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which it may he expected to exert on the councils and action of the whole par ty, throughout the Union, we feel au thorized to expect, if not require, that whatever of action inconsistent therewith may have, on several occasions in State and Federal bodies, casually crept into the course of a portion of our Northern friends shall hereafter be fully rectified and redeemed—and that whatever can didate may hope to be honored with the suffrages of the Republican party of Vir ginia, shall, in principle and conduct, ex hibit concurrence of thought and feeling. Upon these anticipations, and with the full understanding that our solemn convictions on the important principles involved in the organization of the pro posed National Convention, though their assertion has been temporarily waived, have neither been compromised nor a handoned, we feel justified in appealing to you, brethren of the Republican faith, who have shared our peculiar predilec tions, hopes and apprehensions to yield to the considerations ofduty to our party and our country which have govered us, and to unite cordially and firmly with us in the course indicated for the main tenance and establishment of our com mon principles. It is true, that, for the present, we fore go the high gratification of rendering the imperfect tribute of our suffrages to that distinguished Statesman, JOHN C. CALHOUN, whose pre-eminent abili ties, profound political sagacity, and en larged experience have extended the wis, •dotn and illustrated the annals of his age ; and the surpassing purity of whose lite and character has exemplified in happy union the genius which exalts to Fame with the generous affections and genial sympathies which subdue the soul to virluc. Hut to this, his owu magnan imous spirit has consented, and the ne cessities of an evil time, and of special circumstances have constrained Nor even in this are we unmindful of him whom it is our proud distinction to have admired and appreciated, since from the merit of the generous sacrifice we have made, in a spirit of magnanimity kind red to h»3 own, we may hope will result throughout the Republican party a loft ier conception of the elevation of his character and the purity of his principles, and a juster award in future of honor to tits pre-eminent claims. We can also know and feci that whatever the sacrifice •of personal predilection, we shall, in the coming contest, be battling manfully for the preservation of those great principles of States Rights, Republican Liberty, and Southern interests, in the deep devo tion to which, wc recognise the affinities that most strongly bina him to our affec tions. Our conciousncss, too, will be strong and consoling, that to our party and our country wc are discharging a high and solemn duty. The spectres of those monsters of par tial and unconstitutional legislation, which, engendered from the foul em braces of monopolizing and corrupting interest, enjoyed a brief existence during the period of Whig domination in 1810, have not yet wholly disappeared from the Halls of Congress, nor vanished from the eyes of the nation. They await but the vivifying breath of a Wbig majority to be reanimated into a yet more fright ful existence, and with its encourage ment, to fasten like harpies on the best interests of the nation, a National Rank to buy up the monied interests of the country, and to control for the further ance of avarice or power the property and labor of all—a Tariff to build up and sustain, at the expense of gross op pression and exactions on all, but espe cially us of the .South, grand mnnufac- turin monopolies, on which the Govern fnent may rest the maintennee of its own abuses, and the perpetuation of its as sumed powers—a Gigantic Scheme to make the sovereign States stipendiaries of Federal bounty, and with funds ab stracted from the public revenues to bribe them to their own betrayal and abase ment ; and, finally, a daring design to cast down with rutlilcss hands the most valuable conservative barrier of the Con stitution that on its ruins my be reared that Moloch of party, the ungarded will of a mere numerical majority. These, fellow Republicans of the States Rights School, are the measures and designs, affiliated in nature and banded in unlioly alliance to subvert the liberties and out rage the constitutional rights of the peo ple and the States, against which you are invoked to strive and war. To them, each and all, upon full deep and inti mate conviction yon and we are, and ever will be utterly hostile. Aid them we know you cannot —duty, honor, prin ciple, all forbid. But to oppose them warmly, energetically in conceit with the entire party, arc you not likewise bound since passiveness may be com bined into submission, and your neutral ity may er.sitrc their triumph. The de cision is now with you and made in a noble spirit, wc admit not a doubt it will be worthy of you as Republicans—as Virginians—as consistent admirers of the greatest living champion of the Consti tution and the rights of the States. Lewis E- Harvie, of Amelia, Ch'n, R. M. T. Hunter, of Essex, Jas. A. Seddon, of Richmond, Wm. O. Goode, of Mecklenburg, Washington G reen how, Robt. G; Scott, of Richmond, Wm. F. Gordon, of Albemarle, Committee. Snm’l C. Anderson, of Pr. Edward. David McConias, of Wythe. Jno. R. Taylor, of Middlesex. J. L. Gordon, of Louisa. R. Herbert Tatum, of Chesterfield. J. S. Barbour, of Culpeper. ' -N. M. Taliaferro, of Franklin. Thos. T. Giles, of Richmond. Jno. B. Tod, of Caroline. Jns. H. Cox, of Chesterfield. Thos. S. Bocock, of Buckingham. Jno. B. Ail worth, of Accomac. Jno. Washington, of Caroline. Rich'd H. Coleman, of do Austin M. Trible, of Essex, M. R. H. Garnett, of do Jno. B. Young, of Henrico. W. H. Sims, of Halifax. Win. S. Fontaine, of King William. Eustace Conway, of Fredericksb’g. P. Carr, of Albemarle. Francis W. Scott, of Caroline. Geo. L. Nicolson, of Middlesex. Jno. P. Young, of Norfolk County. Charles Osborne, of Richmond. John S. Caskie, of do Anthony Thornton, of Caroiine. James Alfred Jones, of Petersburg. Chas. H. Edwards, of Mathews. Thos. M. Uhell, of Cumberland. John H. Walker, of Sussex. Win. Robertson, Jr., of Petersburg. Members of the Convention. POLITICAL. Oswichee Bend, Russell Cos. Ala. ) March 4th, 1844. \ My Dear Sir: On returning from Savannah to this place, I had the pleasure to receive your kind favor of the 26th ult., enclosing an invitation of the Muscogee Clay Club to he present at the reception of Mr. Clay, at Colnmbue, on the 11th. 1 very much regret that the necessity for n short, but urgent visit to Texas, will compel me to leave home, for New- Orleans, on the Bth instant. I shall therefore, have to deny myself the sincere gratification which there invitation so acceptably promises. You do me no more than justice in supposing that the very high estimate which I have long since formed of Mr. Calhoun’s eminent qualifications for the government of this country, should in no degree interfere with my cordial disposi tion to do honor to the distinguished in dividual who is about to visit you. It is true, that however much I may have differed with Mr. Calhoun on a mere financial question, which at one time more materially divided the country than at present, yet I have always recog t.ised in his admirable genius, consum male ability and acknowledged moral worth, those resources for high public service which in any station would con fer security and renown on his country. Rut it seems that the usual organs of the party to which he is supposed to belong, whether accredited or not, have so far pronounced a different judgment, as pro bably to postpone his claims in favor of another distinguished candidate; and certainly, according to all the tokens of party organization, it appears that the Baltimore Convention will perform no other office but to register an edict which has already gone forth, and that, like Maelzel’s celebrated automaton Trumpe ter, this curious piece of mechanism has been specially wound up to sound a par ticular note. Whether this note will be in accord with the sentiment of the pco pie of the United States, remains to be seen. My own bosom testifies to the truth of a remark that you most justly make, in the letter you have done me the honor to address me, that the preference which I have expressed for my distinguished fellow countryman, Mr. Calhoun is In no degree inconsistent with the personal friendship 1 entertain for Mr. Clay, or of the just appreciation which I have formed of his ability and patriotism, during a service for several yetys with him, in the Congress of the United States ; often in an excited opposition, in which we are best able to estimate the worth and power of those with whom we may be associa ted. I became acquainted with Mr. Clay in the session of 1823, when he filled the chair of Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives. Although at that time a young member, yet through his kindness and partirlity, 1 was placed at the head of one of its influential committees Our acquaintance ripened into the strongest social intimacy, which continued without abatement, until the formation of that great party which was constituted to effect the election of Gen. Jackson to the Presidency of the United States. It is known to yon we took different sides.— I felt myself, in the angry contest which marked that great public convulsion graduallyseparated from him. Although I never indulged in the smallest personal abuse and denunciation of this gentleman —which would have been so utterly in consistent with our former relations— yet, after the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, I was in the habit of passing Mr. Clay, in the streets of Wash ington, without even a distant recogni tion—for I had then the folly to regard an opponent of Gen. Jackson almost ns a public enemy of the country. Such is the madness of party ! These relations continued until I was summoned by Mr. Randolph to attend him to the field, under Mr. Clay’s challenge, in conse quence of the flagrant insult which he had offered him in the Senate of the Uni ted States, in conjunction with your lamented and gallant fellow countryman. Col. Tattnall, at that time a member of the House of Representatives from Geor gia. There are some circumstances con nected with this duel which have never been made public, which, as they are honorable both to the living and the dead, I hope 1 may be pardoned in relat ing. I do not think they will render Mr. Clay’s reception less cordial and en thusiastic, among a people who, if they cherish romantic, and, as they are called, false notions of honor are at the same time alive to the testimonies of a gallant, generous and feelingspirit. The night before the duel, Mr. Ran dolph sent for me in the evening. I found him calm, but in a singularly kind and confiding mood. He told me that he had something on his mind to tell me. He then remarked, Hamilton, 1 have de termined to received without returning Clay’s fire nothing shall induce me to harm a hair of his head ; I will not make his wife a widow,or his children orphans Their tears would be shed upon hisgrave, but when the sod of Virginia rests on my bosom, there is not, in this wide world, one-individual to pay this tribute upon mine.” His eyes filled, and resting his head upon his hand, we remained some moments silent. I replied, “my dear friend,” (for our was a sortof posthumous friendship, bequeathed by onr mothers,) “ I deeply regret that you have mention ed this subject to me, for you call upon me to go to the field and to see you shot down or to assume the responsibility, in regard to your own life, in sustaining your determination to throw it away.— But on this subject a man’s own con science and his own bosom are his best monitor. I will not advise, but under the enormous and unprovoked personal insult you have offered Mr. Clay, I can not dissuade. I feel bound, however, to communicate to Col. Tattnall your de cision.” He I egged me not to do so, and said, ‘‘lie was very much afraid that Tattnall would take the studs and refuse to go out with him.” I however sought Col. Tatnall, and we repaired, about midnight, to Mr. Randolph’s lodgings, whom we found reading Milton’s great Poem. For some moments he did not permit us to say one word in relation to the approaching duel; and he at once commenced one of those delightful criti cisms, on .a passage of this Poet, in which lie was wont so enthusiastically to in dulge. After a pause, Col. Tattnall re marked, “ Mr. Randolph, I am told yon have determined not to return Mr. Clay’s fire ; l must say to you, my dear sir, if 1 am only to go out to see you shot down, von must find some other friend.” Mr. Randolph remarked that it was his deter mination. After much conversation on the subject, I induced Col. Tattnall to allow Mr. Randolph to take his own course, as his withdrawal, ns one of his friends, might lead to very injurious mis constructions. At last, Mr. Randolph, smilimr, said “ well Tattnall, I promise you one thing, if I see the devil in Clay’s eye, and that with malice- prepense he means to take my life, I may change my mind.” A remark 1 knew he merely made to propitiate the anxieties of his friend. Mr. Clay and himself met at 4 o'clock the succeeding evening, on the banks of the Potomac. But he saw “no devil in Clay’s eye,” but a man fearless, and ex pressing the mingled sensibility and firm ness which belonged to the occasion 1 shall never forget this scene, as long as I live. It has been my misfortune to witness several duels, blit I never saw one, at least in its sequel, so deeply affect ing. . M , The sun was just setting behind the blue hills of Randolph’s own Virginia.— Here were two of the most extraordinary men our country in its prodigality had produced, about to meet in mortal com bat. Whilst Tattnall was loading Ran dolph’s pistol, I approached my friend, I believed for the last time ; i took his hand ; there was not in its touch the quickening of one pulsation. He turned to me and said, “ Clay is calm, but not “vindictive. I hold my purpose, Hnm “ ilton, in any event; remember this.” On handing him his pistol, Col. Tattnall sprung the hair trigger. Mr. Randolph said, “ Tattnall, nlihough 1 am one of “best shots in Virginia, with either a “ pistol or gun, yet, I never fire with the “hair triggers; besides, I have a thick “buckskin glove on, which will destroy “ the delicacy of my touch, and the trig “ ger may fly before 1 know where 1 am, But, from fiis great solicitude for his friend, Tattnall insisted upon hairing the trigger. On taking their position, the fact turned out as Mr. Randolph antici pated ; his pistol went off before the word, with the muzzle down. The moment this event took place, Gen. Jesnp, Mr. Clay’s friend, called out that lie would instantly leave the ground with his friend if this occurred again.— Mr. Clay at once exclaimed it was entire ly an accident, and begged that the gen tloman might be allowed to go on. On the word being given, Mr. Clay fired without effect, Mr. Randolph discharging his pistol in the air. The moment Mr. Clay saw that Mr. Randolph had thrown away his fire, with a gusli of sensibility, he instantly approached Mr. R., and said, with an emotion I never can forget, “ I “ trust in God, my dear sir, you are tin “ touched : after what has occurred, I “ would tiot have harmed you for a theu “sand world*.” Deeply affected by this scene, I could not refrain from grasping Mr. Clay by the hand, and said. “My “good Sir, wc have been long separated, “ but, after the events of to-day, I feel “ that we must be friends forever.” We have been so. I do not know that I should have re ferred to this transaction, if I not believe this last incident had no small influence on an important public event in Mr. Clay’s life. I allude to the celebrated comprom ise on the action of the Tariff of IS2B, by the State of South Carolina. For Mr. Van Burcn I cherish feelings of kindness «nd esteem, which I should be insensible to both his merits and his uniform friendship, if I did not both en tertain and express. If, at any time, I have ever apjieared to occupy an anta gonist position to this gentleman, it has been rather to tlae measures of his party, than himself—measures which derived their authority from the potent influence of a Chief, the repose of whose declining years I would not norv disturb,if 1 could. Let the rays of hi* glory gather together on the banks of the river I am soon des tined to visit, & settle with collected ma jesty, eternal and enduring, on his fame. Faithfully and respectfully, Your friend, and Obedient servant, J. HAMILTON. Robert B. Alexander, Columbus Georgia. To the I eaple of (Jcorgia. A friend has called my attention to a note published by Mr. Stephens, of Geo., nsa:i addendum to his printed speech in the House of Representatives, “on the right of members to their seats in the House of Representatives,” and to which I replied while he was present in his place. It is evident that this note is an appeal to the public for satisfaction of his “ pri vate griefs and as he has thought pro per to select that mode of sellliug what ever questions of fact or morals may have existed between us, I conceive I have no alternative left, but to vindicate myself before the same tribunal, by a brief statement of the occurrences which elicited his abuse. Whether he has se lected the usual and proper “ method ” of satisfaction for remarks deemed by him “quite personal” to himself, was a ques tion referable alone to his own judgment; and his “ discretion ” having decided that question in the way indicated in his pub lic note, I proceed to refute, for the satis faction of my constituents, such of his charges as may seem to bear on the posi tion assumed by me in debate, leaving him sole master of that bloodless field, wherein a “war of words” is the only conflict. I did occupy my hour upon the subject stated, and, in the course of my remarks, commented upon the in consistencies of Mr. Stephen’s opinions and conduct. If my allusion to him had been deemed offensive at the time it was uttered, he had the opportunity to repel it, or to explain, as I repeatediv yielded to him the floor for either purpose, lie was furnished with another oppoitunity on the succeeding morning, when he arose to correct such parts of the repor ter’s account of my remarks as he deemed erroneous. On neither of those occa sions did he make any such effort; but now, alter the lapseof a fortnight, would palliate his neglect, and excuse his want of resentment, by the insinuation that there is a variance between the circum stances as detailed in my speech, and as they actually occurred in the House ; and, although my remarks were applica ! blc to his position, upon which he states in his note he does “ not deign a reply,” yet he seizes the opportunity to indulge in a parade of vulgar epithets, which his loss of position and unfortunate personal situation enable him to use with impuni ty- It will thus be perceived that the fol lowing quotation from his note is the on ly portion of it in relation to which 1 am left at liberty to offer any explanation.— He states : “ And I notice in what he re ports me to havesaid to him inthe House, in the progress of his speech, he has re presented me as saying what I can but believe that he knew that l did not say, and has entirely omitted what I am equal ly confident he must have known that 1 did say.” As to the cor ectness of the former part of the charge—viz : that of rnisrep resenting what lie did say—by reference to the subjoined extract from my speech, (arid which includes my entire remarks upon the pointof Mr. Stephen’s position,) it will beservod that a single question, whether I “ would undertake to be the keeper or the judge of his conscience,” is the only remark which I quote him ns making. Now, that the question, if not in those identical words, was, at least in substance, asked me by Mr. S., I can not only most confidently appeal for corrob oration to every member of the House, but indirectly establish it by that individ ual himself. On the morning after the delivery of my remarks, Mr. S.(as I have already had occasion to mention) called my attention to the reporter’s account of what occurred between us, and the paper which he at that time held in his hand was a copy of the morning Globe, and from which I make the following ex tract : “ Mr. Stephens, on leave being given him to explain, said : The gentleman had no right to judge of his (Mr. S.’s) conscience.” Here is the very idea I quote him as making, wanting only the interrogatory form, which is as correct as the sketches of reporters generally are ; and, iferrone ous, if he bad made use of no such state ment, why was it, when he had risen for the purpose of seeking explanation and of effecting corrections, that he made no allusion to it? As to the second part of tho charge, viz: the allegation that I had omitted to state all that he did say. That there were probably remarks made by him, which, from the distance that we were separated, may have lieen lost in the con fusion o f the House, I do not pretend to deny ; but even had they been heard, or known to me at the time of writing out my speech, I am not sensible of any ob ligation resting on me to become the re porter of another. The labor incident to the usual course on such occasions I felt quite sufficient for myself—-that is, to report my own remarks, and such por tions of those of another as I conceived necessary to explain my own. Rut does this justify his course ?—excuse his low and tiirdy vengeance ? He does not pre tend that there was any variance be tween my own speech , as delivered and as published : and it is that at which his venom is directed, and to which he has undertaken to assign “the purpose of conveying a personal insult,” and which, after a fortnight’s deliberation, has at length elicited his most ungentle manly reply. In conclusion. I have only to say, that the object of this individual must be ob vious to my intelligent constituents; and I have no fear that he can thus escape the consequences of the position which he hits assumed on this question, nor evade the odium of having failed to vin dicate his honor, when he chooses to complain that it has been assailed. WILLIAM H. STILES. Extract from Mr. Stiles's sjiecch “ on the right of members to their scats in the House of Represen tatives." It is to me a source of regret that the course which my colleage has pursued on this question, has made it necessary to advert to thennenviable position which in regard to it, he has atone chosen to assume. I regret that he should have thought it necessary, by a labored speech, to have convinced us of his want of title to his seat, when that end could have been so much more effectually and con sistently accomplished, without the ut terance of a single word, by his absence from this hall. But I regret, more than all, that, with a declaration on his lips that he is not entitled to his seat, he should still undertake to vote, act, and receive the emoluments to which a right to that seat alone entitled him. There was a time when such assurance would have been considered at least a want of delicacy; when such a difference be tween opinion and action would have been held at least a want of consistency ; but those days, I suppose, are gone, and the time arrived when such unblushing effrontery is deemed, perhaps, an exhibi tion of “ moral firmness,”surpassing that which distinguished General Jackson at New Orleans, and equalled only by that of the judge who pronounced the infa mous sentence upon him. My colleague says that this is a ques tion for the judgment of this House ; but let me tell him, in all kindness, that he has, in my opinion, mistaken thetribunnl in which such a question was properly cognizable. His position involved a question, let me say to him, not to be tried and decided in this House, but alone to be determined in foro concien tice. Before that tribunal do I arraign and charge him with the commission of two high and enormous offences. He cannot but know, from the study of that profession for which he was edu cated, the nature and criminality of the offence; and I therefore leave him to name it, while I charge him wite taking that to which he says, and perhnpstliitiks he knows that he has no right, or even “ color of title.” Again : he cannot hut know, from Hie profession he has followed, that, to par ticipate in the deliberations of this body, with no right to a scat, is against the constitution ; and I thereupon charge him with the offence, (leaving him l to mime it,) which arises out of the viola tion of an instrument which he has sworn to support. ..[Mr. Stephens, on leave being giver* him, asked if the gentleman would u-nl - to be the keeper or the judge of bis conscience?] Mr. Stiles replied J God forbid that I should ever be the keeper of such a con science ! Yes, sir, my colleague, with a declara tion on his lips, and a feelingin his heart, that he is not entitled to his seat—whilst, consequently, in the very act of violating the constitution of his country—lays his hand upon the word of life, and calls upon God to help him, or not to help him, as he may or may not support that instru ment. If not before high heaven—if not before the world, at least in the silent workings ofliis thoughts, he must plead guilty! guilty ! Sir, I dismiss him; and without presuming to be his “judge,’ I may say to him, with as deep sincerity as ever ft was pronounced from the bench to a condemned criminal, “may God Almighty have mercy upon your soul !” From the N. V. Standard. Crn. Cass in Pans. The following is an extract of a letter from the Paris correspondent of the Alba ny Evening Journal, dated Paris, Ist January, 1844: Some fifty of us Republicans were pre sented to the king on Saturday evening the 30th December. Six wore Militia uniforms —the others blue coats with the eagle button, embroidered collar, cuffs and pocket flaps—white pantaloons with a gold stripe—swords and cocked hats; and as you may imagine looked ridicu lously enough, for few of them stood “.at ease.” The state apartments of the Tu ileries were thrown o|»en for their recep tion, and those of other nations who were presented,but the Americansotitnumber ed all the rest. We were ranged in a line around the saloon, and the King, at tended by his staff, came along, Mr. Led yard Introducing him to each one as he passed. He wore a Marshal’s uniform, and was exceedingly gracious, address ing a few words to each one, and dis playing perfect knowledge of the geogra phy of our country, and many of its in habitants. He was followed by the Queen, who was introduced in the same manner by Mr. Rives (our Secretary of legation at London) and who also said something to all. After the King had gone around the circle, we left, and go again on Wednesday night with the la dies. Their reception will be much more interesting, and I will endeavor to send you an account. Among those pre sented were Mr. Wickliffe, our Minister to Sardinia; Mr. Conrad, of Louisiana; Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Broadhead of New York. The King was highly gratified at seeing so large a number of Americans present, indeed they are popular at court on account of the high esteem in which Gen. Cass was held by all. It is said we never had a minister lre re who was so universally respected, and from the fre quent eulogies I hear passed upon his di plomatic and private career I cannot but think it is true. At any rate his loss is felt by all, and who is to be bis successor is (lie standing topic of conversation in American circles. The amount paid to Gen. Jackson for his fine was $2,700. Ajgaffia a bmsxjmag. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 184 L ~ From the illness of the Editor and oth er causes, our publication has been una. voidably postponed one day. Nomination of Mr. Calhoun. It is with great pleasure that we an nounce that Mr. Calhoun has been nominated by President Tyler to the °ffice of Secretary of State, and that his appointment has been unanimously con firmed by the Senate. No appointment we believe has ever given more univer sal satisfaction—and his friends confi dently hope that be will accept. Dr. Cottinx’s Fssnv on Soils and available Manures in Ga. We earnestly recommend this treatise to the attention of planters. It is full of valuable information. Illness prevents our giving a more extended account of it at present. It is for sale at Boardinan's Book-Store. Younz Mens* Democratic Association. We heard an intimation a short time back that it was in contemplation to form a society under the above title. We hail ed the intelligence with peculiar satisfac tion. It is earnestly hoped the design is not, will not be abandoned. To the Young democracy of the country, un hncknied as they are in the incorrigi ble selfishness and corruption of partizan traders in politics, untainted with the prejudices of former political connexions, we look with confidence for carrying through the political regeneration, indis pensable to save the constitution and pre serve the union. The ardor, which so well becomes early manhood, fits them peculiarly for flic glorious achievement, and like the Promethean principle infuse life into the sluggish, inanimate mass that surrounds them. We give them three cheers, and in the style of the hero ic Crocket, say ‘ Go ahead boys.’ IHl)b County Democratic Association. r Pfoe gentlemen to whom was assigned thte duty of drafting the Constitution and By-laws of the association are respectful ly reminded ‘The tide is waiting for them’ and entreated to complete their task as early ns practicable. The time and circumstances, the present and the future, imperatively demand energetic, unsparing exertion. The people must be roused from their lethargy—Close,:in timate organization presents the SitrCst, speediest, indeed, nlmost the only means to accomplish this vital object: This must be rendered effective by every dem ocrat doing bis duty to bis country man fully, awakening his neighbor to the alarming fact that there is a desperate revolutionary movement of the old Fed eral party reinforced by the Clay whigs is in progress, to subvert the Republican institutions of this free country and re place them by a government wielded, exclusively, by a privileged order of mo nopolists and trading politicians—a gov ernment in which wealth and office would be every thing, the people no thing. This is the master object and inevitable tendency of the American sys tem—the honour of its first systematic application to the government of a nation is due to that able but profligate British minister Sir Robert Walpole. His plan was simple and as its results were inevi table, it consisted of a National Bank, a National debt, or Funding system, and a I bribed majority in the national council, !or parliament. The funding system be ing indispensable to afford a perennial j supply for the boundless extravaganceoi government, with the certainty if persist ed in, of entailing poverty, pauperism, and crime in their most revolting aspects, on future generations. That Achilles of Federalism and idol ator of all that was British, Alexander Hamilton, though deficient neither in honesty, or love for his country, adopted Walpole’s system, in extenso. Tims far the reader will perceive the identity of Walpole’s, Hamilton’s and Clay’s policy- The paternity of the remaining items of •he American system belongs exclusively to Mr. Clay, They vindicate his clai> llS to the possession of Genius, the distinc tive test of which is the power of inven tion. Passing by the honesty promoting bankrupt law and that phenomenon o impartial justice the Clay tariff of two, which fleeces a nation to render a few dangerously wealthy, we come to one of Mr. Clay's most felicitous inven lions—the idea of making the states bribe themselves, by giving them with one hand, a share of the land revenue, an with the other, taking from them twict as much, in augmented taxation on ev ery thing they consume. But the crowning triumph contemp 8 ted by the whig leaders and their Amen