Enquirer, that he is hos tile to the present tariff, both in principle and detail. We have called repeatedly on his friends here, and especially on the Evening Post, to reconcile this contra diction, but they confess by their silence that they cannot. Here then is Mr. Van Buren fully committed on the only part of the game which is really to be played, lor Bank and the rest are now all dead letters. Here is Mr. Van Burep’s opin ion, black on «ne square and white on another like the beginning of a chequer Can any body doubt, who sees this, that he wold say black and white alternately through all the rest of the ehatechism. If Bank came in play would lie not make play with it ? Would he be wanting'at Assumption, or backward at Distribution ? Not he : lie holds fast the one principle of his party ; that Mr. Van Buren ought to be President. We ask his friends again if they can deny what we charge; or if they can confess it and defend it. And we call on evoiy man who is not a fool, nor a party hack, nor willing under any circumstan ces lo lie made an instrument to record such duplicity its this; to join one or other ot the two great real parties; let him work out his views to a principle and enlist under that; not under its coun terfeit personated in aside light by Mr. Van Buren. Let him not he twisted in to the black and white cords of that gen tleman’s ladder ; let him not believe, in short, that Protection and Free Trade are the Siamese Twins, and Mr. Van Buren, that indescribable membrane which unites thorn, and by whose aid they can act, and oven rule harmonious ly together.—TV. Y. Daily Gazette. * on Kng a»i(l, A friend stopped yesterday t.msk what was meant by claims on England, thro’ Deutiiaik, alluded lo in some New York r n f r r- We did not know; Luton cotid thought, we have some indistinct recollection that Paul Jones earned into some Danish port of the Baltic certain prizes which he bad taken from the Brit ish. The war-ships of the latter re-took them while iu port. The Danish Go vernment was informed that the United ! States would hold that power responsible and claims were set up : but in the treaty this was over-looked, and the claim is now renewed with reference to Great Britain. We are not certain that we are quite right in our statement, nor that the New York editor had .reference to this circumstance.— Philadelphia U Stales Gaze lie. > The prizes in question were sent into j Berghen, in Norway, partly as info a port truly neutral, partly from stress of weath er. They were there delivered up, by an i order of tlie Danish Government, to, on a demand to that effect from, the British I representative,—on the ground, as alled ged that the Independence of the Uuiteu States was not, at that lime, acknowledg ed, by Denmark. Thcfollowing isjran sciibcd from Dr. Pranklin's remon strance to the Danish Minuter of Foreign Affairs, Count Btrnsirojf, ou that occa sion : “ The United States, oppressed by, and in war with, one of the most power ful nations in Europe, may well be sup posed incapable, in their present infant state, of exacting justice from oilier na tions, not disposed to grant it; but it is in human nature, that injuries as well as benefits, received in times of weakness and distress, national as well as personal, make deep and lasting impressions; and those ministers are wise who look into futurity and quench the first spark of mis understanding between two nations, which neglected, may in time, grow into a flame : all the consequences whereof no human prudence can foresee ; which may produce much mischief to both, and cannot possibly produce any good to either.” This claim (not, ns it seems, against Great Britain,) but on Denmark, was subsequently, and at various times, re newed by the Government of the United States; the last time, we believe, iu 1819, to which demand for indemnity no reply was, nor, it is believed, has since been made, —although the subject has never ceased being submitted to the notice of Congress, by individual claimants, justly alive to the distinguishing preference a wariled to Peter Landers, (in 1806,) iu anticipation of final satisfaction from the Danish Government. To the present head of the Executive, through the Secretary of State, the late Mr. I egare, those interested are indebt ed, we learn, fora renewal ofnegociation on this subject, with Denmark at the present time. — Charleston Courier. ILilMv liitcrf icrsce as:rin. It is difficult to divine at what point British interference with us is to stop.— New instances of it seem (o occur as re gularly as the seasons roll round. Ou the northeast and on the northwest, our boundaries are brought in question. On the shores of the Pacific, our harbors at the Columbia, and our settlements at Oregon are disputed. On the Atlantic seaboard the Bahama islands are declar ed to be a refuge, from which our ship wrecked slaves cannot be reclaimed.—- On our southern coast ands rontier, secret intrigues to obtain influences uulhvorable to us at Havanna, iu Mexico, and in Texas, are notoriously in progress. In Europe, efforts nearly successful have been covertly carrying oq lo enlist all nations in a crusade against us about the right of search. In England itself, con ventions are held to promote dissensions among us, under the pretext of abolishing slavery. Look where we will—at home or abroad—-in our domestic relations or in our loreigu intercourse—and we see every where and iu every thing, tue de signs of this restless and jealous nation against our institutions and our rights. It seems now, that half the circumfer ence of the globe is not a distance far en ough for American citizens to move un watchcd or unmolested 1 and that the peaceful pursuits of unarmed commerce iu the remotest seas, when conducted by Americans, are a sufficient pretext for new and impudent interference. The London Standard, an accredited organ of the Tories now in power, complains that the wlialefishoryof the Pacific ‘is almost monopolized by the ship owners of the United States, and it cannot be repeated too often, that they employ six hundred and fifty ships, or 193,(160 tons and 10,- UUU seamen” in this trade. And how do they propose to compete with this mono poly l Do they propose lo send out bet ter seamen themselves, or more vessels, or to carry oil the trade more cheaply, profitably, and skilfully? Not at all.— There is to be anew right of search, and that search is to be carried on under the superintendence of ‘ The Board of Trade and the Louis oithe Admiralty !’ The bleeding grounds of the whales, near New Zealand, are lo bo “ preserved with as much care and jealoilsy as the best game-preserve in Great Britain!” We are, besides, favored with discussions ou the bull-whale, tLo cow-whale, and the calf-whale—the places of the resort— and tiia improper mode in which they are yursued and captured. All that the American whalemen do in the premises seems tc be wrong, and it is only to be set right by a British maritime police tn those seas, which, while it generously protects the fishes, will, at the same time, supplant the “American monopoly,” by mploying “ twenty thousand British seamen” in this ichyological police. A right of search in the Atlantic, from the latitude of Carolina to that of St. Helena, to protect the negroes; and a right of maritime police in the Pacific, over “ the breeding grounds” of the whales, to pre serve the fish, would very rapidly result in something quite digereut fromihe pro tection of. American commerce and the preservation of American honor. — Petui sjlcauiun. ' J AViiCTbXi o’JYri/ C iJTCA'-I't. dscb.mssk *5, tsi*. roil PRESIDENT OF TUE UNITED STATES. JOHN U. CALHOUN, FOR VICE PRESIDENT: MiVI %T* OItfiSIJKY. FOft CONGRESS, J«;3A \Y. A. &AAFOKD, OP BALDWIN. * President"* Messa je. We are indebted to the polite attention of 1 lon. W. T. CoLacrrr of the Senate, and lion. A. 11. Chappell of the House of Representative, for copies of President Tyler’s Message to Congress. The South Carolinian, vs. Tha Mjsteries of Paris. For the vigorous and pungent critique, that appeared in our last number, on Mon:innr Sue’s Mysteries of Paris, we are indebted to our esteemed cotempora ry, the South Carqliniau, the able and faithful sentinel, not only over the rights and interests of his country, but also over the morals of the press. We regret, that in our columns, it was unaccompanied by the- acknowledgment of ifs paternity, dictate and at once, both by courtesy and justice. Concerning the work in question, the opinions of our friends whose taste and judgment we respect, are so exceedingly discrepant and contradictory, and our own glance over it so slight and hasty, as not to warrant, on our part, any defin ite expression of opinion on the subject. But on general principles and knowledge of the world, we may say, that if the Mysteries of Paris, or any other great capital, were portrayed by the pencil of truth and in their natural colors, the picture would he appropriate, only to embellish the saloons of a Pandemonium* The exhibits of vicious indulgence and vicious characters, however, glowing with the bright lints of genius, piquant with wit, or touching by the depth of their pathos, are in their ellects on the young and inexperienced most perni cious. Their circulation poisons the streams of virtue at the source—it is a treason perpetrated against social happi ness, an outrage against the purity and dignity, against all in human nature, that assimilates man to his Maker, and should be visited by unsparing denuncia tion, and confined lo the narrowest bounds practicable. For the poet spake true, when he said— “Vicr is a morn*Ur of such bkicous mein, That to l>c lulled needs Iwt ti> ! e seen, But seen too oft, familiar with her face, We fi.st c i*lure, then then embrace.” Oar readers will recollect these re marks are general and not specially pointed at thy Mysteries. Having looked over the rabkhabolition epistle, the scene of which Sue locates among the planters of Florida, we do not wander at the warm censure the Caroli nian lias bestowed on it. The niter false hood, the wanton exaggeration of the statement, can here, where their charac ter is fully understood, do comparatively but little mischief, but abroad it is far otherwise. A libel on a whole popula tion tends to aggravate dangerous prejudices, jeopardizes tlie safety of com munities and places us when ainyng strangers in an invidious and degrading position and should not be viewed with indifference. The intimation, that means might be employed to exclude incendiary publica tions, is not so empty and ludicrous, as might at first sight appear. For wheth er tlie danger approach in its naked atroc ity, or like poison in a cup of Tokay, be found mingled in fascinating narrative, laws both state and national exist on the subject, every way competent to check the evil aud punish attempts to violate them. The Globe and Governor Sli.vi uon. Governor Shannon of Ohio, not hav ing the fear of “Blair’s Great Globe” be fore his eyes, has actually had tlie au dacity to write a tetter to a Committee of Mr. Tyler’s friends in Ohio, in which he speaks in deservedly high terms of the President, and eulogises in no stinted terms, the Roman firmness he displayed iu saving the country from “the blight ing curse of an irresponsible moneyed oligarchy.” This ns might have been expected lias excited to renewed activity the never slumbering wrath of tlie great dictator F. P. llluir, who “Aesutnes the God, affect* to nod.” and seems to think that he not only shakes the spheres, but can frighten Gov ernors, Members of the Cabinet, Editors, and large portions of a great political party, into the most implicit obedience to his lugh behests, “by dragging them to the stake ol jKilitical martyrdom and emptying a lew phials of his editorial wrath upon their devoted heads. How long, O, Cataline, wilt thou n buse our patience? How long will the Democratic party submit to these inso lent attempts at* dictation, from die whi lom coalition bargainer, between the great Presidency seeker of the West, and the blood-thirsty abofitfonist of the North ; but now the" most puissant edit or of “Blair’s Great Glolie.” We should like to ktfow what authority elevated the editor of the Globe into the political conscience keeper of the democratic par ty, and gave him the touchstone of polit ical infallibility which lie so officiously thrusts at us on alt occasions. Elect me public Printer and Mr. Van Buren President, if you do not, woe unto you and your generations for all time to come. Is this the Alpha &, Omega, the beginning and the end, the one great principle for which the Republican party has contended from 1798 down to the present time. The Legislature. The committee on Internal Improve ment, both of the House and Senate, have, as we learn from their able reports and accompanying bills, reported in favor of completing our great work of Internal Improvement, the Western and Atlantic Rail Road. The committee of the House recommend that the Governor be author ised to borrow ,8506,000, to complete the road to Tennessee, and that the road be pledged as security for the debt. We are gratified to bear that there is every probability that the bill for the creation of a Court of Errors, will become a law, and that Georgia has determined to lin ger no longer behind iter sister States iu this respect. We are informed that the bill appro priating 8290,000 for tlie States subscrip tion to the Monroe Rail lload will pass, and thus ensure the completion of this important link in our grept Rail Road chain. The Legislature has passed a law giv ing the election of Majors, and Brigadier Generals, &c., to the people. We are also indebted to this Assembly for a cap ital law authorising the Inferior Courts to charter Churches, Ice, trading aud oilier Companies. These two latter laws will save immense expenditure of time and consequently money. Congress. The Senate has been organised aud elected their printer. The House was organized by the election of John W. Jones, of Virginia, who received the unanimous vote of the Democratic party 12S, Wh>te 59, and Wilkins 1. The democratic, party, though so largely in the majority, have resolved to abolisli the one hour rule of Judge Warren, es tablished by the Whigs to gag the mi nority. The fanatical old Abolitionist, J. Q.. Adams, tha old man eloquent & tlie Richmond Whig’s candidate for the V. Presidency on the Clay Tioket, has com menced his usual vindictive and malig nant crusade against the rights and in terests of the South, on the subject of Ab olition petitions. The admission of those members who have been elected by Gen eral Ticket, (from Georgia, Mississippi, Missouri and New Hampshire) is a vexed question which has already engaged the attention of tlie House and will occupy much time. [fob TUB AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.] Variety in Correspondence. New York, Dec. 2, 1543. Os all places in the world for excite ment, News, Wit, Fun and Folly, New York unquestionably stands prominent, the Plashes of all Nations Flash most resplendent in this metropolis. Here may be daily heard recitations from Shakspeare down to Old Dan Tucker, Irom the Arch Fiend to tlie Mysteries of Baris, from Franklin to Espy, from Black stone to the Egyptian Tombs, and from the Immortal Jefferson to Slamm, all, all in variety. The great school for teach ing the young Idea to shoot is ever ready for instruction. In fact, in this City we (that is the people) think ice can carry on the Government separate and alone, ’tis true ice act in concert with twenty-five other States, still we view them as lilbre automatons, as useless as the fifth wheel to the great vehicle; in fact, their effect is like an incubus upon our giant strides. Calhoun’s State Right doctrine we brand ed as a dastardly act of usurpation, what! any other State talk of guch a right ex cept New York, prejiosterous. Ii tiiat doctrine is to lie promulgated it must em anate from the great Chapel at Syracuse, there the modern Romans congregate and issue the edicts for the Government of seventeen and a half million of people, they knew their power and disdained the councils of the sovereign people. But hold there are other signs breaking forth iu the firmament and a writ of error may yet l»e granted. Ere this reaches you, tha twenty eiguth Congress will have entered upon its duties, some speculation is ou foot here in relation to the manner in which tlie House will decide upon the right of those members to seats wlro were elected by the General Ticket, this, however should create no enigma to the political philosopher; the ouly question will be, are they Democrats? if so, they will \>g admitted en masse. The two great ques tions before Congress, will the annexa tion of Texas to the Union and tlie per manent throwing of the rain bow banner over the Oregon, and upon these ques tions it will be difficult to keep up party lines, so many deep rooted prejudices ex ist in relation to the slavery of Texas and tlie tear of fatal eonsequencesthrough hasty actions with the Oregon, again, there exists a large class particularly in this section of the Union, who prize free dom so high that they think it ought to he made a monopoly of and the partici pants of the luxury confined to a com pass of about twenty-five square mites. You have doubtless been apprised (that js if you have seen the U. .8. Her ald) tiiat this city is entirely in the hands ol anew party called the “Native Amer icans,’’ the fact of the matter is simply this, we have “always on hand” about five thousand disappointed office seekers who are ever ready to join any suction or get up any rise for the purpose of ac complishing their honorable and patriot ic desires (the filthy lucre.) Above and beyond this, Daniel O’Connell saw fit to castigate Mr. Dennett of the Herald hence the hostility of tlie Herald to eve ry thing foreign. It is even feared that the next case of absence of mind will be that James Gordon Bennett will rise some night in his sleep, his mind laboring un der the allurements of Nativeism and quit tins country himself. But the just cause of the rapid rise of this party has been tiiat the democracy of this city have been so hunkerish for the last twelve months, that thousands are wil ling to slip their necks front the galling yoke under any garb. This bubble will, however, soon burst when the name of Lindenwald shall cease to.aggravate the ear. Amusements iu this city seem to be at the present quite monopolised at tlie Bark Theatre, by the great (newly imported) Fiddler, Ole Bull, he seerns to possess the faculty of drawing from the Violin a sort of unknown tongue, one which throws an electricity over the soul and robs even Cupid of bis nestly bod, and for ah, O, that he’s nothing but a man. The Bowery and Chatham The atres are doing a mysterious business. They are both endeavoring to get up a run with the “Mysteries of Paris,” but it all seems too much enshrouded in my s tery to take. Our Court of General Sessions com mences the December term, on Monday next, during the term, Moses Y. Beach of the New York “Sun” will unquestion ably be sentenced for the libel published by him some years since, upon the ac complished lady of James Gordon Ben nett of the Herald : tlie libel was proba bly tlie most dastardly that ever found its way into the columns ol any Journal, and when the immense circulation of the Sun, and the in which it circulates is taken into consideration, it can hardly be expected the crime will be lightly passed over. The public mind in this city is on tiptoe in the matter—(his state of feeling has been increased since the example made of Mike Walsh of the Subterranean, who is now paying the penalty of his imprudence, and his was mostly ot a political character. Some of onr wise solous think that incarc-ration in the Penitentiary too severe for a libel, that a wide distinction should be drawn between a felon and libeler. But you remember Old Shakspeare argued the analogy in this wise— “He that steals my purse steals trash, Rut he that filches from me my good name Takes that which nought enriches him, Cut makes me poor indeed.” But stay ! I have already filled my limits, and must bringt])isbroken epistle to a close. ALPHA. [for THE AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.] Tkemncrntic Meeting of Houston. At a Meeting of a portion of the Dem ocratic party of Houston county, on the sth Dec. 1843, James M. Keliy, Esq., was appointed Chairman, and James B. McMurray, Esq., was requested to act as Secretary. 'l’he object of the Meeting having been explained by the Chairman, Mr. Rice of fered the following preamble and resolu tions, and after the choosing,of the Dele gates therein named, by Ballot, the same were unanimously adopted, to wit: /iareas, It is expedient that the Democratic Party of Houston should be fully represented in the Convention pro posed to be held at Milledgeville on the second Monday of this inst., upon the Presidential question. 11a it therefore Resolved, That Isaac Holmes. John Woodard, Morris Pollock, and Sheppard lingers, Esqs., be, and they are hereby appointed Delegates to represent the Democratic Party of the county of Houston in said Convention. And be it further Resolved , That in our opinion the Delegates from this State to represent the Democracy of Georgia in the Baltimore Convention, in the no'rn ination of suitable candidates for tlie Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, ought not to be transmit ted by instructions to cast the vote of Georgia lor any particular candidate for those offices, but that said Delegates should be left free to exercise their own discretion in voting in. said nomination, keeping constantly in view, as we have no doubt they will do, the promotion of the success of our principles and of the harmony of the Democratic party through out tlie Union. On motion of Dr. Clark, Resolved, That in case of any vacancy in the Del egates appointed by this meeting, tlie re maining Delegates are authorized to fill such vacancy. Resolved, 'Hint the proceedings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in the Democratic papers of the city of Macon. On motion the Meeting then adjourned. JAMES M. KELLY, Chairman. James B. McMurray, Secretary. Note. — Upon the Presidential question the fifecL ing was mainly divided as-Uctwcen Messrs. Van Bu ren and Johnson—the former receiving a plurality of the votes of the Meeting. The .HesvAiie. We have received copies of President Tyler’s Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States— . crowded state of our columns will prevent us from laying it entire before the reader. Below we subjoin extracts in allusion to the Oregon, Texas, and oth er questions, which from their import ance are likely at no very distant period to attract much of the public Tiie Message is an able paper, frank/ manly, ' and thoroughly American in its general tone and opinions. After an appropriate and eloquent adjuration to the Author of all Good for the parent al care and protection so visibly vouch safed to us as a nation and as individuals. President Tyler offers his congratulations to botli Houses of Congress for the re newed Activity which has been imparted to the commerce and business of the country? for the continued health of our fellow citizens during the past year? for abundant harvests—an i the rewards of industry and euterpriza every where throughout our widely extended Repub lic, and for the continued growth, pro gress and prosperity of our common country. Upon tiie settlement and limits of tlie Oregon territory, President Tyler holds the following language: “A question of much importance still remains to be adjusted between them.— The territorial limits of the two couti tri *s in relation to what is commonly known as the Oregon territory, still re mains in dispute. The U. States would lie at all times indisposed to aggrandize themselves at the expense of any other nation; but while they would be restrai ned by principles of honor, which should govern the conduct of nations as wed as that of individuals, from setting up a de mand for territory which does not belong to them, they would as unwillingly con sent to a surrender of their rights. Af ter tlie most rigid, and as far as practi cable, unbiassed examination of the sub ject, the United States have always con tended that their riglfts appertain to tlie entire region of country lying on the Pa cific, and embraced within the frirty-sc condand fifty-fourth 40’ of North lift.tide. This claim being controverted by Great Britain, those who have preceded the present Executive, actuated, no doubt, bv an earnest desire to adjust the matter upon terms mutually satisfactory to both countries, hdve caused to be submitted to the British Government, propositions for settlement and final adjustment, which, however, have not proved here tofore acceptable to it. Our Minister at London has, under instructions, again brought the subject to the consideration ot that Government; and while nothing will'be done to comproinit tlie rights, or honor of the United States, every proper expedient wfll be resorted to in order to bring the negotiation now in the progress of resumption, to a speedy and happy termination, lti the meantime it is pro per to remark, that many of our citizens are either already established in the ter ritory, or are on their way thither for the purpose of forming permanent set tlements, whiie oiheis are preparing to follow—and in view of these tacts, 1 must repeat tlie recommendation contain ed in previous messages, lor the estab lishment of military posts, at such pla ces, on the line of travel, as will furnish security and protection to 'our hardy ad venturers against hostile tribes of Indi ans inhabiting those extensive regions. Our laws should also follow them, so mo dified as the circumstances of the case may seem to require. Under the influ ence of our tree system of government, new republics are destined to spring up, at no distant day, on the shores of the I'acitic, similar iu policy and teeling to those existing on this side of the Rocky Mountains, and giving a wider and more extensive spread to the principles of civil and religious liberty. ( 4k‘, relations with Mexico and Texas and file peculiar condition and prospects of the latter country in connexion with our own institutions and the political, social aud commercial intercourse of the two republics in which all are so deeply interested, —but especially we of the South, it is thus felicitously introduced in the Message. The war which lias existed for so long a time between Mexico and Texas lias,