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We hope they may never stand ia need of our assistance ; but if they ever should they shall find that the wh'gs have not forgotten the proceedings of Friday nig) it.” Finn t! e Worcester Pa’ladium. Wight mid Right, tVca th autl Poverty. First Scene : The Western States of the American Union are, at this moment, literally one great granary of Agricultu ral products, for which there is no outlet, liecause there is no demand. The sur plus produce is said to be enormous; pri ces low ; money scarce ; and conse quently trade and industry are greatly uepressed in the midst of abundant plen ty. The farmer’s purchases of such com forts or necessaries of life as he does not produce, must be in proportion to the sales of his products ; and if there is no demand for them, of course he can not sell, and as a consequence he is preclu ded from buying. That this state of facts in the West, is beyond dispute.— The Auditor of the State of Ohio, in a re cent report, stated that less business had been done upon the canals this year than is usually done, because the home mar ket is glutted with the products of agri culture, which will not pay the expense •of transporting them to other markets.— It is thus apparent that there maybe, and is, distress even in the midst of plenty ; for where the crops are not saleable, the community must suffer from the inabili ty to realise the benefit of an exchange of commodities. Is there no remedy for the evil ? Second Scene : The island of Great Britain is one great pauper establishment. It is replete with misery’, suffering, and woe. Millions of Its overstocked popu lation are clothed in rags and live upon the scantiest and poorest fare, eating no thing but potatoes and salt, with a few •other cheap vegetables, and consequently sunk in vice and degradation. On the one hand is an abundance of plenty; on the other starvation from the absence of those necessaries that sustain life. Must these things be so ? Is there no way by which the hunger of the one party can he fed from the plenty of the other? Must the poor operative or la borer in England starve for want of food, while the farmer of Ohio, or of Michi gan, has a granary filled with an enor mous excess of produce, for which he has no market ? Why can not the far mer of America and the operatives of England meet on common ground, and promote each other’s happiness by a mu tual exchange of commodities? The reason is obvious. The power of might comes in to supprass the operation of the great law of right. Thi it u Scene : Between the starving community on the one side, and the over flowing granaries on the other, two pow erful classes intervene—identical in char acter and in purpose—the advocates of monopoly—the landed aristocracy of England, and the party of monopolies and privileges in America. The one in sists that the might of law shall come in to confine the Agricultural products of America to a home market; and that market cannot buy and consume all that is produced. The other wields also the might of law to restrain the starving millions around them from buying or eating any thing but what they produce; and they cannot produce enough to sup ply the demand. Why should this be so ? Why should Tight be crushed by might? Why should wealth revel in the stinging pangs of poverty? Why should government lend its all powerful aid to the purposes of oppression ? Why should it not let industry alone to seek its reward where host it can find it? It does not do so.— But it comes in and says to one class keep instore your surplus produce; to the other—live contentedly upon your pittance, nor ask for more. If govern ments would let justice have its own op eration, the producer and the consumer would soon meet on common ground, exchange their commodities, and supply their respective wants. This they would do, did not might triumph over right, and wealth over poverty. “ Better (said a bold writer) that God in his province had covered England all over with flag-stones, than that the corn laws had ever been suffered to curse the land!” British industry could then have exchanged the products of its toil for bread. But the monopolists of the empire have the might in their hands, and they compel a half starved popula tion to buy their corn in limited supplies, and of course at exorbitant profits to themselves. A similar class in America, but not landholders, avail themselves of the pow er of government to give them a monop oly that cuts off the great agricultural classes of the country from the ample markets the world affords ; consequently ample stores of corn lie piled up in the granaries of the West, which cannot be sold, because they who are in need of it can not buy. Such is the power of might over right of wealth over poverty —of money over men. The universal prevalence of the democratic principle, which regards silt men as equal in civil society, can alone remove the mountain of abuses that have grown up under the predomi nance of opposing principles. • NEW YORK, Fed. 2. Defalcation of Ur, Ki*9am This is a sad evidence of the exceeding bitterness of an unfaithful course. Mr. Kissam has been third Teller of the Merchants’ Bank for thirteen years, re ceiving tho payment ol notes and bills, so that a vast amount of money was con stantly passing thro'his hands. Ilis de meanor was such as to make a very fav orable impression in regard to his charac ter. For some mouths past he has been sinking in health, and has remained at his post with an interesting appearance of sadness, though evidently more titled for the confinement of a sick chamber. He at length became so ill as to bo quite unable to go to the Bank, and for a few days remained at borne. But on the 2lst January, he determined to make the attempt, though his physician told him he would not probable line to get there. He however found himself too feeble to proceed, and then disclosed to the Doctor, and afterwards to the Cashier of tlic Bank, the crime which had done so much to break down bis health and spirits. He has a family, consisting of a wife and nine children. The money abstracted seems to have been taken du ring a series of years, to make up the ex penses of his family. It was hidden from the scrutiny of the superior officers upon the balance sheet which was taken every month, by omitting to enter for the last day of the month, so much of the rneney received as would balance the defalcation, leaving over the entry until the next day. For instance, if he receiv ed payments on the last day of the mouth to the amount of four hundred thousand dollars, he only entered three hundred and eighty thousand, so that his accounts appeared right, and the items of the twenty thousand were put upon the books the next day. This painful opera tion has been performed monthly for years ; and such was his dread of detec tion, that he made the desperate effort which we have mentioned, to come to the Bank on the last day of January.— Ilow much better it would have been to cat potatoes and salt all his days, and to bring up his children on the same fare. No external comfort can ever compensate for the inward anguish of a guilty con science.—Jour. Corn. (>'e nrrn! Jackson. We find the following painfully in teresting letter from the Hermitage, in the New York Plebeian of Saturday. It shows that its venerable inhabitant is fast declining, and gives reason to fear, that he will soon live only in history, and in the memory of his grateful coun trymen : Hermitage, Jan. II 1814, To L. D. iSlamm, Editor of the Ple beian ! Dear Sir: I regret extremely to find, on my arrival at the Hermitage, the health of the venerable ex-President, An drew Jackson, in such a precarious state. He is very feeble ; appetite poor ; cough distressing; attended with severe parox ysms, on account of the pain in his side. At times, he suffers from a degree of tightness about the chest, attended with much difficulty of respiration ; at other times, a more free expectoration greatly relieves him. He thinks one of his lungs is nearly gone ; his eye-sight has has failed him very much ; can converse hut a little at a time, even when the most comfortable; has had several hae morrhages of the lungs, and is frequently oblgcd to resort to bleeding and cupping, to prevent its return. He has been grad ually failing for the last year, but more rapidly for the last seven months. He is able to exercise very little this Winter, but has never failed attending Church, when it was possible to be conveyed with help The Legislature of Tennessee, in ses sion at Nashville, adjourned on the glo rious eighth of January.—Many of the members, the military, the citizens of Nashville and the surrounding country called upon the old soldier and patriot to pay their respects. The house was open during the day—the table bounteously loaded—refreshments in abundance l»oth to eat and drink. The doors of his room were open during the day, and as the people cam* in at one door and passed out at the other, he shook hands and spoke to every person. It was evident he was fatigued and failing, and it was thought prudent to close the door?; but the General said “No; let the people come in ; they are my friends; 1 may not live to see another Bth of January.’, He was evidently much excited at the firingof the cannon and the appearance of the military; hut after the day was spent his strength failed ; nature gave way and he sank down, and for several days strong fears were entertained that he would not survive;; but through kind Providence he has for the last few days been rather improving, converses but lit tle ; his spirits far above his power to sup port. His communications are still very nu merous. He will open a few letters, read a short time and rest; lie cannot at pres ent answer them. He thanked me in the most affectionate manner for my visit to the Hermitage at this inclement season of the year; and said, “Sir, should you live to return home—and 1 earnestly pray God to preserve yon—l desire you to communicate to my Democratic follow citizens and friends of the great city and State of New York, that I thank them again for their very kind regard for me, not only at this time, but for the kind ness 1 have at all times received from them—that tny lamp of life is nearly out—it is burnt down into the socket and nearly exausted—it will sometimes flare up a little, and again fade away still more faint; but the last glimmer must soon come. I have endeavored through life to do justice ; I have ever trusted in God, and he has never for saken me in any hour of danger and dis tress ; and when it is his will to call for me, I am willing to go ; and the hour must soon come. Say, sir, to my kind friends I would write them if 1 could, but 1 cannot, and I must authorize you, sir, in my name to express my feelings fully to them. I should feel, if possible, still more grateful to kind Providence if I could be spared to see my country once more settled down upon its tirm i)cmo crdtic basis. That the rights of our la boring classes should Lie respected and protected ; they arc the most important part of the people ; that fmvt which sup ports the power and wealth of the nation —and the part which will de end our country when invaded.” During all his sufferings, he has nev er been heard to utter a express a complaint—is calm and resigned to the .will of the Redeemer. Such, Sir, is the situation of the Soldier, the States men, the Patriot and Shristian—Major General Andrew Jackson, Ex-President of the United States of America. The General was aged seventy-six years the fifteenth day of March last. lam not capable, Sir, of expressing to you the kindness I have received at this hospita ble mansion, the Hermitage, during the lew days I have remained, not only from the Christian patriot himself, but from all that truly amiable and pious family. I was not received is a stranger or visitor, but as a near friend and relation ; 1 Was made to feel at home, free and happy, without ceremony. With great respect, I remain, dear Sir, your obedient servant, W. T. POUTSOAi. t'rom the tier an nah Georpitm. Mr. Editor— lt is important that the great issues involved in the Presidential election should be kept before the coun try. I cannot but think, if the great ques tions which divide parties were placed frequently and distinctly before the peo ple, they would think Less of men, and more of principles. Mr. Kennedy, re cently nominated by the Whigs of Balti more, with a candor not often found among the members of his party, has cleaily laid down these principles in his address to the Whigs of Baltimore. Will you please insert the following extract from that address: “ It is amongst the most notable things of the present day, that the measures, ev ery where understood to be indicated by ihe Whig policy, are daily growing into greater importance and significance in the political contests of the country.— Every one perceives that, in defiance of all stratagem to resist it, political parties •ire separating upon broad and obvious distinclions, and the people are compell ed to r;uige themselves on one side or the other of the dividing line of principles. The days of non-committalism are, for the most part, gone by. We are no lon ger likely to lie duped by that common art of the demagogue which takes a mid way position between measures of uncer tain popularity, and advocates one one or the other according to tho emergency of varying public opinion. The Whigs have arrayed themselves on a series of measures, regarding which there can be neither equivocation nor misunderstanding. Their adversaries are reluctantly driv en into compact array against these mea su res. I will enumerate some of these: We go, and rectly and plainly up to the mark, for a Protective Tariff. Our opponents, with more or less wa vering and qualification, are obliged to go, as a party, for Free Trade. We go for useful internal improve ments by the General Government, and maintain, if the Government hud done its duty in that matter , we should have had none of this enormous State debt. Our opponents profess to be strict Con st mctionists r and many of them deny that the General Government has any constitutional power to make a road, ciear the obstructions of a river, or subscribe its money in aid of any public work; that, consequently, it can have nothing to do with internal Improvements. We insist upon our right as one of the States, to the distribution of the pro ceeds of the Public Ponds, and claim these proceeds as a relief to our people against the excessive State Taxation un der which we suffer. Our opponents, on their side, deny our right to the proceeds; affirm that the General Government wants the revenue more than we do, and have advocated and still continue to advocute the policy of giving away this immense domain to the States in which it lies—giving it Rwnv either by direct grants as General Jackson proposed, or by graduation bills intended ultimately to bring down the price to a few cents per acre. We go for the regulation of the Cur rency through the agency and control of a National Central Banking Power, which we hold to be essential to the sale, prompt and economical collection and disbursement of the revenue, as necessa ry to repress the tendency to excessive banking in the several States, and to re lieve the People, from the frequent evils of too much paper mouoy. Our opponents deny the constitutional power to establish a Bank ; they go for the Sub-Treasury ; have advocated and issued an irredeemable Government pa per in the shape of Treasury notes ; and along with this, singularly enough, main tain that hard money is the only curren cy authorized by the Constitution. These are some of the leading points which distinguish the two parties at this tune. The Whigs invite the country to a calm and intelligent review of these mea sures and principles, and to pass their judgment upon them. They invite those who approve of the Whig views to coino into the Whig ranks.” In Baltimore we find the right spirit at work; though we regret to team that our candidate, Mr. Kennedy is too un well to take the stump to which he was invited by his gentlemanly opponent, Mr. Grand. He has, however, issued an able address to the voters, which he has requested his opponent to cause to be read at the meeting called by him; and this he has promised to do. The conclu ding paragraphs of the letter of Mr. K., stating his inability to attend this meet ing, are so much to the point, and have such general application, that we copy them. “ You will find me (says Mr. K.) avowing my opinions very clearly and explicitly on the following poults* JJJ 1. In favor of a decided Protective Tariff ; advocating Protection—when necessary to any interest of home, here in the United States-— for (he sake of Protection-, and, as an illustration of this, that I am altogether friendly to the Tariff of 1842, which l would, by uo iti’ .in-, vote to repeal. ' 2. in favor of the Distribirifoh of the proceeds of the Public Lands, both on the scfKf of Policy and of Right. 3. In flavor of a well constructed Na tional Bank,—believing it possible—as I do believe —to construct one capable of rendering great good to the country, nnd, at the s*arne time but little liable to abuse. 4. Opposed to the Independent Treas ury, as altogether insufficient for the wants oftlie nation. These I conceive to be the chief ques tions in the present canvass. lam aware that, on all these points, you occupy a positron directly opposite to mine. lain content to submit the issue to the judg ment of the voters of Baltimore, on the arguments I have heretofore published, and on those which you may offer on the other side.” This is straight ahead, and we trust his opponent will meet these proposi tions squarely and plainly—indulging in no claptrap declamation or delusive abstrusities to blind and mislead the vo ters. If he can controvert those positions of Mr. K. by fair argument—if any per son can do so—we should like to see it done. If not, then let those principles prevail; not in Baltimore or Maryland alone, but throughout all the twenty-six members of the confederacy—for those principles would come, with healing oil their wings, to every interest of the peo ple.—Aug Chron. jj* Sentinel. F'orn the N Y. Evenin'* P st. The People who live liy the Custom Mouse. When we speak of “ tho people who live by the custom house,” we do not menu the clerks, inspectors, guagers, weighers, and other officers who merely take the appointed wages of their services, j If they live by the custom house, it is in a lower and humbler phrase. They who live by the custom house, in the higher significati >n, are men who get custom house regulations passed to make them rich—meu who instruct the w isdom of Congress what duties are pro per to be iaid on imported goods, and derive, from the judicious laying of these duties, magnificent fortunes, a luxurious and splendid living, in which the salaries of clerk and inspector are absolute po verty. Nor is it merely the manufacturer who lives by the custom house. Merchants who have a stock of goods to sell, are sometimes ardently patriotic and benevo lently officious, whenever there is an op portunity to amend the tariff. There are cases in which persops of this class, by showing a timely zeal for the interests of domestic industry, or for the public revenue, have made a very pretty sav ing. For example, we snppose it is well known to most people that pimento or allspice, which is altogether the most common kind of spice nsed in this coun try, pays a heavy duty under the new' tariff. Under the old tariff it was admit ted free of duty. The house-holder, therefore, who buys, at an advanced price, a supply of pimento to flavor pud dings nnd mineepies, supposes that lie contributes something to the public trea sury. He is mistaken ; he is only pay ing his money to one of tho gentlemen who get their living bythe custom bouse YVewill explain bow* this has happened. We will suppose that while pimento was free of duty, a persou in this city of large means, well known in Wall street, and accustomed to extensive commercial speculations, made large purchases of pimento, and filled a warehouse with it We will suppose that, in consequence o. a decline in the juice, at a time when the prices of all commodities in this country coffered a decline, ‘his eminent commercial speculator discovered that he couluonly sell at a loss. When the new tariff was under discussion, it w*as na tural for him, therefore, to feel a lively interest in the protection of domestic in dustry. Although pimento is only pro duced in the Island of Jamaica, it was natural that he should desire to see a heavy duty laid upon it, in order to pro tect the industry w*hich had accumulated so large a quantity in one warehouse.— In this he was quite as reasonable as the owner of any furnace or cotton mill. Congress listened to his wishes and put a duty of five cents a jxmnd ujion pimento, w hich, w*e are told, is about two hundred per cent upon the article— Since that time this eminent speculator has been selling out his great stock of pimento without loss. The duty was not laid for revenue, but for protection ; and, as is usual in such cases, the person for whose protection it was laid, takes the benefit of it, and nothing goes into the treasury. A similar experiment was tried with {x-pfier, nnd with equal success. Under our former tariffs jiejrper, which is a pro- j duction of torrid climates, and cannot be j produced in our country, Was admitted j free. It hajipencd, how ever, that a mer chant in South street had a large cargo of the commodity, w'hich he desired to sell at a high price, and did not exactly perceive how it was to be done, unless some law was passed for the jirotectiou of domestic industry. . Accordingly, Congress was persuaded in its wisdom to lay an enormous duty of five cents a pound upon black and white jwpper. The merchant’s cargo was protected by this lieneficeutlaw, and every man who shakes the jtfcpper box over a plate of meat or oysters, has the satisfaction of knowing that he is jmying his share of the tax to the jiatriotic mer chant in South street, who gets hisliving out of the custom house. tiYikCiiiCi JNJS jiiaSaijKf ifftra £\?P WW>NE>i)AY-, trkaUUA.LU.II nua *> ->*•—■■■— -U. ■.. - Our city and suburLuid subscri bers who send regularly to the Post-of fice, will confer a favor ou us by letting us know if it suits their convenience to have their pajsers left at that place. Suicnle, An inquest was held this morning up on the body of an Irishman, named Charles Devine. Cause of death sup posed to be intemjieranee and drinking Laudanum. The Calhoun Banner. The reader will perceive, the space formerly allotted at the licad of our col umns to that noble ensign, is now blank. We leave it as Alexander did sttcces sorship to his kingdom, to be filled with the name of f The most worthy' But the dye is cast; it is now apparent that in these days cunning and in trigue, are an overmatch for wisdom, jus tice, high-minded integrity and devoted patriotism. The shadow's of coming events are clear, well defined, thrown forward in bold relief, he that runs might •rend them, still the devoted South, folds her arms, shuts her eyes and slumbers on —treason lurks within her borders, or stalks abroad scowling defiance or grin ning contempt at her imbecility and w*il ful infatuation. In every free nation that has yet existed, this state of apathy, of moral and political stupor, lias been the prelude to destruction. But as that evil genius of what was once the hoarj Jesuit of Richmond used to say, ‘noqs verrous’ yes w*e shall see. Tho glorious gifts of genius, of great intellectual superiority*, (conferred on in dividuals, by the Supreme, for the wisest and most beneficent purposes) w*e cannot withhold our admiration : but if these qualities be unaccompanied by prudence and controlled by high moral principle, they should be a passport, neither to pri vate esteem or to public trust —such men have in all ages and nntionsgenerally* their destroyers. Athens line) a multi tude of such and but one Aristides, Rome in her decline many Cesars, and but one Cato, the United States*—but w*e for bear, apd will not now, continue the par allel, merely remarking, that recent events show that in this laud of the ‘ free and the brave’ and among a jreople of unequalled ‘Virtue nnd intelligence,’ a man may be to, honest to be popular, and may be ostracised here as Aristi des was, on that account, in the heart of-ancient Greece. T® the Democracy, or Constitutional Itrpublic ms of Hint) con My. Fellow-Citizens —No one who under stands and appreciates justly the inesti i amble blessings of free institution*, can look around without surprise and appre hension on the apathy and lethargy that ! prevails respecting their preservation and the security of those rights and interests peculiar to the South, now more than r.t any previous period, formidably mena ced. Every one that reflects at all, feels ; there is danger approaching and yet they | fold their arms, close their eyes and re ; fuse to see it—their minds,like the eye ga zing listlessly into vacancy perceive noth ingcistiuctly and they slumber on—they j might hear the clank of the chains their | enemies are forging for them, whetting of the shears witli which their strength lock is to be shorn from, but they will not listen. Does such a state of unmanly supineness become the Democrats of Bibb, of Georgia—of the South, while the shouts of the spoil hunters and the emissaries and stipendiaries of the fac tories and abolitionists, are ringing in our ears ? Democrats of Bibb, every republican who lias soul enough rise from the deg radation of the hood winked purtiznn.tothe moral grandeur of a Patriot—to all such we say —awake, he men, be what you once were, rouse your manhood to the bent of the crisis—the hour of salvation lias not yet expired, though rapidly pass ing away—forward then and save the Union—save the Constitution, the insti utious of your country —they were be queathed to you as a sacred trust to be transmitted unimpaired to your posterity —if the constitution perish or be mutila ted through your neglect, the pen of his tory will blazon the infamy and the ana thema of mankind rest on the Libertiei des,who permitted, without a death strug gle, the ruin to fall upon their country. One mode is yet left to secure Liberty, the Constitution and the Union—and but one—the formation of Democratic or Constitutional Republican Associations in every county in the State, in g oot j faith and deep sincerity*, the detmltf of such associations can easily be adjusted Not a moment should be lost in accom plishing this great purpose. Forward then, eyery true' American heart to tfi e rescue. You are invoked by every w _ cred motive to convene at the Court-house in this city ou Thursday w*eek, 22d inst the anniversary of the birth dnvof Wash ington the father and deliverer of his] country—of Washington ,the, gpjatest and the best. Let them come, With the Whiggery of Washington, Jefferson aad Mpdispn and of |Ue revolutionary fatlyer*, warm in their bosom and show the world how different it is to the wlriggery of Clay, Webster, the greedy Tariff men I and their partisans and emissaries. Things that lead to bewilder, and dazzle to blind. Many of the errors and not a low of the discomforts and disasters and calami ties which afflict nations, communities families and individuals, may fairly be trreed to ihe habit indulged, probably, by a vast majority of mankind, of adopting and allow ing them the authority of ruld of lffe, and decisions of judgment, opinl ions and conclusions, without carefully examining whether they be founded on fact or reasoning, or what be the effects of their practical application. The disasters brought upon our race, bythe hasty unreasoning adoption of no tions and prejudices, or the impulses of excited crowds and individuals is incal culable. The infatuation of the Jews previous to the destruction of their city nnd nation hv the Romans—the tremen dous tragedy of the French Revolution, for the progress of which, hell seeinsio have furnished a succession of incarnate demons as the pefformei-S—the convul sive, struggle of Clay Federalism, the money power, to wrest the government from the people and exercise it solely for tlreir own aggrandizement and the reaction oLthe to,insignificance, vassalage and beggary as exemplified in the Harrison canvass of Forty, and the succeeding called congress, may be cited as appalling*but indubitable instances. Mil elf m the rnfechfef arising from the iuadvertencies, the, aversion to thought and reasoning above specified, proceeds from the homage and influence concedixl to the possessor (real or reputed) of geiii-j us, talents of a high orde*, especially] those of the orator, or public speakers regardless 6f the purposes for which these noble endowments may 1# exerci] sed, or the ovils that may ensue fronj their misapplication. the serious attention of our readers to, Mr., Kennedy’s address to tho wings of Baltimore. It is in the genuinq 1 Clay style, a tissue of imposing asser tions, distorted follaeious indne j tions—we however ad tip re the boldness | of the man. who could utter sncli an ad dress to a Southern audience. The doc- I ument is fully ,endorsed bv the Augusta Chronicle & tho' confidential j organ, as we are informed, of his Excel lency. the present Executive of Gn. Ti\e cloyyii foot is at length protruded, the banner of the Olay whtgs un furled—its blazon a U. States bank—-un limited pi otect ion to manufactures—dis tribution of the land revenue among the | States—assumption of two hundred mil lion of State debts by the general govern ment and Internal Improvement ad libi | turn by Congress—the fold.bearingdcatli to the veto, is concealed. The wing edi tors and leaders are called upon by tlw people of Georgia, to. spy \yhether they endorse the drafts drawn upon them by Messrs. Kennedy & Jones and if not how many items'they honor; how ma ny repudiate. Let them show theii hands. ITSishinston Irvins. Every reperusal of that gentleman! lighter writings, the Sketch book, Tales of a Traveller. Bracehridge Hall, &c.& c new attractions and afford; fresh pleasure, as if ‘appetite grew will what it fed upon.’ To the graces of Addison they unit* the touching pathos, the flowing hilarity' and frequently the sly, racy humour ol Sterne. In truth Washington Irvingi viewed both as a man, and an author pre sents a dilemma to those favored with hu acquaintance—it is difficult to deterring whether he should be most admired for his genius, or loved for the virtues and qualities of his heart. No unvitiated mind can rise from tb‘ perusal of Irving’s writings without 100 ing the worthier impulses of man’s na ture renovated. Small Fox, Communicated by Notes. —Mr. Duble, Teller of the Clin ton Bank, Columbus, Ohio, recenflydi' 1 of small pox : the infection having beej 1 communicated by the Bank Notes wh R 1 lie was compelled to handle in hisoffio 1 "- capacity. So says an exchange paper.