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haca s;ttcs to Ik; the vice of the American Government as contrasted with the Gre cian; namely, the statesmen “pandering 1 to the passions of the people.” Vet, this notwithstanding, can any one say that Athens, the Very seat of this worst of vi ces, was by it “ made unbearable to a man of any education.” Does he conceive that any of ns, even in Canada, arc more refined, more civilized, more educated, than the ornaments of Athenian society, the very men who were fain to court the people? It is another error equally great to make it the peculiar characteristic of the modem republic, and the feature that distinguishes it from the ancient, that the “ people,really had the power.” In Ath ens, if any where, they really had the power; we are only left to speculate on the restraints under which it was exerci sed, and even to doubt if any such exist ed in practice. But assuredly the bulk of the power was in their hands more than in any other democracy, ancient or modern. • That in the American Government there exist great imperfections no man can doubt; one among the greatest has lately been removed, because the central power of the Federaey is now enabled better to maintain its relations with for eign states in consequence of the recent improvement of the constitutional law. But there, remain blots which still disfi gure the system, and in practice sadly mar its working. Os these, the very worst, undoubtedly, is the entire change •of public functionaries, from the highest to tlie lowest, which follows every I Aange of the President, converts nil the j more considerable members of the com-' inanity into, place-hunters, and makes the whole interval, between one election of chief magistrate and another, a con stant scene of canvass. The removal of this and a few other imperfections would snake the Government of America as faultless as a very popular system can ev *or be. That some and even considera ble evils would be left evils inseparable from a Republic, because growing out of the large share assigned to the people in J the distribution of power, cannot be doubted. Hut it is no discovery of Lord ! Sydenham’s, that as long as men are) men, power and prc-emiuence will be j •sought after; and that if the power of j bestowing these is vested in the people, the people will be courted by those who seek after them. We are upon a practical, not a specu lative question ; and that question is not as to the impossible attainment of theo retical perfection, but as to the compara tive merits of different schemes of polity. Power must rest in some part of the com munity. Patronage must immediately or ultimately rest with them that have the power. Shall they he the people at large? No, says Lord Sydenham; for if the people are to choose their ministers, they who would fill ministerial places will debase themselves by pandering to flic people’s prejudices. But what i? we entrust this delicate office to a court or a prince, for the purposes of making the duty be more uprightly discharged, and exalting the character of the candidates for favour ? Are we so blinded by the evils of popular canvass as to have all of n sudden forgotten that other time-ser ving, that old species of fawning, that worse form of flattery, which the friends, of freedom and of purity used to charge upon the parasites of princes, the c»ew of courtiers, the minions who pander to the propensities, not of the people, but the despot ? Then shall power and patron age be vested in a patrizntibndy, in a class of men whom “a mm of education” might weM find not “ unbearable?” The class fawned upon would here no doubt be found more refined in its tastes, and must be propitiated with more dainty flattery. Yet I question if the fawning would he less pliant, if the Senator would be less given to cringe, than they who, instead of crawling in the nntasoom of the noble, after a more homely fashion take the hand of the peasant and the me chanic. I greatly doubt ifless falsehood will he found in the smooth speeches ad dressed to the select patrician circle, than in the boisterous harangues delivered to win the plebeian. One ground of my doubt is the recollection which we all have of the scenes of endless intrigue and wide-spread corruption displayed by tiie aristocratic courts of modern Italy, to say nothing of ancient Rome in her more patrician days; and another ground ol my doubt is precisely this, that men are more prone to practise deception in se cret than in public, and therefore more likely to use unworthy acts in the closet, the appointed scene of intrigue, than on hustings, from whence the grosser spe cies of intrigue, at least, must for ever be banished. And .here is furnished a very striking proof of the entire carelessness with which this political reasoner made his observations upon America, and formed his opinions respecting her people, lie plainly affirms of all statesmen in the United States that “their only objects are peculation and jobbing;” and their means of being enabled to peculate and job are “the basest flattery of the people.” Now surely a very little reflection would have sufficed to satisfy any vonuderate persons that this cha ge is wholly impos sible. The existence of such violent party divisions, and the publicity with which every department of Government is administered, make jH’Ctiiation imprac ticable. They might as well be charged with “cornpassing and imagining the death of the King.” It is un offence which in such a country can have no existence. But this manifest error into which the writer has fallen, while it shows the strength of his prejudices against the Americans, proves also the weakness of his moans of annoyance, and it is a sufficient answer to much of his general invective. As to the staudiug topic of vulgar manners, lot it lie fairly stated th at there a/e many parts both of Frame and Eng ' land >o which we should uot think of re j sorting were we in quest of patterns of polished manners, liven while repre | denting Manchester, Lord Sydenham ' would hardly have cited the bulk of his ' constituents as supeiior in elegance to j the people of New York. But an au thority fuliy as high ns himself on this delicate matter, M. de Lafayette, would 1 have severely chid him for underrating even the manners of the Americans, and if, after such an authority, any further defence were required, two facts may he mentioned. Sir R. Liston declared that he had never conversed with a belter bred sovereign in any court of Europe than General Washington; and among the women of the highest breeding in our day no one would hesitate to mention Lady Weilesly.* They who have never been in the United States may surely be pardoned if- they feel unable to believe the notion entertained by others who, like themselves and Lord Sydenham, have also never been there, hut who would yet assume General Washington and Laly Weilesly to be the only per sons of fine manners ever produced in the Union. It is however, not avowedly oil tlie score of their under breeding that the : Gov General rests his dislike of the | Americans. On the contrary, he rather | seems disposed to pass that head of com i plaint lightly, though it is plainly enough at the bottom of many feelings upon t e j subject. His main accusation is the mob tyranny, and the habit of their public men quailing before it. No doubt a cer tain degree of this evil is inseparable from every popular Government. Who m Ireland dare profess any opinion hos tile to the. Romish hierarchy throughout the three provinces, or favorable to it in the fourth?—Who in 1831 was safe in England if he proclaimed his dislike of the Reform Bill ? What public meeting lias any moderate liberal politician ven tured to hold of late years? Have not even the corn law repealers been fain to raise the popular cry of cheap bread ill assemblies by tickets, and from which the multitude were carefully excluded ? We have not got so far as the Americans in humoring the popular cry of the hour when we address our constituents, be cause our Government is less purely popular than theirs; but can any one doubt that the speeches of our political chiefs—aye, and even th<ir measures when in office—take the tincture of the multitude to whom they are addressed, and whose favor they expect to concili ate? It this lie denied, we may require to lie informed what Lord Sydenham precisely means when—adverting to the tree trade measures respecting timber, sugar, and, above all, corn in 1841—he says, “It is an immense point gained to get anew flag under which to fight.— 'File people of England do not care a rush lor any of your Irish hobby-horses; and they are not with you upon Church matters, or grievances of that kind.— Even your foreign policy has not touch ed them the least, and I doubt whether twenty victories would give you a bor ough or a county; but you have now given them an intelligible principle offer ing practical benefits to contend for, and though defeated oti it as you doubtless will be, defeat will be attended with rep utation, and make you, as a party in the country, far stronger than you have been of late” (p. 90.) Now it is to be observed that the preference here given to the Corn Bill over tlie Irish Church Reform and the other measures, is uot rested on the relative merits, but solely on the rel aiive popular tendency of the different plans—their capabilities as “ flags to light under,” and the Corn Law is preferred because it is a better Shibboleth. No doubt Lord Sydenham would have a light to urge, that he had always main tained the free trade doctrine for its own sake; but will he not allow American statesmen also to prefer their sevarnl ten ets for their own sake ? Suppose he had found a letter from Mr. Stevenson to a South Carolina friend maintaining that some proposition for preventing'’ anti slavery petitions from being received by Congress was a fine “flag to tight under,” “oflerod an intelligible principle to con tend for,” and, though deflated, would make the Virginian “ party stronger than it lmd of late been,” how little would it have availed to urge that Mr. Stevenson had always held the same opinions? How triumphantly would Lord Syden ham have pointed to this letter as a con fession that American statesmen frame their conduct upon the plan of pandering to the tastes and passions of ihe multi tude? And would it have been deemed an answer to bis interference if it had np jxiared that the party proposing this ex treme course had never thought of it for ten years which they had passed in of fice, but merely brought forward when all other means of obtaining influence had failed, and when their fortune among the constituent bodies of the country were becoming desperate ? But these are possibly extreme cases. Are there no other instances, even in our own better regulated system, so much less disfigured by popular excess than the American; no instances of public men shaping their conduct and their speeches according to the opinions and feelings, or even the tastes and caprices of the people, either generally or locally? Surely common fairness towards the Americans required some consideration of the tone taken jn our own election ad dresses, of the speeches made on our own hustings and at our public meetings, of the differences between these and the I arliamentary speeches of the same indi viduals, nay of the well-known difference be ween the conduct of Parliament itself during its first and its lart session.— What minister ever ventured to propose a civil li.>t on tlie eve of a general elec tion? • I Tlie arts to which our attention is di rected by these remarks arc in the high est degree discreditable to all who use them, and arc incalculably hurtful to the people upou whom they are practised.— If they are, to a certain extent, insepara ble from a very popular Government, their mischief forms a serious deduction from the merits of that system. To res train them within the narrowest possible limits is the bounden duty of ail states men, but most especially is it the duty of those who maintain the superior advan tages of a popular constitution. Them, above all others, it behoves not to lower the character of popular men, not to cor rup the people themselves, for it must never be forgotten that the flattery and the falsehood which taint the atmosphere of a court, the poison which tyrants in hale with their earliest breath, cannot with impunity be inspired by ihe people. After all, in estimating the merits of any Government, we must never lose sight of what is the end of all government —the comfort and happiness of the peo ple. It may safely be admitted thot if a scheme could be devised for embodying a legislature of wise, virtuous, and en lightened men, with an executive coun cil of capacity, integrity, firmness, re moved from popular control, animated with the desire of furthering the public good and consulting, in th« pursuit of it, no will or authority but their own chast ened judgment, a much purer and more noble Government would be constituted than any that owes its origin to the pub lic choice, and acts under the people’s superintendence. But unhappy experi ence has proved that any legislature, and any executive body, removed from all control, soon forgets the object of its crea tion, and instead of consulting the good of the community at large, confines alt its exertions to furthering its own indi vidual interest. So it must ever be until we are blessed with a descent of angels to undertake the management of our con cerns. Till then there is but one securi ty for the community—a watchful super intendence and an efficient control over its representatives and rulers. The ex periment may tie coarse and clumsy ; it may lie attended with evils of a very serious kind ; it may give rise to an un fortunate influence being exercised by classes of tlie people who are neither very refined nor always honest, nor even very well informed as to their own in-* terests. Nevertheless, as human society ts constituted, in the choice of evils this as the least; it admits of ma\y compen sations; it gives the prospect of much diminution as knowledge and as virtue advances; whereas any systemthat ex cludes the popular voice must needs lead to a thraldom and to abuses which admit of no compensation, and, instead of wearing out in time, only gather strength and acquire increased malignity with every year that revolves. The worst of all tne features in the Union, Lord Sydenham has no doubt passid entirely ovej—the disgraceful rejudir.es against negro emancipation. But even these may yield to circustances and give plaoe to more rational as well as more humane viewsof rational policy provided a free government continues to bless America, and no catastrophe happens to destroy the Union. Lord Sydenham indeed is though less enough to view with a kind of exultation the prospect of negro insurrection as a con sequence of the United States daring to wage a war with England. Misguided short-sighted man! and ignorant, oh, profoundedly ignorant of the things that belong to the |>eace and happiness of either color in the new world ! A ne gro revolt in our islands, where the whites are asa handful among their.sable brethren, might prove fatal to European life, but the African at least would be secure, as fur as security can be derived from the successful shedding of blood.— But on the continent, where the numbers of the two colors are evenly balanced, and all the arms are in the white man’s hands, who but the bitterest enemy of die unhappy slaves could bear to con template their wretchedness in the at tempt by violence to shake off their chains?—Then again he feelsquitecon fident that the northern states must be utterly defeated, and easily defeated, as soon as they draw the sword against England. Possibly; and yet tjiis in ference has not been very logically drawn by Lord Syudenham from the his tory of the former American war.— When the people of the colonies num kejed less than three millions, they de feated the best troops of England, posses sed as she was of all the strongholds of the country, and sweeping the ocean with her fleets? be fore the infant republic had a flag floatiugfupon the seas. That twenty four millions, with entire posses sion of the land, and and a formidable fleet at sea, sliould be overwhelmed by the Canadians and Nova Scotians, is certainly a possible event; but that it is as much a # matter of course as the Go vernor of those jietty settlements com placently assures himself, may reason ably be doubted. Nay, it seems barely possible that some notion sqould creep into the minds of the Americans, as how a war might lead to the very opposite result of Canada joiningwith the United States, and forming an additional mem ber of that Great Confederacy. They, however, who are the best triends of both countries, must he the least willing to indulge on either side in such speculations. The Americans will it is to lie hoped, not be tempted to form such peniciods projects by any notion of hostile feeling towards them prevailing in this country. They may meet as “ a bubble,” and trusting that it soon may burst, the universal sentiment in Eng land is the -qope jliat it may long con tinue to exhibit the proud spectacle of popular freedom, and even popular pow er, combined with order at home, and moderation abroad, in successful refuta tion of all thoold opinions; that a repub- ! ; lie was impossible in a large territory with a numerous people. •The ntvielle of this passage is exceedingly great j —“ But what is the use of all this glory if your seats j slip from under you V’ Then, after a great abuse of | John Butt, ‘ I am afraid that Ihe possession of power j is making me lertihly inclined to Ui-*|K>tism, for 1 am thinking of planting my cabbages rather under the ahatlc of Mctlermch or the Czar,” &.C., p. 32C. To tic sure; and this is exactly the consequence of being Governor General with dictorial power. „ •Others might well be added. For example, Lady Ashburton; but her long resilience in this country prevents all, excepting a few, from recollecting jhat she came foin America in her younger days ns highly accomplished in manners as the world has more lately seen her. Results of (enterprise. The two principal partners of one of tlie greatest banking houses in the world, probably the largest discounters of bills, were both servants, in the outset of their lives, and blacked their employers’ hoots. The paper which they now discount, amounts to four hundred millions a year. Almost all their decisions are made by one of these men, who is so familiar with his business and the responsibility of bu siness men, that he runs a handful of ac ceptances through his hands, and pro nounces upon them in less time, than a bank-teller pays nisbank notes for a check. Tlie resources of the house are so vast, that the Bank of England has found it self quite unable to dictate to them, or to indulge in rivalry with them. One of the partners, it is said on good authority, is in the habit of giving away, from his share of the profits, a hundred thousand dollars annually.—A. Y. Jour, of Com. John C. Calhoun. To prepare them for that judgement, his friends now invoke the closest inves tigution of his whole public career. We point with proud defiance to every posi tion he has ever held—as representative, as senator —as the war champion in the house—as secretary of war—as vice pres ident —ns the leader of the gallant party of ’9S, in its last terrible struggle: and, we ask, did he ever lack judgement, wis dom, integrity, or courage ? Scrutinize every act of his political life—try him by “(fie ordeal of fire" —we him in tlie nicest balance—and when and where do you find him lacking any of the essential elements of true greatness ? As an ad ministrative officer, he has shown he can have no superior; as a law maker, his judgement and wisdom are unsurpassed; but it is asentina! on the ramparts of tlie constitution that he stands unparalleled. In the hour of our country’s darkest peril ; when the torch of discord shed its lurid glare over the whole land, and the embattled hosts of consolidation were waving their black flag of defiance, who was it that rescued the glorious character of our rights from the ruthless hands of its despoilers ? Who braved every dan ger-periled every interest—sacrificed every interest—sacrificed every unhal lowed emotion, to bear off the sacred ark of liberty and equal rights from the van dals of federalism, and who, amids the desertion of friends, and the curses of foes, stood over that ark; ready to be im molated in its defence, rather than yield to its enemies ? What cared he though tlie storm thickened, and the lightning played all around him ? What cared he for the thunder of executive wrath or the frowns of federal myrmidons? His heart was light, and there he stood—un awed, unterrified unconquered. O!if it lx? permitted to the illustrious dead to look down to earth from their heavenly abode, with what intensity of interest must the seraphic spirits of Jefferson and Madison have watched the struggle, when with almost his single, stalwart arm, he withstood, in defence of their glorious bequest, the whole host of exas perated and baffled usurpers. Look at Mr. Calhoun, at what point you will—there he stands, the undaun ted, the uncorrupted, the unconquered defender of the Constitution. When, in his more youthful days, his clarion tones aroused the indignant “enthusi asm” of the country to resist British ag gression, it was prophesied that he would “stamp himself upon the ago.” And is the prophecy not already fulfied ? In all after time will not the youthful patriot point with decided “ enthunsiam” to “Thai name, A tight, a lnml-ir.ark, on ihe cliffs of Fame.” To the Friends of John C. Calhoun, therefore, we say, “hope ever !” The people, the honest, uncorrupted people, with a holy “enthusiasm,” such only as real virtue can create, are everywhere unfurling his broad, bright banner to the breeze, and they invite all men to rally around him, as the purest politici an, tlie purest statesman, the purest pa triot living. With him as the leader of the hosts of truth, they already see vic tory beckoning them onward—the ban ner erect—the phalanx united—the cne mydiscomfited—the country safe. Yes! there is an “ enthusiasm” inspired by his name, which augurs gloriouss uecess. He is brave, frank, generous and ca pable : the whole democratic army, flock ing to his lofty standard from llie north, and the east, and the west, and the south, can confide in hi in as their chosen cap tain ; for his teacher and exemplar was Jefferson, the immortal champion of the people, whose mantle now so gracefully covers his great pupil. If, in the final contest, by a combina tion of old “ animosities’’with the un dying revenge of old federalism, he should be defeated, ho will be content, and mu’mvr not at the voice of t e peo ple ; but, should ho bo successful, re nown to himself, and glory to his coun try will Ix3 the enduring and inevitable result.— Alabama Tribune. Sheriffs' Election. —The Whigs have set their Trapp and caught the Gate for H. and D. Sheriff. Proceeding of a Drmocialic me ting at Portsmouth, N. 11. Voted, That each delegation—and each committee be empowered to fill all vacancies that may occur in their respec tive bodies. The following preamble and resolu tions were then offered by Mr. John T. Tasker, and adopted : \\ hereas, in the present crisis of poli tical affairs, in relation to the approach ing contest for the Presidency, while the Democratic party throughout the union are opjxjsed by a somewhat formidable political enemy, which from its known recklessness and perseverance, will leave no means unresorted to, fair or unfair, lor the attainment of political ascendancy, and while we are also divided in opinion among the various candidates presented for public favor, it is all important to cul tivate harmony, concord, and mutual forbearance towards each other, regard ing our respective preferences in the selection of a candidate for thet exalted station, that we may thereby secure a cordiality of feeling and unanimity of action, in our ultimate political move ments ; and, whereas, an attempt has been recently made by a primary meet ing in this place, at which only 48 per sons voted in the affirmative on any question, to exclude and repel from the Democratic party old and long tried re publicans, who agree with their political brethren in all the essential principles of democracy, and this for no other cause j than being opposed to the present state ! executive as having been a member of the old federal party, and having voted for other Democratic candidates, at the last election, than those claiming to be the “ regular nominations ;” and whereas the vote to exclude and repel said repub licans was passed by a vote of only 28 to 12. For these and variousother good causes and considerations, among which was an expression of a preference for the Presidency, which we do no believe to be in accordance with the sentiments of a majority of tlie Democrats of this town, it is therefore. Resolved, by the Democratic Repub licans of Portsmouth, assembled at Jef ferson Hall, pursuant to a call of their fellow-citizens, signed bya vastly greater number of names than were ever before affixed to a call for a Democratic meet ing in this place within our knowledge or recollection—that in the present as pect of our political affairs, and in view of the great Democratic principles now at stake, the coming presidential election is one of the most important that ever took place sinct3 the adoption of our Constitu tion. Resolved, That it behooves tlie Dem ocratic party throughout the union to combine together on the broad principles of Tree Trade, Low duties, Separation from Ranks, Economy, Retrenchment, and a Strict Adherence to the Constitu tion agreeable to the Kentucky and Vir ginia resolutions of ’9Band ’99, as drawn up by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. Resolved, That all attempts to de nounce and repel from the democratic party, any portion thereof as, “ALIENS, RENEGADES, and TRAITORS,” on the cround of having differed from the majority on matters of State policy of minor importance, or in regard to their choice of men to carry into effect the great and broad National principles of Demo cratic policy, is contrary to the spirit of pure democracy,--tyranical and despotic ; that the democratic party has no friends to spare ; —that oil such repelling at tempts should be and will lx: discounten anced by every friend to Democratic principles;—and that a man’s political tenets can only Ix3 known by tlie princi ples and measures he supports, and not by tlie men lie prefers. Resolved, That we ever have used, and will continue to use our best endea vours to promote union in the Democra tic party m regard to the selection and support of Democratic candidates for office ; but we are opposed to the denun ciation of any one or portion of the party, as “ Aliens *'renegades ” or “traitors," who from conscientious motives of prin ciple have been induced at times to de viate from “regular nominations ;” —that if this course lie countenanced and the principle carried out, it would lead to the expulsion from the Democratic ranks, of some of the most talented highrninded and valued Democrats in the country. Resolved, That tlie proscriptive sys tern of reading our members from the Democratic party, which lias been adop ted and followed in this State, and vari ous other parts of the Union for a year or two past, is calculated to weaken, di vide and district the party, and render us the more liable to Ixi overthrown and de feated by the common enemy, and that those so eagerly and ardently engaged in this suicidal system of extermination would, in our opinion, be much better employed by uniting with others in cor recting and reforming our caucus system of nominations, which is the great and most prominent cause, the very ROOT, if we may so speak, of all our political dissensions. They would then become radicals indeed. Resolved. That we believe the system of choosing delegates to the proposed na tional convention by Districts, is the on ly system which truly embraces the principles of the Democratic party —that the object in the proposed nomination of President, is, or ought to be, to obtain a lull and tree expression of the wishes and desires of the whole democratic party immeiieally ; and that for this pur pose “ the consolidated strength of the larger States and indeed of all the States, <- should be broken up,” by the establishment of the choice of delegates on the district system, by the people.-r- That it would be highly becoming and honorable in that portion of the party who contend for the choice by State conventions, and the vote by State ma jorities, to concede these points, and agree upon the DISTRICT SYSTEM, and the vote per capita,— that this pertiu ac ous adherence to their favorite system and especially that of voting by State ma jorities, indicates anything but a desiiv to meet every democratic citizen of United States on an equal and nation- ’ looting: Everything that looks jjjl overreaching should lie sedulously avoid cd. Let the free and unbiassed will of the majority in Districts nominate and leave it to the electoral colleges to elect And in the event of a failure "so to do-J then let the States in the House of Re r resentatives assume their constitutional prerogative. Resolved, That we are opposed to tl„> accumulation of a national deU, espeem' ly in time of peace,—thut we are oppos'd to a United States Bank, to a distribution of the proceeds of the sale of public lands or any other portion of the public reve into, to the Suites,—that we are opposed to the assumption of the State debts by the United Suites in any way or manner either directly or indirectly,— and that we are equally opposed to any alteration of the constitution to destroy the veto power. Resolved, That our prcfeienw f» r the next Presidencv is decidedly in favor of JOHN C. CALIIOUN of S. Carolina and we declare this preference, because we think him more immediately identi fied with the doctrine of free trade than any other candidate whose name is now lx-fore the people, and that he also pos. sesses higher qualifications for that e*. alted station than any other Statesman now known to the Ariierican public. Resolved, That a§ citizens of New Haiipshire we take a pride in expressing a preference, above all others, for LEVI WOODBURY for tlie office of Vice President, believing him not only more acceptable to the citizens of his native State than any other, but also that he is second to no one named even as a can didate for tlie Presidency, with the ac ception of JOHN C. CALHOUN Resolved, That we go with President Tyler so far as democratic principles lead, and abandon him only when those principles limy disappear. ' He has done the country and particularly the demo cratic party much service, for which lie highly merits their thanks, particularly in shielding them from the incubus of a l nited States Bank for twenty years.and we think, so far as in Ins power, against a tariff avowedly for protection. Me believe! his signature to tlie present tariff like that of General Jackson to the dis tribution ofthe surplus, was rather an act of necessity than of choice. Hi lias Ihioh much abused, and we think insult ed by ultra prints of both parties we are not of that class who are disposed to censure without cause, or to- witliiio'd the meed of praise when justly dire.— His late message, as a general remark, meets our approbation, and we cannot doubt he lias been actuated by a sincere desire to promote the public wen!. Resolved, That though we prefer John C. Calhoun for President*, antfLevi Woodbury for Yicfc President, we are still disposed to support the nominee of the National convention, whether R. M. Johnson, Martin Van Huron, Lewis CV . John Tyler or James Btichahnn, averin" in the words ot our Missouri friends, that “our attachment to the democratic cause is stronger than our regard for men.” Resolved, That the ascendency of onr measures in the approaching contort of ’ll should be the paramount object of every democrat—and to secure this, we believe union, hartnany, compromise, and especially toleration in the whole party to bo absolutely necessary—that our motto should be, the success of our measures. Resolved, That we approve the ap pointment of the Hon. David Hetishaw to the Navy Do pnrtnicnf—and deeply re gret the conrseand disapprove the policy pursued by certain democratic prints impugning the motives and nsperstn; the political character of sodisdngtiished a democrat and so faithful a public ser vant. 'Flic following resolutions approvin': the New Hampshire Gazette, were thm offered by Col. Josinh G. Hadley and were unanimously adopted : Resolved, That the New Hampshire Gazette, in the opinion of this meeting, merits and richly deerves the patronage and support of all true I only by its present able And efficient aid in the great principles of Free Trade and ty her democratic doctrines involved in the present contest for the presidency, but for its open and manly course at al! times, and all hazards, through weal and through wo; in the support of democrat principles and measures. Resolved, therefore. That we as frefi trade and Stateßights IN.moernts, hereby pledge ourselves to use onr aid and in fluence to obtain additional sul-scribers (o the Old New Hampshire Gazette, thereby to enable them to hear up against its opponents, who are endeavoring W crush it, not only by their vindictive and assassin attacks upon its conductors b ,,! by their open warfare upon democratic principles. After which it was Resolved , that foregoing resolutions, with the proceed ings of this meeting, be signed by tb Chairman and Secretaries, and be pub lislied in the New Hampshire Gazf |,p Madisonian, Boston Post, Richmond En quirer, Washington Spectator, Washing ton Globe, Petersburg Republican, N-y Patriot. Hill’s N. 11. Ratriot, andtb 1 other democratic papers be requested 1 publish the same. Resolutions being offered by Clagirett Esq n were after discuss' o '' withdrawn, when it was voted tod 15 ' solve. A. J. RECK, Chairman' J. T. Taskk l Secretar ies. Oliver Hanscom, } A beautiful Oriental proverb thus “With time and pntiencr, the mulhem leaf becomes satin.”