American Democrat. (Macon, Ga.) 1843-1844, January 10, 1844, Image 1

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IMiliiAl DBDHIOOMT. Ihe mobl perfect Coveiniueiit would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs best —fosts least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. U PR* WM. GREEN-EDITOR. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUE, MACON, GA. AT TWO Z>Oli£.AT*3 P3R ANNU3I, tO- *N ADVANCE. «jC3 Rates of Advertiuug, Ac. One square, us 100 wtvOs, or lew, in small lype, 75 cents j„ r tiie Jim tMscrtioi., aud .» cents Jor subsequent inser tion. Ail Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 tv*fits, will be charged as two squares. To Vearly Advertisers, a litoral deduction will be made. N. B Sales of I.AND, by Administrators, Executors i. r (*nard<an«, are required, by law, to be held on the firs, Tuesday in the month, between the h »wr» of 10 in the !o*e ii i mi. an 4 3i» ;Ko after**<»<»«, at the Court-If aare in ihe Coun. iy in Wului the nfopefty U suutredt Notice of mus' te given in a public Gxact.e, SIXTV I).\\S, previous to the I* iy of sale. Sales of PSiISONvT. PROPERTY, must be advertised in » m uitfer, FORTY DAYS previous to the tlay of sale Notice to D ditors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub ; !-ed FORTY Days. Notice ill ifc application will be made.to the Court of Ordi t..irv for leave to soil LAND, must be published FOUR j MONTiH. Sales of NEQIIOE3, must be made al public auction, on t he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours Oj ilc at the place of public sales in the county where the let testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall hive In'en SIXTY DAYS notice being previously civen in one of the pnMlc gtvae.too of this State, and at the door v s the Oiurt-House, where such sales are to he held. N nice lor leave to sell NESROES, must b puldished for FOUR MON before any order absolute shall be made I thereon by the Court. A!! business of 'bis nature, will receive prompt attention, a' M O.Ti a of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCE* ISV MAil.. —“A IV.stmaster may cn if t a? e money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, tn L,ytlie jiuhfcripti<in of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” Awus KrndaMi I*. MG. COM MUNICATIONd ad Lrcasetl to the Editor Post Paid. I .-a.*. •--«**.? • nMnnaww I SR 11 .. I UATTIIIS WITH TIIE INDIANS. AM; cxciliiit: M »rv. 11l was a sultry evening towards the | isl of June, 172-!, that Capt. Har mon mul li,is Eastern Rangers urged iiloir canoes up the Konebcc liver, in pursuit, of their savage enemies. For hours they toiled diHuenfly at the oar— ihe last trace of civilization was left be hind : mid the long shadows of the striking forests met and blended in the j middle of the broad stream, that wound darkly through them. At every sound from the a Ijaeent shores—the rattling of some night bird, or the quick footsteps ofsornejwild beast—the dash of (he oar was suspended, and the Hanger’s grasp lightened on his rifle. All knew the peril of the enterprise, and that silence, which is natural to men who feel them selves in the extreme of mortal jeopardy, settled like a cloud upon the midnight adventurers. “ Hush —softly, men !” said the watch ful Harmon, in a voice which scarcely rose ateve a hoarse whisper, as his canoe swept round a ragged promontory, ‘there’s a light ahead I” All eyes were tent towards the shore. A tall Indian fire gleamed up amidst the great oaks, casting a red and strong light upon the dark waters. For a single and breathless moment the operation of the oar was suspended; and every ear lis tened with painful earnestness to catch 1 lie well known sounds which seldom failed to indicate the proximity of the savages But all was now silent. With slow and faint movements of the oar, the ranoes gradually approached the suspect ed spot. The landing was effected in silence. After moving cautiously for a 'onsiderable distance in the dark shadow, Ihe party at length ventured within the broad circle of the light which at first it t meted their attention. Harmon was it their bund, with an eye and hand as jnick as thoseoftlie savage enemy whom lie sought. Tljtj body of a fallen tree lay across the nth. As the Rangers were on the point >f leaping over it the hoarse whisper of Harmon again broke the silence. “See here,” he exclaimed, pointing to Ihe tree ; “ it’s the word of the redskins.’ Smothered wrath glowed on the lips of the Rangers as they bent grimly for ward in the direction pointed out by their commander. Blood was sprinkled in the rank grass, and a human hand the hand of a white mm—lay upon the bloody log. There was liot a word spoken, but CVery countenance worked with terrible emotion. Had the Rangers followed their own desperate inclination, they would have hurried recklessly onward to the work of vengeance, but the example of their leader, who had regained his usual calmness and self-command, pre pared them for a less speedy but more certain triumph. Cautiously passing over the fearful obstacle in the'palhway, find closely followed by his companions, he tdvanced stealtlnly and cautiously to the light, hiding himself and his party as ranch as possible l>ehind the thick trees. In a few moments they obtained a full view of the object of their search.— •Stretched at their length, around a huge fire, but a convenient distance from it, lay die painted and half-naked forms of twenty savages. It was evident from threi appearance that they had passed the fiay in one of their horrid revels, and that they were now suffering under the effects of intoxication. Occasionally a DEMOCRATIC BA2T2TER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; ITO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM 3ANK3; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C. C.ILHOU.W grim w arrior among them started half up-right, grasping his tomahawk, as if to combat some vision of his disordered brain ; but unable to shake off the stupor from liis senses, uniformly fell Lack into his former position. The Rangers crept nearer. As they bent their keen eyes alongtheir well-tried rifles, each felt sure of his aim. They waited for the signal of Harmon, who wasendeavoringto bring his long musket to bear ujion the head of one of the most, distant savages. “Fire !” he at length exclaimed, as the j sight of his piece interposed full anddis-, tinct between his eye and the wild scalp j lock of the Indian. “ Fire and rush on!’ The sharp voice of thirty rifles thrilled through the heart of the forest. There was a groan—a smothering cry—a wild convulsive movement among the sleep ing Indians, and all again was silent. The Rangers sprang, forward with their clubbed lilies and hunting-knives, but their work was done. The red men had gone to their last audit before the Great Spirit, and no sound was heard among them, save the gurgling of the hot blood from their lifeless bodies. A curious Dream Story. Miss TL B. was on a visit to Miss An dre, and, being very intimate with tho latter, shared her bed. One night she was awakened by the violent sobs of her companion, and upon entreating to know the cause, she said, “1 have seen my dear brother; and he has been taken prisoner.” It is scarcely necessary to inform the reader that Major Andre was then with . tiie British army, during the heat of the American war. Miss B. soothed her friend, and both fell asleep, when Miss Andre once more started up, exclaiming “They are trying him as a spy,” and she described the nature of the court, the proceedings of the judge and prisoners, with the greatest minuteness. Once more the poor sister’s terrors were calm ed by her friend's tender representations, but a third time she ewoke screaming that they were hanging him as a spy, on a tree, and in his regmentals, with many other circumstances! Tlierewas no more sleep for the friends; they got up and en tered each in her own pocket-book the particulars stated by the terror striken sister, with the dates, and both agreed to keep the source of their own presenti ments and fears from the poor mother, fondly hoping they were indeed built on “tiie fabric of a vision.” But, alas ! soon as news, in those days, could cross the Atlantic, the fatal tidings came, and, to the deep awe as well as sad grief of the young Indies, every circumstance was exactly imparted to them as had been shadowed forth in the fond sister’s sleep ing fancy, and had happened on the very day preceding the night of her dream ! The writer thinks this aneddote has not lieen related by Miss Seward, l)r. Dar win, or the Edgeworths, father and daughter who have all given to the pub lic many interesting events in the bril liant but brief career of Major Andre. The Pyramids of Ancient Times. The great Pyramid of Memphis ori ginally covered more than 13 acres of ground— contained more than 80,000,000 cubic feet of stone, and the weight of its masonry is estimated at nearly 7,000,000 ot tons! The three Pyramids ofGheizch contain nearly 13,000.000 tons of stone. Compare this with the Bunker Hill Monument, said to contain 6,448 tons. The stone of the Great Pyramid alone, would construct 4062 Monuments. As Light-houses, ten miles apart,they wojihl surround the entire North and South American, Continent, and yet leave a heavy balance. True Inspiration. 1\ c have seen a great many affections about tiie feelings inspired by traveling through the “ Holy Land ;” but we have never seen any thing more beautiful or full of sacred feelings, than the follow ing, from the painter, Wilkie’s life : “‘When I went,’says Collins, the ar tist,‘to bid Sir David Wilkie farewell, a day or two before he left home for his lttst journey* 1 found him in high spirits, en larging, with all his high enthusiasm, on the immense advantage he might de rive bom painting upon holy land, on the very ground on which the event.he was about to embody had actually oc curred. To make a study at Bethlehem son some young female and child, seem ed to me one great incentive to his jour ney. I asked him if he had any guide book. He said 1 Yes and the very best;' ana then unlocking hi? travelling box he showed me a pocket Bible. 1 never saw him again ; but tho Bible through out Judea, was, T am assured, his best and only hand-book.’ ” Qu'ck Irish Wit. “What arc you doing there, all alone in that large house?” said a gentleman to an Irishman, the sole occupant ot a dilapidated, building in Pine street. “Sure, and it’s an officer I am, your honor,” said Pat. “Ah officer ! how so ?” “Why, you see, the others arc all gane, 1 and I'm a bflcnant." MACON, W EDNESDAY, J.'NUARY 10, 1841. a o.BTsm iia awmaa. The Nfgto Memorial. Mr. SAUNDERS said that the laws upon this subject were ample in every respect. All he had to do was to bring the subject before the judicial tribunal of this District, under a writ of habeas cor pus, which would, upon an investiga tion of the facts, liberate the individual, if it should appear that he was entitled to his freedom. He would inform the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Giddings) that on a certain occasion a negro, whom he knew to be free, but who had teen imprisoned, was advertised to be sold for his jail fees for having come into the District in violation of the law ; paid the fine, amounting to some two or three dollars, and he was immediately libera ted and restored to his freedom; and he called upon the gentleman from Ohio to come forward arid give to the world a practical illustration of his benevolence by following bis example. Let him go and pay the fine, and. his word for it, this negro citizen would be immediately lib erated, if there should appear no evidence to the Judiciary that lie was a slave.— 'l’lie burden of proof, however, falls up on the “ negro” and not upon the prose cution, wh.cli to this day is the law of the land. Let the subject go before Judge Ornnch, whom he believed to be a humane Judge, on a writ of habeas corpus, and justice would be done to him—this was all he asked. Mr. GIDDINGS said lie did not care to what committee the subject was refer red, so it was acted upon immediately, and the unfortunate individual liberated. He referred to the course which Con gress had pursued on a subject similar to the one under consideration, and ho ped this case would receive the same at tention. It mattered very little to him whether it was referred to a Select Com mittee or the Committee on the Judiciary. I in whose judgment and liberality he had 1 the most unbounded confidence;' but he j preferred a Select Committee from vari ous consid'-rntipns; the first was, he did not wish to burden the Judiciary Com mittee or any other Standing Committee, with this subject, because they already had as much before them as they could well get through with. It was far from his disposition to discuss this exciting question, but it was w ith him one of prin ciple, in which was involved the liberty of an American citizen—a native of Vir ginia—and he felt himself bound as a Representative of the free People of Ohio to do all in bis power to secure liberty to this unfortunate individual, whose only crime it was to have a dark complexion. His object was not to discuss, but to act upon a question of such magnitude and importance—in which was involved lib erty, the bulwark of the American consti tution. He said the gentleman from North Car olina (Mr. Saunders) had referred to the law of 1798, which according to its pro visions, allowed a fine to be paid in to bacco. Does that gentleman wish the people of the District of Columbia to be governed and controlled by this law, at this enlightened day? Does he want them bound down by laws passed fifty five years ago? Or does he wish to see laws passed one hundred years ago, which would bring this nation back to colonial vassalage enforced ? He believed the people of the District, if they were consulted, would be in favor of repealing this obnoxious and abomina ble law, which bad been brought before this House previously, and examined by slave-holders, who were in favor of its re peal. Is it right or just, because a free citizen has the misfortune to have a dark complexion, that he should be sold as a slave, to pay jail fees? He did not be lieve the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr Saunders) could prove his freedom, if lie was confined in jail—for himself he knew that he could not prove that he was born free. Mr. S AUNDERS explained. Tie said the negro was not to he sold as a slave, but for his jail fees. If they were paid, and the evidence should prove that he was not a slave he would be discharged. The State of Ohio, he believed, had a law upon Iter statute book which prohib ited free negroes from residing within her jurisdiction, to which he called the attention of the gentleman from Ohio who affects so much sympathy for this class of persons. Mr. GIDDINGS continued: Tie said the gentleman from North Carolina eva ded his question, and he would inform him that there was no law in Ohio which confined freemen -r chile or black, and sold them ns slaves for jail fees. To this obnoxious and unjust law he did interfere with, and his feeble efforts should be ex erted to have it amended or repealed.— But ns to the laws of North ,or S. Caro lina. he would not interfere with them —he httd no right to interfere—and God forbid that he should. We abolitionists do not wish to infringe upon the consti tutional rights of the slave States ; but as a representative of freemen, he would Op pose all such laws, bearing upon their face moral turpitude, teing enforced in the District of Columbia. This law was a stigma iqion the country. 1 He did not care to what committee this subject was referred ; all he wanted was that it should be referred, and a re port made upon the facts of the case, and and the abominable and contemptible law repealed. The gentleman from North Carolina had called upon him to follow his example, and go to the mar shal and pay this fine, which would se cure the release of this unfortunate indivi dual ; but he would inform him that the borte and muscle of the freemen of Ohio, who toiled hard for all they got, were not to be expended iu jail fees to accomplish that which the Constitution should give. Mr. CAMPBELL, of South Carolina, said he agreed with the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. l)i 1 left) that this was a ju dicial question, with which this House had nothin? tn do. Let this individual be carried before Judge ('ranch, on a writ of habeas corpus, who was known to be a him fa tie judge, and would deal fairly l.y him, although the face of a “ negro,” by the laws Os the District, was prima facie that he was a slave, and the onus proba’-di— the burden of proof— rested upon him to regain his literty, which muld he easily done, if he was actually free, as stated in the memorial. He had consulted with a highly respec table law} er of the District, who inform ed him that cases of this kind had never been carried beyond me mere advertising, if the individual was actually free; but he did not wish this subject referred to the Committee on the District of Colum bia, but to the Committee on the Judici ary, who could report upon tiie law and the facts. Mr. DAVIS, of N. Y., said Tig had but a few words to say on this subject; but he should vote iu favor of a select com mittee, striking out calling for persons and papers. Tiffs Congress, he was proud to say, had paid mom attention to this subject than any oilier, and he was glad to see it, as a Northern man, because lie believed it would allay this exciting subject, and forever put it at rest. He was confident there were more abolition- ists at 1 1io South than at the North. Mr. SAUNDERS. It is not so—it is not so. The gentleman Jiimself is an abolitionist. Mr. I). continued, lie said it was im possible for the North to be in favor of abolition, because if the negroes were lib erated they would overrun the free States, which would prove the greatest calamity that could befall them. If the slave States were to abolish slavery he would be in favor of an immediate dissolution of the Union, rather than encounter such a course of being overrun with negroes.— Yes,immediate abolition would tea sig nal for a filial dissolution of the Union on the part of the Northern States, if it should ever take place, it must he gradu al, or that population would fall upon them, and thoit poorhouses would be fill ed with this class of people. As much as he prized the Union, lie did not hesi tate to declare that lie would rather see' it dissolved than to.encounter the effects of immediate abolition of slavery. He was no abolitionist, find he wanted South ern gentlemen to divest themselves of all apprehension upon this subject, because he assured them that it was not to the interest of the North to have this popula tion let loose upon them. True, he did not regret that slavery had teen abolish ed in the State of New York, but he would regret to see slavery abolished in the South, which would prove a burden and a tax to them. The North do not wish to interfere with the rights of the Southern States, but leave this subject entirely to those to whom it of right belongs, that they may exercise their own will and pleasure iu the premises, lie wanted this law, by which this freeman is imprisoned, repea led: because the North would stand up against it as unconstitutional. The Dis trict of Columbia was common ground, and he believed it was constitutional to abolish slavery within it, and ho, for one, would exercise that power if necessary. This was his private opinion, although expressed here, and by which be did not wish other gentlemen governed, if it did not comport with their views of the Con stitution, for the maintenance of which there must be a mutual concession. He wanted other sections of the country to concede something as well as the North. New York, the State which he had the honor its part to represent, had conceded more to this Union limn all the other sec tions put together. [Some person said ; In the way oi Presidents she had not conceded much.] The moment the District of Columbia came into the possession ol the General Government, that very moment slavery was constitutionally abolished, and the States which ceded this District as a per manent seat of Government, gave away all right and sovereignty to it. Mr. PAYNE, of Alabama, inquired if it was in order to discuss slavery iu the Territories ? The SPEAKER replied in the nega tive. Mr. DAVIS: Let a select committee have this subject, and report upon the law tmd the facts, and once more restore tranquility to the country. Mr. HARALSON, of Georgia, said the Southern members had kept their seats during this exciting debate ; but it was time, after such declarations, to which he had listened, to know upon what ground they stood. The South knew their constitutional rights, which they would maintain at every hazard. In the formation o r the Constitution, this ques tion of a right to our slave property was acknowledged, without which there would have teen no Constitution, no Union, which we all should prize; but this tampering with Southern jights is no way to perpetuate this inestimable prize given tn us by our revolutionary fathers. In every question that is intro duced on this floor, slavery is dragged in ; and lie, as a Southern man, did protest in the most solemn manner against tiffs course. In ti ie discussion of the resolu tion of Mr. llalk, of New Hampshire, calling upon the Secretary of the Navy for information, with an eye to economy, slavery is introduced, and it was high time that it should be brought io a close. He was ns much in favor of economy as any"'other gentleman on this floor, and wished to see it carried out practically.— A great deal had been said about the Ar my and the Navy, to which we must look for the maintenance of the integrity of the Union. It was not to these branch es of the public service to which we must look, blit to the chivalry of the American people the volunteer militia of the country—*vho would take care to guard the public weal against encroach ments, foreign and domestic. He would let tho gentleman from New York know that the South did not intend to abolish slavery within their borders ; but in the name of their fathers they would main tain their constitutional rights in their purity, and he did not wish gentlemen to be uneasy upon this subject, for they were able and capable to defend them when it shall be necessary so to do. He was a Southern man in interest and in feeling, and God forbid he should be oth er than a Southern man, but at the same time lie bad a feeling in common with the Union. This memorial called upon him to investigate the ease of a “ negro” unaccompanied by any evidence whatev er to guide him in coming to a decision. Is the habeas corpus suspended in this District that this Houso is called upon to throw aside its legislative character, and try cases belonging exclusively to the ju diciary of the country? It lias been in timated on this floor that no SLAVE HOLDER is in favor of acting against this illegal confinement of a negro.— The Courts of this District sit almost ev ery day, yet this negro has not applied to be discharged from confinement, which has teen asserted is illegal, unjust, and tyrannical, is an insult to the Judiciary of the District. If this law be wrong let it be repealed and a general one enacted —not one to suit a particular ease to grat ify the views and feelings of the gentle man from Ohio, or any one else. In my mind he is a slave, or he would have ap plied to the popular tribunal to have Leen discharged. This is prima facie evi dence of the fact, and the very best of reasons why the House should not inter fere in the matter. He laid said more than he intended, but it was done to le' gentlemen from the North—the peculiar guardians of the South—know that they would take care of their own interests, and abolish slave ry if they thought proper, or let it alone, just ns they chose; and it they (the North) were tired of the Union, let us know it, and te off, which they (the South) would extremely regret, because they loved the Union. Mr. BEARDSLEY' spoke in favor of amending the law, and said he had vo ted for the reception of the petition, that it might be referred, and a report made, so as to know whether there were any oppressive laws in existence in the Dis trict ; and if so, abolish them. [Mr. Beardsley’s sent being in sleepy hollow, it was impossible to hear him distinctly. [ lie was ui favor of referring the subject to the Judiciary Committee, that the House might know whether the law should be repealed or not. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, said he agreed with the gentleman from New Y ork, (Mr. Beardsley) and thought the proper course to pursue was to refer the subject to the Judiciary Committee, who would report upon the facts, and allay all unnecessary excitement, which he was sorry to see on every occasion when sla very was mentioned. It was a question of freedom which should be investigated. One gentleman had stated the law in this case to be one thing—and another a dif ferent thing. He wanted to know 7 the true slate of the case, the law and the facts, which the House could only know by a report from the Judiciary Commit- tec. A great deal had been said about dissolving the Union, hut the feelings of the whole People were lor the Unit n, lo which they were ardently attached.— Politicians may talk about dissolving the Union, which w r us nothing hut a spirit of demagoguism, audio which the People would never subscribe, and which can never be accomplished without their con sent. In Georgia the moment a case was adjudicated, whether white or black, the was released, if innocent, and not sold a slave ; and if this law 7 was oppressive, he would vote for its repeal. Mr. KING, of Massachusetts; said he concurred with the sentiments of the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Stephens J 1 NO. 34. and read from a report of the trraird jury of this District in support of his views. Mr. SAUNDERS, of North Carolina, explained and said that he had stated what the gentleman had rend, and was aware that the grand jury had asked a modification of the law. * Mr. KING said that be read thesa opinions that the House might know how to act—and that sjieedily—and he hoped the subject would te referred to a Select, Committee, ns the other committees were overburdened with other business. Mr. C( >BB, of Georgia, said lie did not concur with the views of his colleagtie(Mr- Stephens) who had caught up the spe cial arguments of the gentleman from' New York (Mr. Beardsley) and reitera ted his sentiments. He wanted to know by what authority this House could re solve itsell into a court o [ habeas corpus, to investigate particular subjects? It~ was directly at war with the Judicial v ot the country —it was at variance with the course of the Legislatures of tho States. Congress is called here in a le gislative capacity, and not judicial ; and he had no objection to legislate upon the defects of this law, but he did protest against acting judicially iu this-especial case. He agreed perfectly with his col league (Mr. Stephens) in his interpreta tion and illustration of the law of Geor ! gia upon this subject; but this case was different, because (lie judicial tribunals ot this District are competent to grant relief in the premises, without interrupt ing the legislation of the counjry. He would vote for amending the law, if de fective, but he was utterly opposed to re ferring this particular case to any com mittee whatever. Mr. STETSON, of New' York said lie differed with his colleague (Mr. Davis) upon this subject in toto, because he be lieved the riglits of the States were the bulwarks of this Union. New York had abolish, and slavery it was true, and he was glad of it, but lie would not interfere with those belonging to oilier States.— His.colleague had said that if the South were to abolish slavery he would te foi* a dissolution of the Union. This is the strongest sentiment he ever heard in his life, and he was sorry it escaped the lips of his colleague. Mr. PAYNE called Mr. Stetson to order for irrelevancy ; but withdrew his objection, having misunderstood him, Mr. DAVIS rose and said he was not an Abolitionist, and could not be one, for he believed it was against the interests of the North to abolish slavery. He vo ted for the reception of this petition, not as an Abolitionist, but to release an Amer ican citizen. Mr. STETSON. My colleague out Herods Herod —he is not in favor of abol ishing slavery in the South, and should the Southern States do it of tlieir own accord, and to whom it properly belongs,' he would be in favor of a dissolution oi the Union. Mr. DAVIS. Yes,- sir, I would. Mr.‘STETSON said he could not concur in such a sentiment, because he prized the Union too much ; and he was opposed to referring this subject to a se-' lect committee. Mr. A. V. BROWN offered an amend-' meat to refer the subject to the commit tee on the Judiciary, with instructions to report the defects in this law. The previous question was here de-' inanded, and lie withdrew his amend ment. Mr. ADAMS said according to some gentlemen’s views, the blackness of a man's face was considered prima facie evidence 6f his being a slave, until he proves otherwise ; atm Southern gentle men seemed to him to be vory tenacious on this subject. To satisfy them upon; this subject, he would inform them that Mr. White, of Louisiana, a Southern man and a slave-holder, had introduced a bill here, the effect of which was to reach a. case similar to the one under considera tion, except that his face happened to te white, and not l lack. He then read from the Journal the proceedings of the House, the number of the bill, and the proceedings had thereon, and held it up as a precedent to goyem te House in the case now before it. lie said a great deal had been sad about excitement; but no thing had taken place in this, to compare with the last Congress; and alluded to’ the mismidetstanding between Mr. Botts and Mr. Giddings, which caused him to' resign Ins seat upon this floor. He said the negro in jail was as much a citizen of the United States as any oth er man —he was a citizen of Virginia, whose motto was the personification of liberty—it was sic semper tyrannis —■’ and he was now’ in jail, advertised to te sold for his jail fees ; and w e are told we have no right to interfere. Congress has a right to interfere. Let the subject be referred to a select committee, who would report upon the facts, and then repeal the law, and set the American cit izen at liberty. Mr. PAYNE, of Alabama, said he had studiously avoided becoming excited ; but he could not help becoming so when this subject was introduced here, w’herc it did not of right belong. He w’ent into a logical argument to show the ill effects of the repeal of this law upon the States of Maryland and Virginia, who were deeply interested in this nattier.