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defeat of 1810 would he exclusively on principles. This hope was greatly strengthened by the truly repulican and noble stand taken at the extra session and the earlier portion of the succeeding regular session. During that period of rigid adherence to principle, perfect har mony pervaded the ranks of the party. — I beheld it with joy. 1 believed the mo ment highly favorably for the thorough reformation of the government and the restoration of the constitution. To the republican party, I looked for the accom plishment of this great work ; and I ac cordingly felt the deepest solicitude, that the stand taken, and the harmony which existed, should be preserved. In order that it should, I made up my mind to waive the objection, which I have long entertained to any intermediate body, un known to the constitution, between the people and the election of the President, in (he hope that the proposed Conven tion would be so constituted that 1 might consistently with my principles give it mv support. In this I have been disap pointed, and being so, l am compelled to decide as I have done. The same motive Which impelled me to separate from the administration of Gen. Jackson, in the plenitude ofits power, and to come to the rescue of Mr. Van Huron’s at its greatest depression, compels me now to withhold my name from the proposed Convention. Having now assigned my reasons for refusing to permit my name to go before the Baltimore Convention, it rests with you who have placed it before the people and 'assented to abide by a Convention fiirly constituted, to determine what course you will pursue. Be your decision what it may, I shall be content. But I regarded it as due to the occasion, to you and myself, to de clare that under no circumstances what ever shall I support any candidate, who is opposed to free trade, and in favor of the protective policy, or whose prominent and influential friends and supporters are. 1 hold the policy, to be another name for a system of monopoly and plunder, and to be thoroughly anti-republiern and fed eral in its character. I also hold that so long as the duties are so laid as to be in fact bounties to one portion of the com munity, while they operate as oppressive taxes on the other, there can be no hope, that the Government can be reformed, or that its expenditures will be reduced to the proper standard. Were I, with the evidences before me, to say otherwise of my course, it would Ire practically, to declare that 1 regard the protective policy to be an open question, so far as the party is concerned ; which 1 would consider on my part, a virtual abandonment of the cause of Free Trade. That can never be. I have done and suffered too much for it, when its friends were few and feeble, to abandon it now —now, when the auspices everywhere, on this and the other side of the Atlantic proclaim the approaching downfall of protection and the permanent triumph of Free Trade. I who upheld it against monopoly and plunder, in the worst of times, and braved the menaces of Admin istration and Opposition, when backed but by a single Stated-will not—cannot abandon the glorious cause now, when its banner waves in proud triumph over the metropolis of the commercial world. No, I shall maintain immoveably the ground l have so long occupied, until I liave witnessed its great and final victory, If it shall please the Disposer of Events to spare my life so long. It will he, in deed, o victory— harbinger efa new arid brighter and higher civilization. Much less, still, can I give my support to any candidate, who shall give his aid ■or countenance to the agitation of aboli tion in Congress or elsewhere ; or whose prominent and influential friends and supporters shall. 1 doubt the sincerity •or any man, who declares he is no aboli tionist, whilst at the same time; he aids or countenances the agitation of the ques tion, be his pretext what it may. If we have a right to our slaves, we have the light to hold them in peace and quiet. It t!ie Constitution guarantees the one, it guarantees the other; and if it forbids the one from being attacked, it equally forbids the other. Indeed the one stands to the other, as means to an end, and is so avowed by the abolitionists ; and on the plainest principles of morals, if the end he prohibited, the means of effecting it also are. Ofthe two, T regard the de luded fanatic far less guilty and danger ous than he, who, for political or party purposes, aids or countenances him, in what he knows is intended to do that, which he acknowledges to be forbidden by the Constitution. It is time that an end should be put to this system of plunder and agitation.— They have been borne long enough.— They are kindred measures and hostile, as far, at least, as one port ion of the Union is concerned. While the tariff takes from us the proceeds of our labour, aboli tion strikes at the labor itself. The one robs us of our income, while the other aims at destroying the source from which that income Is derived. It is impossible for us to stand patiently much longer, under their double operation, without bein'* - impoverished and ruined. JOHN C. CALHOUN. Sudden Perth in West Jersey. —A venerable Methodist clergyman, Rev. Jolm Boqua, aged 75 years, fell dead in one of his fields near Salem, West Jer sey, about fifteen minutes alter leaving the house, on the 9th inst., with a disease of the heart. He was soon discovered by bis son-in-low, who sent for Dr. Mul ford—but lie was dead. He has been a faithful preacher for half a century. Mint o f the United States, Ph iladel phia.—By a report from Dr. Patterson, UuecJptof the Mint, it appears that the whole coinage in the United States, dur ing the past year, amount to within a 9 nail fraction of twelve millions of dol lars, and exceeds by more that; one half that of any former year. POLITICAL. From the Globe. The Tariff of the Clay Congress. The people of the United States would never endure th e fleecing to which they are subjected by the manufacturers, if they were once initiated into the myste ries of the tariff. The art of cheating by law, through the use of a phraseology not understood by the people, is a trick of the trade —or rather of the two crafts united in Congress, by the adepts in chi canery and machinery—that does more for the monopolies than anything else. The American system lawyers in Con gress under their minimum and specific duties, levied in terms that none but the inflated can understand, and the manu facturers, by their technical description ofthe articles‘they propose for taxation, make the whole tariff to an unlearned man, as inscrutable as a doctor's bill, or prescription. The public has no more idea of the drench that is forced upon it in a tariff, than the patient who is dosed to death by his physician knows of the ingredients which he swallows, and by which his body is wasted. The effect is perceived in the loss of flesh and of strength; but the quack is certain it is good because the con sumption of his compounds improves his own condition ; nnd the constitution of the patient surviving surh adminis tration of the remedy, he looks upon his rising up from its prostration as a getting better that gives hope of perfect recov ery. The poisoner who makes the dis eases gets the credit of a Cure because he does not kill. If the ingredients of his mysterious compound, and their opera tion, were understood by the sick man, he would follow with prosecution the empyric who preyed at once upon his constitution and his purse. Who knows what the nation has been taxed by the enormous tariff'of the Clay Congress? We confess that we did not see half the extent of its extortion until Mr. McDrffie eviscerated the subject a few days since. The prospect of obtain ing some relief from the present Congress has, however, induced practical business men to enter into an analysis of the new impositions; and, before Mr. McDuffie’s speech goes to the press, he will have the satisfaction of seeing the actual ope ration of the tariff, as shown from the merchants’ books, dated in tables, sustai ning his positions. The New York Evening Post of yes terday contains the tables to which we refer, which are thus introduced : From the New York Keening Post. Worse and worse. —The more we look into the rate of taxes recently laid on imported goods, the worse we find it. We publish to-day an alysis of the duties on the various descriptions of cotton nnd woollen goods, prepared by an accurate hand, which will astonish our readers. Duties, in various instances, of nearly two hundred per cent.! The heaviest duties upon the goods used by the poor er classes! There never was a more foul combi nation of selfish cunning on the one hand, and corrupt connivance on the other, than that which produce*] the op pres ive revenue law under which we live. The majority in Congress were resolved to gratify the manufacturers, a body of most active and powerful can vassers inflections. The manufacturers took advantage of this disposition, to an extent of which even the political lead ers, unjust as they were, are not aware ; and, by craftily asking for specific duties, obtained a tariff .which almost puts an embargo on our ports, brings down the prices of country produce almost to no thing, raises the prices of manufactured goods enormously, and runs up the prof its of the factory owners to thirty per cent, on the capital. There is not a man of all those who voted for the tariff, who, if he knew what he was doing—if he did not utter his ay in pure ignorance ofthe effect of the law to which he gave his approval—does not deserve to be an object of public contempt, and to walk the streets amid the hisses of his coun trymen for the rest of 1 1 is life. We desire the attention of our reedars to the tables we lay before them. They will not find the examination of them ve ry intricate. They show what manu facturer-ridden people we are; and how, between the knaves of the mills on the one hand and the knaves of the halls of Congress on the other, we are fleeced and peeled as mercilessly as if we had a conquering army in the land laying us under forced contribution. Look at the rates of duty; duties of fifty per cent, duties of a hundred per cent, duties of a hundred and fifty per cent duties of a hundred and eighty per cent, and more. See how prodigiously the prices of good manufactured in the American mills have risen since the tar iff was laid—in some cases nearly to six ty per cent. From t e New York Evening Post. To The Editor.— Sir : As the rates of duties under the present tariff law are but little known to the pubic, 1 hand you some statements which clearly elu cidate the per centage paid on cotton manufactures and some other goods; and if to these you could get added similar tables os to glassware, hardward, iron, salt, in fact everything, save such as are useful to the manufacturers, I am of o pinion that you would open the eyes of the public to the public to the most infa mous act which ever disgraced our stat ute book. The fact is, that, had the manufac turers asked for these rates of duties plainly and openly, they knew well that ;no member of Congress would have l dared lj support so disgraceful a propo- I sition: they knew better; they determined ; to humbug and blind both Congress and the peoplf. Take cotton goods for in stance : had they said “place an average dpty of ope hujifjrcd per cent, upon cot ton goods, and double the high tariff of 1828, which caused the nnllific«ation ex citement,” they would have plainly asked for what they wanted, and what they have got; but they knew that such a re quest would have been refused them, even by their complaisant friend the late Secretary of the Treasury. They therefore said, “Value cotton goods, colored, at thirty cents a square yard, and charge thirty per cent, upon that minimum—we don't ask for more than thirty per cent.;” taking good care to keep the secretary and committees of Congress ignorant ofthe fact, that thirty cents a square yard on colored cottons was three times the price they were then getting for their own goods, and that thirty per cent, on that price was, on av erage, over one hundred per cent, ad va lorem on the goods. Thus it was with cottons: a higher du ty per square yard was put upon them than was imposed by the tariff law of 1828, although the value of the goods had fallen one-half, consequently that high duty was doubled; doubtless all the other goods subject to minimums and to specific duties were managed in the same ingenious manner. The first table I hand you is the price current of Messrs. Steward, Thomson & Lav, an eminent Manchester house, and is dated 31st January last. (1 could get none of a later date.) I have appended to every article in it the rate of duty un der the present tariff; I have omitted no article, save a few of York-shire manu facture, which come more properly un der another head, and to which I shall allude in my next. You will observe that, in the unbleached goods, few ar ticles pay less than one hundred per cent. duty. The printed eotfcms are quite as high, and so are the yarns. I hand you also tables showing the enormous tax on car pets, flannels, baizes, cotton and worsted goods, twine, bale rope, &c., <fcc., &c.; and it is worthy of remark, that all goods suited to the mass of the people, in fact necessary to the comfort of the mechani cal and laboring classes, are charged with prohibitory rates, whilst those used by the wealthy .alone are, without excep tion, charged at a much lower rate.— Take carpets for instance • ingrain car pets pay 103 per cent. and Wilton, the the finest, pays 31 percent, This differ rence is not confined to carpets, it applies to almost every thing subject to duty, and it is certainly anew principle in taxa tion. I have only one other remark to make. When the tariff was under discussion, we were promised by its advocates cheap er goods ; it is true that we get all the produce of the soil cheaper. This tariff is a most effectual bar to any prominent ri.se in the value of the products of the farmers, and planters, and mechanics ; btt not so with their goods: they have secured the monopoly of this great mar ket, and they are now getting profits un- ( heard of in a regular and steady trade. If the operatives in their employ shared the spoils, we might have some satisfac tion in this result; but it is not so : the wages of die spinners, the power-loom weavers, and the printers, have been in creased but little, if any ; and the whole of these ill-gotten gains are pocketed by some few bundled individuals. To show yon the profits now making by the manufacturers, I hand you a ta ble of prices in May last, and in this pres ent month. I have rather understated the difference : the rise in value is great er. That they were not losing money by their goods last year, is made evident by the very handsome dividends lately declared ; so their gains now can easily be calculated. With these remarks, I leave the subject in your hands, and hope you will not abandon it untill you fully expose the nefarious nature of mo nopoly and the pestilent influence of this tariff law. MERCATOR. We have not room or time this eve ning to furnish these tables, giving by “Mercator.” We therefore state the re sults shown by them, as exhibited by the actual price-currents, and the rates of duty paid on the articles specified under the existing tariff. Os the various kinds of unbleached cottons, amounting in all to thirty differ ent sorts, ranging from the highest to the lowest priced, 90 percent, is the low est tax levied ; and it runs through all the grades until it reaches, on several classes, 160 per cent. Twenty different kinds exceeds 100 per cent; the average being about 120 per cent. • Os the ten kinds of printed cottons, the per cent-age is set down thus : 162—- 141-130—123-135-62—107—45 157. We do not give the descriptions, or the prices set down in the table,as we aim only to show the resulting per cent age on all sorts, from the highest to the lowest on the scale. Os the Bleached and finished cotton goods—thirty three kinds.containing all the varieties—the range of duties is giv en ; and on more than half of them ex ceeds 100 per cent., running up to 190 per cent, on some—a very few being less than 50 per cent. On the various kinds of cotton yarns, embracing twenty three different quali ties, the average duties on fifteen classes are between 117 and 60 per cent; on six sorts, between 40 and 60; one only is as low as 30 per cent. On carpetings, the per centage ranges thus: 102-76-89—60—46—-35—31 40. On the cheapest kinds, the highest per cent.; Wilton and rugs being 31 and 40 per cent. On cotton and worsted manufactures, the per cent is from 70 to 105. For the most part, it is above 60 per cent.—only three kinds tailing below 50 per cent. On hemp manufactures, the per cent age ranges, according to the kind, from 115 to 40 per cent; on cotlon bagging it is 70 per cent; on bale-rope, 115. On flannels and baizes, the per cent age is graduated from 130 to 40 per cent. For the most part, it exceeds 50 per cent. No one can doubt, on a glance at the two columns of the Evening Post filled with these tabular statements, that, for all the necessaries of life taxed by the tariff of the Clay Congress, the peojde pay two prices—the cost of the manu facture —the other resulting from the impost. , From the Alabama Tribune. The pre-eminent popularity of Mr. Van Buren in Ohio has been claimed by the friends of that gentleman, because more than two-thirds of the counties in that State recently expressed a preference for him. The deduction is a non sequi ler. Mr. Van Buren may be able to car ry a majority of his old party friends, but will that elect him? He must do more —he must carry all those friends and make a good many besides (some 145,- 000) or he’s a lost man, and his party is lost with him. In relation to Ohio, we have some facts which show how fallaci ous is this party caucus mode of estimat ing popularity. Or. the 26th ultimo, a States meeting ofthe friends of Cass was held in Columbus the capitol of Ohio.— From the report of a speech delivered by Governor Shannon, we extract the fol lowing : “ Great doubt, he said, must rest upon the severest efforts to re-elect Martin Van Buren. He showed the indications to be adverse to the latter gentleman in Ohio, and claimed, that with the influ ence of the name and character of Cass, we could secure the ascenoancy of the democratic principles in our State for years to come—with any other candidate, we risked the defeat of our principles, and the motto of every good democrat should be ‘principles not men.’ ” Mr. Spalding, another gentleman of great popularity and influence, spoke.— VVe extract the follewing : “ Mr. S. claimed to have been the firm and uncompromising supporter of Mar tin Van Buren in the campaigns of ’36 and ’4O, and knowing and appreciating all the difficulties and embarrassments and surrounded a contest under his ban ner, gave it as his decided opinion that Ohio could not be saved to the democra cy of the Union in ’44, unless anew leader should be selected.” In Pennsylvania,he said, our prospects were even worse, and as evidence of this truth, read to the assembled multitude the following extracts of a letter recently received from Harrisburg: “ We would have cheerfully acquies ced in the nomination of Mr. Van Buren and even have been reconciled to the loss ofourGovernor, U. S. Senator, Congress man, ( 'anal Commissioner, and Legisla ture, if the States that are so anxious to see him nominated could elect him with out our aid. But this thej cannot do, and speak of Pennsylvania as the ‘battle 'ground.’ A great battle ground, truly, when nearly every man out of the coun ty bf Philadelphia, that is to fight on our side, exclaims “ All’s lost !” and this too, long before the contest.” “Our most intelligent politicians in the interior of the State, say that the party will not rally for Mr. Van Buren at all.” A letter was also read from G. W. Manypenny, an influential Democrat, especially invited to •be present. He says, “Admit what many doubt—admit that Mr. Van Buren can beat Mr. Clay in the Union, can he carry Ohio? In the best light I can view this Question, I look upon it as doubtful. Mr. Van Bu ren never has earned Ohio ; and I think he connot enter the contest of ’44, in this State, better than he uid in ’36; and we all remember how it terminated.” These gentlemen were all influential supporters of Mr. Van Buren in 1840. Those things show that a man may be popular with a Majority of his party, without having any other sort of popu larity. Specific Duties. We stated in our paper day before yes terday, some of our objections to specific duties. There were. 1, That they concealed the amount of taxes from the people. 2, That they did not accommo date the rate of taxation, as ad valorem duties do, to the varying prices of com modities. We add now another objec tion : that they are the most unequal method possible of levying taxes. We have before us duties paid on an importation of wood-screws and butt-lun ges. A specific duty is laid on both; and the duties vary, from the quality and prices of the article, from seven to one hundred and twenty per cent. A specific duty is laid upon wines. Is it not manifest that its rate will vary enor mously with the quality of the wine ? As the wine is costly, the duty will be low; as it is cheap, it will lie high.— Twenty cents a gallon oil cheap wine, costing forty cents, will be fifty per cent., on wine costing $2, will be but ten per cent. And so also with cloths, it the duty is specific: the lower the price of the eloths, the higher will be the rate of duty. We have not gone into all class es of articles, but we doubt not specific duties have been the main instrument by which the poor have been first oppressed by unequal and onerous taxation, nnd then kept ignorant of the amount they paid. Instead of discrimination being made in favor of the poor, they have all, by our tariffs been made in favor of the rich. Those who could not afford to pay, are forced to pay enormously ; and those who abounded in means, are ex empted from taxation. We do not be lieve that the history of theworld affords the parallel of the injustice and inequali ty which has characterized, for the last twenty-five years, the tariffs of the Uni ted States. A Government of the people lias been administered as if it belonged to the most heartless aristocracy that ever ' spurned them, and trampled on their rights. The vilest and most unprinci pled despot could have no motive in wringing from the |>oor and helpless their narrow and hard-earned means; arid leaving the wealthy and the strong to enjoy their rich and bloated prosperity. He would seize from those who possess ed abundant means, and would look for the support of his throne to those whose poverty might at once make them the recipients of his bounty, and dependants for protection against the oppression of a proud aristocracy. It has been reserved for that nation which boasts itself to be the most enlightened and free .in the world, to have the most anti-republican, unjust, and oppressive system of taxation which has ever disgraced it.— Washing ton Spectator. GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. ' ' -■ -» * The subjoined interesting correspon dence we take from a late number of the Huntsville Democrat. Mexico, Sept. 24,1542. My Dear Sir. —l have the happiness to inform you that Mr. Jolm Bradley, in whose behalf you interested yourself, has been released from imprisonment. I had made repeated efforts before in his behalf, backed by many of the most dis tinguished names in the United States, but without success. But your letter to me, which I communicated to President Santa Anna, immediately produced the desired efffcct, as you will see from his letter, a translation of which i send you. I rejoice at this on poor Bradiey’saccount and not less as it evinces a just apprecia tion of your name and character in for eign lands, which I am very sure will increase with time—when party and po litical ] rejudices are forgotten. Your position, General, is indeed a proud one. The mention of your name in a for'n land causes a thrill o’pride in every American heart, and has power like the command ofthe apostles to cause the chains to drop from the limbs of your countrymen.— Long may you live to enjoy your well earned fame. Santa Anna is a man of talents and many noble qualities. You must not judge him with reference to the state of things in our own happy country. He has a very different people to govern and I think he is not only a patriot, but that he understands his countrymen and their true interests. A government like ours would literally be no government for Mexico. You do not use a tight rein on your horse, because he is gentle and well broke. Butitisno reason why 1 should me a similar one upon mine, which is wild and untractable. Receive my dear sir, the assurance ofthe high re spect and sincere esteem of Your oh't serv’t. WADDY THOMPSON. Gen. A. Jackson. Private Sec’ry’s Office ofthe President ] the Republic, ! National Palace of Tacubaya Septem- j ber 21st, 1843, To His Excellency Mr. Waddy Thompson , Envoy Extraordi nary and Minister Pleni potentiary of the Uni ted States. Most esteemed Sir, I have received’your polite favor of the 13th inst., and with it those of General Andrew Jackson, and Governor David Campbell, who interest themselves for the liberty of John Bradley, a prisoner in the Fortres of Perote. The mediation of the Honorable General Jackson, for he is highly respectable, as much so for his being one of the most distinguished men of the United States, as for the special favors which he bestowed on me in 1836, when I returned from my cap tivity in Texas. This interposition has induced me to grant the order of the lib erty of Bradley, which I enclose to you, that you may be pleased to give it the necessary direction, and also to manifest to Gen. Jackson, that I shall always be happy to be honored with his orders, in as much as they can never give me any molestation, what ever may be the sub ject to which they relate, —but on the contrary will give me great pleasure, liecause it is always pleasing to corre spond with persons who, like him, enjoy a fame so highly conspicuous. I avail myself of the occasion to renew the high regard of your devoted servant, Who kisses vour hands, (Signed) A. L. LIE STA. ANNA. Floating Alarm Whistle to give Mariners notice on Shoals and Recks. —Among l Mr. Hobbs’ numerous inven tions for the preservation of life and property at sea, is a floating alarm whis tle, of such power as to be heard a dis tance of many miles. It is somewhat similar to a large barrel organ, with a downward projection in the centre, and moored with a check chain to the bottom of the sea, to prevent a heavy sea from upsetting it. The repeated motion of the waves gives a continual seesaw motion, and there is an arrangement of valves, by which, at every depression the water could he carried through the bottom from the centre to the end of the shaft driving out the air which had entered at its previous rising, up a chimney. The whistle is composed of nine powerful tongues on the accordion principle, and there is an arrangement by which nine more powerful tongues act, but only in very rough weather, thus increasing the sound, during the further raging of the storm. A sounding beacon is also among his valuable inventions, for fixing on rocks, and which, always turning its mouth to the wind, in a small current, makes a powerful noise. Treatment «>t the I sane. M iss l)ix, the philanthropist, states that among the hundreds of crazy people, with whom her sacred mission has brought her into companionship, she has not found one individual, however fierce nnd turbulent, that could not be calmed by Scripture nnd prayer, uttered in low and gentle tones. The power of reli gious sentiments over these shattered souls seems perfectly miraculous. The worship of a quiet, loving heart affects them like a voice from Heaven. Tear ing and rending, yelling and stamping, singing and groaning, gradually subside into silence, and they fall on their knees or gaze upward with clasped hands, as if they sow through the opening darkness a golden gleam from their Father’s Throne of Love. G’eat Battles between the Russians and the- Circassians. St. PETERSBURG!!, Nov. 10 Private accounts give information re specting some sanguinary actions which have lately taken place between our troops and the Avarians, a tribe of the Circassian mountaineers, which is mak ing attacks on the left of our line of ope rations. Avaria is not far from the west coast of the Caspian Sea, and forms the northern corner of Lesghistan. The Commissioners, Dittel and Beresin, both belonging to the University of Kasan, and at present on mission, at the expense ofthe Government, which will compre hend a tour through European Turkey, Asia Minor, Persia, Syria and Egypt,’ have lately supplied us with a chart of Avaria a Trans-Caucassian district hitherto entirely unknown. The Avari ans and Lesghis are the most cruel and rapacious of the mountaineers. During the rainy season they made a most vio lent attack on a large village which holds relations of peace with us. Colonel Wesciowsky hastened with his detach ment to the protection of the people. H e found, however, an immensely superior numbers of opponents, whom Schamil the present leader of the mountaineers’ who has distinguished himself by un common spirits nnd courage, personally commanded. The force of the enemy was estimated at from 8,000 to 10,Out) men. Wesciowsky, notwithstanding lie and his small party fought with the va lor peculiar only to Russians, found him self obliged to give way to the opposing ferce. The loss on his side is said to have been 1,000 in killed nnd prisoners. Among the names mentioned in the lat ter is that of Lieutenant Aliasa, the soil of one of our richest spirit merchants,— Colonel Wesciowsky is supposed to have either been killed or taken prisoner, as no further accounts have yet been receiv ed here respecting him. * The Empire of Russia. The Emperor Nicholas of Russia, dur ing his meteor-like flights from one part of his empire to another, sometimes tra vels by roads made on purpose lor him. In most of the remote districts, the offi cials “set their houses in order,” and prepare for the imperial inspection.— Roads are hastily repaired, bridges im perfectly mended, and all the labor re quired for these extrordinary exerfions being forced, the hardshipsand sufferings of the peasantry are extreme, while ev erything being done in a hurry, is con sequently done imperfectly. As soon as the Imperial eye is withdrawn, every thing fails hack into its old course, and so remains until another Roynl visit, at some indefinite time, may stir up the sur face ofthe corrupt and stagnant waters. A Cl rious Example. The Baltimore Clipper states that a widow woman with three small children, having rented a cellar from “a man in form but not in heart,” and having been rendered, by disposition, incapable of do ing her usual work (washing) for some time, fell in arrears for rent about six dol lars. Her few articles of furniture were seized nnd sold by her landlord in Lex ington market, where she attended with her little offspring. The butchers in the market having been made acquainted with the transaction, with a feelingof liberality that reflect oil them the highest honor, immediately subscribed between thirty and forty dollars, which they gave to the poor widow, together with her furniture, which they purchased for her, and as much meat ns she could carry home. It affords us much pleasure to record such instances of disinterested benevolence, as they tend to exalt the human character. The heartless land lord retreated from the scene, amidst the execrations of the spectators. The hus band of the poor woman was killed son* time ago on the Philadelphia Ruit Road. Afore Iron Steamers — lt is stated that two iron steamers, 100 feet long, with Erricsoa propellers, and to carry 1500 barrels each, are building at Wilmington for the trade between Philadelphia and the North and East. They are m a< ie water tight and fire proof, and are to be good sea boats, so as to take the outer passage if necessary. Saved by a Dog. —A Mr. Alfred Ran dall was proceeding from Roxbitry to South Boston, on Saturday, on the ice, when it gave way in the channel, anu he fell in. His dog immediately sprang to his assistance, seized the cape of h' s cloak, and, by great exertions, rescued him from a watery grave. Would a matt have done it ? Great Power of Imagination. A late English paper states that a young woman, named Winfield, who had been on a visit to Derby, returnc home to Rndbourne, taking a little do? with her in a string: and, on arriving there, she informed her friends that she had seen a gipsy woman on the ron > who told her that if she led the dog: the string into the house, she would a corpse within twelvehoufs. Singudf to relate, the young woman died ou . t following morning! It is supposed | a she died from the effect of imagina llo > aided by a debilitated constitution'