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AJMMUUOAM 1 iiMOilim 'ihe most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs least—Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. I.S DU. WML GREEN - EDITOR. AMERICAN DEMOCRAT PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUE, MACON, GA. at TWO DOLX.AR3 PER ANNUM, try- IN ADVANCE, -cn Rates of Advertising, Ac, One square, of 100 words, or less, la email typo, 75 rents f„r the first and 50 cents for each subsequent inser tion. • ■ » 1 All Advertise menu containing more than 100 and less than 20) words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be mafte. rrjr* N. 1). Sales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore- LrMMi, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Co«rt-Hous* in the Ceun win which the property is situa’cd. Notice of these mus* L. .iven in a public Uuactie, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the [ d.*y of sale. S.iles of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in Oic same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale | Sotiee to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice that application will he made to the Court of Ordi ury, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on ; t | ie first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours o J I pile at the place of public sales in the county where the let’ ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall hive been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously I given in one of the public ga/.ettes of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to beheld. Notice ho leave to sol! NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at jheO.Ticeof the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. I REMITTANCES HY MAIL. —** A Postmaster may en close money m a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to l pay the subscription of a third person, and frank Hie letter, if ; written by himself.” A>nos Kmulall, P. MG. [ COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Editor —Post | Paid. The last hours of Rand Iph. In the spring of 1833, it was very evi dent to Randolph’s friends that his days 1 were numbered. Indeed, he had him self given up nearly all hopes of recove- I ry, and yet he still talked of another voy- I age to England ; but when he reached j Philadelphia Ins strength completely fai led him, and he sent for the late Dr. Par ish, a physician in whom he had implicit confidence, and who was also his person al friend. 'Phe doctor finding him grow weaker and weaker, and not wishing to have the whole responsibility of attending upon j him himself, suggested the propriety of calling in another physician. To this 1 .Mr. Randolph objected, saying: i; In a multitude of counsellors there is not always wisdom, hut sometimes con fusion ; and, sir, the patient may die while the doctors are looking at each other.” In the course of the morning Dr. Par ish requested Randolph to permit him to go away for an hour or two, to visit some of his other patients. Randolph objected, and turning to his faithful man John, lie said: “ John do not yon let the doctor leave me. I cannot spare him.” After a short time he added: “Did you understand me, John?” John replied, “Oh yes, master; I have I locked the door and put the key in iny I pocket.” This prompt attention to his orders brought forth a smile of approbation, es pecially when Dr. Parish very good hu inorediy and kindly seated himself at the lieddde, and made no further effort to get away. Sometime later in the day, Randolph turned towards the doctor and said : I “ I wish you to remember, sir, that I confirm all that I have done in ernanci- I pating my slaves, for whom I have made provision.” Dr. Parish expressed his sincere grati [lica'ion at hearing this declaration, but expressed a wish to call in some oilier witnesses, who might afterwards share with him the responsibility of making it public after his decease. Randolph then assured him that he had already men tioned it to others. The next day, liow | ever, in the presence of another gentle man, he again said: “I confirm all that l have done re specting the freedom of my slaves, and making provision for them;” adding em phatically, “ and especially for this man !” laying his hand on the shoulder of his faithful John. Finding himself growing weaker, and believing his end to be approaching, he called to John, and desired him to bring his father’s broooh or shirtpin, and place it in the bosom of his shirt, which was |done, and evidently gave him pleasure. ! During the morning he said to Dr. Parish: “lam afraid, sir, you do not under- I stand exactly about my slaves ?” The doctor replied, that he believed j he understood him fully. “ No, sirsaid Randolph, “ you do [not quite comprehend the case; for, ac cording to our Virginia laws, you must not leave me until I die, or my declara tion may lose its force, as you could not prove that I had not subsequently made a counter declaration.” f Whilst the doctor was reading for j Randolph, the word “ impetus” occurred. Dr. Parish pronounced it “ impetus,” lay [ nig the accent on the second syllable.— Randolph, weak and dying as he was, immediately interrupted him with— “ Wrong doctor; ‘ impetus’ if you please,” DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. C. C.H.IKi L.Y. Shortly afterwards, while reading a chapter in the Bible, lie read the word “omnipotent,” accenting the third sylla ble. Randolph exclaimed : “ Wrong again, doctor; ‘omnipotent,’ is the word.” Randolph lay very quiet for some time, and then repeated the word “ remorse !” with great emphasis. Turning to Dr. Parish, he added solemnly :, “ Bring me a dictionary, doctor, you do not understand that word ; you can not comprehend its full meaning.” There was no dictionary in the room, and he then requested Dr. Parish to write it down on paper. No paper being at hand, the doctor asked him if he should write the word on one of his (Randolph’s) old cards, which lay on the table, to which he replied: “ Nothing more proper, sir.” When this was done, Randolph look ed at it, and after a pause desired his man John to draw aline under the word. When this was finished, Dr. Parish not knowing what it meant, or what Randolph wished to he done with it, asked him if he should put the card in his pocket; to which he simply as sented, without any further directions. After Dr. Parish had finished reading the hihle to him, lie said : “ I have looked to the Lord Jesus Christ for mercy, and have hope, sir.” Next day he gradually grew weaker and weaker until death at last released him from his sufferings. It is a pleasant reflection to his friends, , that almost his last wishes were express jed on behalf of his slaves. And I may | add here, that when we crossed the At [ lantic together in 1822, he told me ex i pressly that he was determined to free j his slaves and provide, for them after his I death ; and that he would have made them free during his lifetime, if he could be convinced that their real happiness would be increased by it; but he said he thought they were happier under his own potent government, whilst he lived. Thus died Jdhn Randolph of Roa noke, and it may truly he said that Vir ginia lost in him one of her most faithful children and brightest ornaments. That he had hisfuults and his failings, his best friends must admit; but they who knew the nature of his physical sufferings, were ever willing to cast the mantle of charity over these weaknesses of poor human nature. No matter what differ ence of opinion there may he as to the nature of his political course, there is none as to his extraordinary talents.— Friends and foes alike bear witness to the charms of his eloquence and the po tency of his satire. In conversational powers lie was surpassed by none, and rarely equalled by any of his distinguish ed cotemporaries. * lie had a memory of adamant, and a classical taste for the beauties of English literature. Quota tions were always at his commands, and almost invariably aptly applied. If such a thing were possible, I cannot imagine a greater delight than it would be to me to repeat our voyage of 18-2. In the preceding numbers of the New Mirror I have endeavored to recall some of our conversations, but they afford a very im perfect idea of the rich store house of his mind. Those who have heard his fas cinating eloquence in the Senate or in the parlor, can never forget him ; and by them, perhaps, alone, these anecdotes will he appreciated, for they alone can picture to themselves his peculiar man ner and voice, such as they remember them. I must confess my surprise, that ten years have been allowed to pass away since his death without any biography having appeared from the pen of some distinguished Virginian. There are yet living, among his intimate friends, seve ral gentlemen who hold “the pen of a ready writer,” and I wish their state would induce them to do full justice to his memory.— New Mirror. Library in Jail. “The Exeter News Letter says the lawyers of that county have established a library in the jail for the benefit of the prisoners. Good.” Yes, It isindecd good—excellent! And will not the charitable and benevolent of all classes in our District, imitate the ex ample? Would it not be well, too, for the Legislature to make a similar provi sion for each Jail in the State, by requi ring the Commissioners of Public Build ings in each District to purchase suitable moral and religious books out of any public funds in their hands, for the use of the Jails under their care, and to pro vide cases for them. and rules for their use, preservation, &c. ? Who can tell how many of the souls of those “poor,” with w'hich all others have been so es pecially charged by the Redeemer, might thereby be saved from a fate in the next world infinitely more terrible than their sad lot in this?—or how far those who are thus instrumental in promoting their salvation, may be saved from a scarcely less terrible accountability? They who are mercifully spared from the many powerful and continual temp tations of poverty, should beware how they judge harshly, if at all, those who are not; and remember, that poverty was doubtless permitted, to save them, by MACON, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1843. its continual appeals to their better feel ings, from that hardness of heart whifh makes it “ easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle,” than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven ; and also to bind together the rich and the poor, and the whole world, by the pow erful ties of benevolence and gratitude; that if the rich but shared their superflu ities with the poor, the poverty of the world would be a far greater blessing to them, even on earth, than their own riches; and that in the next world, ‘when the Son of Man shall come in his glory,’ to judge “all nations,” what they have done, or neglected to do, to the “ hunger ed,” the “thirsty,” the “stranger,” the “naked,” the "sick” or those “in prison,” will be held by Him as done or not done unto Him, and rewarded with eternal happiness or punishment. “ Oil never fear that,” said a rich man to a poor one who came to tell him he could not pay his little sum of rent, with out leaving his wife and children to starve — I "never fear that, my good fel low ; remember that God never sends mouths, but he sends meat to feed them.” “Yes,” replied the poor tenant, “no doubt of it; but the mouths are in my house, and the meat in yours." Who, then, that has at his house, from God, the means of providing “the bread of life” for those “in prison” who may he His representatives on earth, will re fuse to do so ?— S. Carolinian. Commercial Intercourse between the At'an tic and Pacific Oceans. Blackwood’s Magazine (the last num ber) has an admirable article upon the immense benefits which will accrue to the commercial world, frotp the junction of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Cer tainly the establishment of a cotnmuni .cation across the isthmus of Panama would be like the creation of anew geo graphical and commercial world. It would open to our country the portals to anew field of enterprise, and complete the series of combinations formingto de velop the riches with which the Pacific abounds, by presenting to American in dustry anew group of producers and consumers. Blackwood suggests that this mighty achievement should be undertaken by the combined agencies of several nations. “The best expedient (says the Maga zine,) would he for the several rnaratime and commercial nations interested in the • success of the enterprise, to unite and en ter into combinations, so as to secure for themselves a safe and permanent transit for the benefit of all; and then let the work be undertaken with no selfish or ambitious views, but in a spirit of mutual fellowship, and when completed, let this he a highway for each party contributing to the expense, enjoyed and protected by all. At first sight this idea may appear romantic the combinations required may be thought difficult, but every where the extension of commerce is now the order of the day, and the good under standing which prevails among the par ties, who might be united to concur in the work, warrants the belief that at a moment so peculiarly auspicious little diplomatic ingenuity would be required to procure their assent and co-operation By means of negociations conducted in a right spirit, trading nations would be in duced to agree and contribute to the ex penses of the enterprise, in proportion to the advantages which they may hope to derive from its completion. If for exam ple, the estimate of the cost amounted to half a million sterling, Great Britain, France and the United States, might contribute £IOO,OOO each, and the re mainder be divided among the minor European States, each having a common right to the property thereby created, and each a commissioner on the spot to watch over their respective interests. This would he the most honorable and effectual mode of improving the fa cilities to which the commerce and ci vilization of Europe have a claim. It is a settled conviction of the most intelli gent persons, who have traveled the isth mus, that (he facilities exist to the extent herein described ; and unity of purpose is therefore all that is wanting for the at tainment of the end proposed. Jealous ies would be thus obviated, and to such a concession as the one suggested the lo eal government could have no objection, as its own people would participate in the benefits flowing from it. The South American States could not hesitate to sanction a grant made for a commercial purpose, and for the general advantage of mankind. The isthmus of Panama, that interesting portion of their Continent has remained neglected for ages, and ro it must continue, at least, as regards any great and useful purpose, unless called into notice by extraordinary combina tions. With so many prospective ad vantages before us, it is therefore to be hoped that the time has arrived when the necessary combinations will be en tered into to establish a commercial in tercourse between the Atlantic and Pa cific Oceans, an event that would widen the scope for rnaratime enterprises more than any that has happened within the memory of the present generation, and connect us more closely with those arctic countries to which we are now compara tively strangers. — Sav. Georgian. Ullia Abolition Rows. Immense excitement—lmpudence of an Ultra Abolitionist—crowding Him se f ioto a Q nedeer Meeting—break ing the Sanctity of the Sabbath— his ejectment , And binding over by Mayor Scott. Our city, the last week, has been the scene of ultra abolition folly, wickedness and excitement. In the Universalist Church, Callowhill st., a portion of very excitable ultra Abolitionists have been holding a Convention. Six or seven Abolition lecturers were present, who had been prowling about the country. They came here to stir up a fuss, and they have succeeded. On Wednesday night the language of one of the paid lecturers, (who gets his eating that way,) Stephen S. Foster, was so outrageous that a row was the conse quence.* Hissing and opposition first began in the gallery. But near 10 o’- clock (evening,) when the meeting broke up, about 3UO people (boys and men) made a demonstration of rioting, by shouting, hooting, and offering some lit tle indignities to the retreating members of the Anti-Slavery Convention. A gen tleman, who was present, tells ns that one cause of this, was the very free in termingling of the most decided kind of ebony-colored Africans pretty much all through the lower portion of the body of the Church, with beautiful youngfeinales married and single, who appeared to show anew love and especial taste for the black men—and, apparently, the darker colored they were, the more the fair-skinned young damsels admired them. Sheriff McMichael was present, and by his promptness and decision quelled the row in its incipient state, and thus prevented any serious consaqueuces.— One of the rioters was arrested, and put in the Northern Liberties lock-up. r prisoner on Thursday afternoon had a hearing before Mayor Cannon, and was admitted to bail. The next day, the Convention again went forward in its meeting, when, we learn, the Mayor of the Northern Liber ties, informed the Trustees of the Church that such was the state of the excitement, he could not answer for the safety of the Church, if the ultra Abolitionists did not abandon their meetings. Accordingly, the next day, they adjourned without day. But, it would appear that the rows were not to stop here. Stephen S. Fos ter, who appeared a sort of file-leader at the Convention, went on Sunday to the large Quaker" Church, in Cherry street, below Fifth, and at the conclusion of the preaching of George White, of N. York, in the forenoon service, he (Foster) arose and commenced speaking. One of the Elders of the meeting, Mr. Martin, a very respectable gentlemen, requested Foster to take his seat, expressing to him that, especially as he was not of the Society of Friends, he had no right whatever to speak in that Church, any more than he could have to go into the private parlor of any gentleman of Philadelphia, to hold forth, without orevious invitation from the owner of the house. Foster—“ I claim the right to preach everywhere.” Elder Martin—“ Thee cannot be per mitted now to speak in this Assembly.— Will thee please to take thy scat?” Foster—“ No, I will not. I will speak in defiance of anybody.” As if it were an overpowering wave, the whole meeting (probably 2500) arose to their feet. The friends of Foster rushed around his person, to protect him from being put out. But they wer soon overpowered. Reuben Webb (a disown ed Quaker) was thrown into the crowd by a son of Mr. Thomas, the well known auctioneer —and several other ultra abo litionists, who had obviously come for a pugilistic encounter, were hurled about like chaff before the driving wind—sime not knowing, for the time being, whether they literally stood upon their heads or their heels. Alderman Mitchell then went forward, hacked by a few friends of order, and ar rested Foster, after he had most of his clothing torn from him, — his hat being scattered in one direction, his cloak in another, and other portions of wardrobe even not meeting that much of respect in the excited and universal melee. In less than half an hour, Foster was bound over by Mayor Scott, to appear 9 o’clock, on Monday morning, to answer (or having violated the sanctity of the Sabbath Day, broken the jioace of the Cherry Street Quaker meeting, and tr.un ph and under his feet the right of American citizens to worship God as to them shall appear meet and acceptable in His sight. This cannot be regarded by any good citizen of our Republic but as an impu dent and unparalleled outrage. The Society of Friends are among our best and most peaceable citizens. It is mon strous that a madman of an Abolitionist should crowd his person into their order ly assembly, gathered in the house ol God, for solemn worship ol the Most High, and then violently persist iu utter ing his overheated opinions—counter to the expressed wishes of the whole meet ing, and when lie had been politely and , kindly asked to desist in doing so.— ’ Much as we regret that the meeting did not immediately adjourn and leave Fos ter to speak to hare walls, as they did on the preceding Sunday, when he most im pudently and unwarrantably attempted to speaks—we cannot, nevertheless, but think that he had visited upon him just that kind of instant ejectment, which his outrageous conduct was almost certain to provoke. No body of people, however quiet their principles and general deport ment, will always yield in having thus trampled under foot, by an arrogant and impudent perigrinating lecturer, one of the very first rights which the Constitu tion of the Country guarantees to them. ♦ One of the Speakers in "Ills Zeal to proaiote anti slavery principles, was very abusive of all whose views do not correspond w ith his own; and in the course of his remarks, took occasion to speak do res pect fully of the great mep of our country, from Washington down. But that is not all. In refer ring of tile cmanci|iatioh of the West India slaves, he thanked God that England was too powerful fog the' United States! Now, where is the American who could sit quietly, and listen to tile detainer of his country’s most sacred names! Show us the man who would not, under these eircumstanccs, manifest bis entire disapprobation of the course pursued by that s|ieaker, and we will show you one whose patri otism will not stand the test—one whose efforts in defence of the “stars and stripes,” would not be freely extended in case of an assault by a foreign power. The man, of the community who will not put down the individual, who, reared under the fusti-ring care of cur free institutions, seeks an opportunity to de fame his ancestors, will not, save iu self defence, raise a hand to ward off the blow sofa foreign encr.iv. The audience piesent on the occasion above alluded to, did manifest their disapprobation of the remarks ofthe speaker, and he was comp< lied to uesist. Ma ny of our most peaceable and respectable citizens were in the church, and their blood curdled within their veins to hear a fillow countryman animadvert in so disrespectful language, upon the characters of those who “fought and hied in Freedoms cause.” A Beautiful Centre Table. Mr. J. Tyler Headley thus describes, in the N. Y. Tribune, a Mosaic centre table, which he lately saw in Rome : ‘lt was finer work than I ever saw in a breast pin at home. It needed the closest inspection to detect it was not a paint ing. The man had been for years in fin ishing it, and had just received an order for it from a Russian Princess, who was to give him .S4OOO. It represented Rome in four different aspects the scenes going round the outer edge ofthe table. First, the Piazza del Popoio,” by sunrise, with its gate anJ obelisk ; second, Si. Peter’s, willi its glorious colonnade, obelisk, and fountains, under the blaze ofn bright noonday: next chme the Forum, the Capitol, the mined Palace of the Caesars, and the lonely columns standing around this focus of old Roman glory, bathed in the soft light of the setting sun ; last of all came the Coliseum by moonlight, and a more perfect moon I never saw painted. It had besides an elaborately wrought centre piece. I never broke the commandment “Thou shall not covet” so much in half an bone in my life as during the time I was inspecting this ta ble.” Marquis of Waterford. The famous Marquis of Waterford, who figured conspicuously ill this coun try, a few years ago, has resolved to quit his country seat at Tipperary. lie says, “in 1841 iny hounds were poisoned. In 1843 my stables were burnt, and but for the prompt conduct of servants, the I whole establishment would have been ! destroyed. The burning was malicious. I immediately determined to leave Tip perary, feeling that e-ucii a system of an noyance more than counterbalanced the pleasure of fox hunting.” Wreck of the Missouri. One of the officers ofthe United States steamship Missouri, iu a letter to the N. ■ Y. True Sun, states that, by means of submarime armor, it has been discovered that the boilers, and much of the ma chinery, is comparatively uninjured, and will be recovered; and that, after paying salvage, it is supposed that property to the amount of $150,000 will be saved from the wreck. Women. Perhaps a more just or beautiful com pliment was never paid to woman than the following from Judge Story : “To the honor, the eternal honor of the sex, he it said, that m the path of du ty, no sacrifice is with them too high or too dear. Nothing is with them impos sible, but to shrink from what love, hon or, innocence, and religion require. The voice of pleasure or of power may pass by unheeded, hut the voice of affliction never. The chamber of the sick, the pillow of the dying, Ihe vigils of the dead, the altars of religion, never missed the presence or the sympathies of wo man. Timid though she be, and so del icate that the winds of heaven may not too roughly visit her, on such occasions she loses all sense ol danger, and assumes a preternatural courage which knows not and fears not consequences. Then (she displays the undaunted spirit which nei ther courts difficulties nor evades them ;• that resignation which utters neither murmurs nor regrets; and th it patience in suffering seems victorious over death itself.” i | NO. 32. Remarks of Mr. Kennedy, of Indiana. In the House of Representatives, Dec. 6, 1813—On the motion of Mr. Bar nard to amend the journal of the House by spreading upon it the protest of several members against the organiza tion of the House, whilst the members from Missouri, Mississippi, New Hamp shire, and Georgia, remained on the floor. |p Mr. Kennedy said : Mr. Speaker— The twenty-seventh Congress (of which I had the honor of lieing a member) attempted to pass a law commanding tlic States to send to tiiis Congress their mejnbersby separate and single districts. I say attempted to pass such a law : because ! hold that the at tempt was so clearly a usurpation of leg islative power, ns to render the act a nul lity : and as ?uch I shall treat it. I hold, Mr. Speaker, that when this or any other Congress plainly and palpably transcends its powers, and usurps au thority, it is right and proper, uay, it is the duly of all good citizens, who are called on to execute such law, to mark it as indelibly as Cain was marked, by spurning and trampling upon its pre tended authority. As, by the Constitu tion, Congress is to be the judge of the election and qualification 6f its members, therefore, from tho peculiarity of this pretended law, no other than Congress itself can be the triers of its validity. When the law apportioning to each State its quota of members was on its passage through the last Congress, 1 took occasion to say that this portion ofthe law was without constituted warrant, and that it was an unmitigated usurpa tion of authority without even a “reason of state” to excuse it. I then expressed the hope that I should live long enough to trample upon it, in token of the utter abhorrence in which I held it. This, I am thankful, has proved to he the case ; and there is nothing gives me greater satisfaction than the privilege I now have of thus spurning this miserable ef fort at usurpation. Sir, solitary and alone among the delegation of my State in the last Congress, I vot: and against this law ; and solitary and alone of all the then delegation, I am again here to raise my voice against it. And let me add, there was no one act of that ill-starred Con gress which had so much influence in sending my then colleagues to private life as this same act. Mr. Speaker, my State sends her delegation here by dis tricts, not because Congress commanded her to do so, hut because it is her good pleasure. She did so before this act passed ; but I now repeat what I said on that occasion—that if she had been in the habit of elecling by general ticket, and had districted at the command of Congress against her own judgment of what was right and proper, then I would scorn to represent her on this floor. But it is contended that the members from Missouri, Mississippi, New Hamp shire, and Georgia, aretiot constitution ally elected. Gentlemen had belter not press this question too closely; for it may turn out on speh investigation, that these members are the only ones who are constitutionally elected ; and, in that case, the minority would oust the major ity ! It may turn out that the Constitu tion itself makes each State a district, and that neither Congress nor the re spective Legislatures has the power to cut up and subdivide such district. But I will not enter into the argument of this question now: if it comes up again, I will then claim to he heqrd on the sub ject. What can be the reasons for press ing this question now, even admitting the right to district ? Why not go on in the good old way under which we have prospered for the last half century ? Why attempt to steal a march on mem bers from these States in the argument of this question by attempting to place this ex parte statement op the journals of the House? Do gbntlerfien suppose that placing it on tire journals will give it any additional weight, or that to re cord it will add to Us merit ? For my part, I will do nothing that will cast the least doubt on their right to seats upon this floor. Sir, 1 would not even refer the question to a committee of the House. My course would be, after the complete organization ofthe Hopfe, Hi tied a nee of this pretended enactment, in good time, to remove from the American statute book so much of this act as I contend is null and void ; though, in truth, it needs no repeal. This 1 wpukl do coolly, de liberately, and dispassionately ; so that all the world might see with what silent contempt the American people look upon a usurpation of authority, whether that usurpation be by a single ihflividual, or by a body of men claiming to be the Representatives of a free people. The protest (as I believe it is called) is a singular document. A protest, if I understand the meaning of the word, is a dissent from some act done. This pa per does not complain of what is done by the House, but it complains of what the signers fear the House is going to do. This is a singular protest. But let the merits or demerits of the paper be what they will, if I werq one of its signers, and could not get on the journal by direction, I would never put it then? by indirection.