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AIYTERICAINT DEIVtOCK ilie most perfect GQveinme.it would be that which, emanating directly from the People. Governs le.st —!’osts least —Disp »ses Justice to all and confers Piivileses on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. I.| DR. WM. GREEN-EDITOR. DEHOCKA'I', PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF i. BARNES' BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUE. MACON. GA. at TWO DOLLAR? PER ANNUM. K3- IN ADVANCE -CM Rates of Advertising, Ac. One «quare, of 100 words, or less, in email type, 75 cents tor the first insertioi., and 30 cents for each subsequent inser' (ion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 wards, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. IZT- N. B Sales of I.AND, by Administrators. Executors- Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Conn in which the property is situa ed. Notice of these must t,e given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. g,leg of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be a Ivertisetl in .he same tninner. FORTY DAYS previous to the day of salt- No ice to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice hat application will he made to the Court of Ortli tary, for leave to sell I.AND, must be published FODR MONTHS. Soles of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of tale, at the place of public sales in the county where the let ters testamentary, of A Iminittraiion or Guardianship, shall hare been granted, SIXTY D\YS notice being previous y given in o to of the public gazettes of this State, ani.it the dour of the Coiiii-Hoi.se, where such sales sre to lie held. Notice lot 'cave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MON I'IIS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of iltis nature, will receive prompt attention, a jhe O.fice of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” Amos kendalt, P. MG. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Editor Post Paid. Spcuch of ilr. Stiles, of eorgia, In the House of Representatives, Jan uary 28, and 30, 1844. [CONCLUDED FROM I.AST WEEK.] But there nre other principles which should govern legislators in this mutter —principles of higher authori y and ob ligation than even those of the law and constitution. I mean the great princi ples of justice and moral right. Would the States of Virginia and Ma ryland ever have consented to relinquish portions of their territory for such pur poses as those for which gentlemen now contend? Would the independent citi zens of “free and independent States,” ever have agreed to have exchanged a legislation over their personal rights, hv representatives chosen by, and responsi ble to them, for the exclusive legislation of a Congress irresponsible to them, if they had supposed that such jurisdiction was to be unlimited, “ absolute ,” and lia ble to be directed by the petitions of oth ers, who had neither a common resi dence, nor a common interest with them? Does any one believe that, it the federal government had intimated an intention to abolish slavery in the District, the States of Virginia and.Maryland would ever have ceded their territory ? And is not such an attempt nmv in had faith, against the spirit of the compact and a gross violation ot the understanding which must have subsisted between the parties to the cession? But, it l were disposed to argue this point, 1 should need nothing more than the admission of the gentleman from New York, that “Congress cannot interfere with slavery in the States.” Will not the abolition of slavery m this District bean inteiference with slavery in the States ? Not to take into consideration the real object which the abolitionists have in view, in their de signs upon tliij) District, as but an enter ing wedge for the abolition of slavery throughout the States, as hut the com mencement of an en'erprisc which will terminate only with entire emancipation, not, l say, to consider these objects, will it not “i ,’terferc with shivery intlie Suites” to abolish here ? Will it not inevitably produce discontent and rebellion among the blacks of the neighboring States,and in ike this District ndenof fugitive slaved Yes, sir, the truth cannot be suppress ed, that if slavery is torched here, a blow will l« struck which will be felt through out ’he length and breadth of the slave holding States. These suggestions, thrown out for the consideration of others, are but some of the difficulties which have presented themselves to my mind, in the way of any exercise of power over the subject of slavery in this District; and I humbly ask that, if they are not of sufficient weight to convince us of our want of power over the subject, whether they are not calculated at least to create doubts as to its possession ? And what, under such circumstances,has been held the safe and unerring guide for the conduct ofthe leg islator ? It is, that if there be doubt as to the power, it should not be exercised. Quod dukitas ne feceris. What you doubt, you may not do. The possession of power should be untrammelled by a single doubt, or you should not attempt its exercise. Hut (says the member from Maine, and it is reiterated by thcgentleman from New York rnd others) separate the right of petition from abolition, and ! ‘see how we will come up to the mark ; how we will sustainour obligationstotheUnion.” Sir, the righj of petition and abolition ought never to have been blended. To DEMOCRATIC BANNER - FUZE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM RANKS; EOONOMT; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.— C CA^HOU.Y. connect them is a mere trick—an artful scheme to excite the sympathies and de lude the judgments of this legislative body. And, who, pray, are the authors of this base trick ? Who the projectors) of this artful scheme. Who connect' and the rightof petition witli abolition ? Are we at the South, the slaveholding com munity, subject to the charge ? It will not lie pretended. It will not he pre sumed for amomentthat we would throw nnv obstacles in the way, and create in terference with the maintenance of our just and constitutional rights. Are o"r friends of the North. 1 he anti abolitionists, chargeable? Surely not. They depre cate the difficulty: they pray deliver ance from theembarrasmeiit; and we have no reason to question their sincerity. If neither the Smith nor those opjiosed to abolition in the North, are the authors of this scheme, who are ? There is hut one other party in the country upon this sub ject, and it results inevitably that they are its ..uthors--viz : the abolitionists themselves. 1 appeal to our intelligent and reflecting friends from the North—l put it to hem, whether they will suffer themselves to lie thus entrapped ; caught in the snare set for them by these fanatics; deluded by this miserable subterfuge, the pitiful cry of the vio'ntion of the right of petition. But it has already been hinted, and 1 may he au c wered, that though this may he hut a trick, yet the abolitionists have so fully succeeded in poisoning the minds of our constituents, so thoroughly and extensively have they persuaded them that the nomreception of their pe titions is a violation of their unalienable rights, that unless we carry out their views, the relation between us, of repre sentative and constituents, will be dis solved. Sir, such a suggestion scarcely deserves a passing notice. Any man who legislates here with a view to get back into this hall, will of course not be guid ed by reason. Such a member is un worthy of his station, because he legis lates for himself, and not for his coun try. Their constituents think the rigiit of petition abridged, when wc are daily receiving petitionswithont objection,over which Congress has jurisdiction, and re ject only those over which Congress has noeontrol. Cannot they understand the difference between the abuse and use of an important right? The same amend ment which guaranties the right of pe tition guaranties also freedom of speech and of the press; and because those rights nre secured, is there therefore no such thing as slander or libel? If their constituents cannot now be brought to understand the difference between a pro per and an improper petition, upon a sub ject of which Congress has cognizance, and one where it has no jurisdiction, how is it proposed to make them understand the difference between the rejection of the prayer of a petition ? How can they be made to comprehend how it is that a petition is of so much consequence as to be reeeived, and is yet, at the same time, of so little consequence as to lx* rejected ? I trust thu't our friends of the North will not suffer themselves to l e alarmed by the delusive cry of a “false issue” being made, or be deterred from pursuing their true course forfenrofcnnsequences which do not and ought not to legitimately to follow. Thcgentleman from North Carolina tins attempted to illustrate this matter of “false position,” by a “simile of a battle.” I,et me tell the gentleman that he has himselfassumed, in the outset, “false |to sition;” and, in some cases, false charac ters for bis parties in that battle. He re presents a general to have taken a posi tion with his own troops behind a secure breastwork; but lias stationed bis allies on exposed ground, where they are rapid ly falling by the enemy’s fire. The se cure breastwork is the Constitution, I suppose. But wltere, I ask, are the allies —wltere the exposed ground ? Who are the contending parties in this en gagement? The enemies andthe friends of the Const it ut on ? The gentleman can make no other answer. Who are the enemies ? Os course the abolition ists. Who are the friends of the Con stitution ? The antiabolitionists.— Where, then, are the allies? Are the anti abolitionists of the North any less the enlisted soldiers and interested de fenders of the Constitution, than we at the South? Surely not. Where the ex posed ground ? We are behind the breastwork, (as the gentleman considers the Have we pushed our friends of the North beyond that Consti tution ? No, sir, we Imth stand together ii|>on the same ground--behind!he hattlc mentsoftheCoustitution. Theeu ;my, the abolitionists—are alone without; they are striving to enter the citadel, slavery is the weak point in the foitress. It is there they design a bread). We have there constructed a harrier: that barrier is the rule. Whilst that remains, the fortress stands. When it is gone, the fortress falls. That harrier can he removed only by someone within. The fortress can betaken, the citadel lost, only by treach ery in the camp. I will pursue the sim ile no farther. But let me tell the mem ber from .North Carolina, that if this rule is lost, from the relation in which he stands to, mid the part which he has borne in this transaction, he may gn home to his constituents, and to his grave MACON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, 1844. covered with the unenviable immortality of having betrayed the interest ol the Smith, in having surrendered the Con stitution of his country. 1 hoped to have had time to have com mented upon the motives of these aboli tionists. But whatever they are—whe ther to destroy the institution of slavery, or, by their petitions, only to annoy and insult the South—will not the rejection of this rule by the House he to them a triumph ? No one can dispute the point Are not the abolitionists the enemies of the country? No one will deny this as sertion. Are our friends in the North willing to contribute to accomplish the triumph of the enemies of the country ; and especially when their victory would he over the < onstitution of the land, the liberties of the people ? Sir, let me tell gentlemen of the North that on this sub ject there is no neutral ground. There are hut two parties in this contest—the ; friends and the foes of the Constitution, j They must take sides with one or the other; and wherever their influence set tles, victory must perch upon that banner, j The whole responsibility is with the I North. Let them not shrink from their ! high destiny ; let them glory in the oc | casion ; let them meet it like men ; let | them do their duty; and leave conse quences to take care of themselves. Sir, will gentlemen hesitate. Is this a time for hesitation, when the government is agitated to its very centre ? Is this a time to cavil about terms, when the foun dations of the nation are shaken? Is this a time to make hair-breadth distinctions about the extent of rights, when our very days seem numbered? I tel I gentlemen of the North (heSouth is in danger; and will they hesitate ? Was such the conduct of the South when (he North was in danger not from a feeble hand of fanatics, but from the most powerful nation in the world? Sixty-eight years ago, when the report of musk', try at Lexington gave to ken of the danger of our hrethern of the North, a cargo of piwdrr was captured off Savannah, by Georgia enterprise and Georgia valour. Was that ammunition, at the time so scarce in the country, re tained at home to await the arrival of the enemy on our own shores, and to de-! fend our own fireside? No sir; I am proud to say, that with that disinterested patrio ism which has ever characterised the South, it was immediately shipped to Boston, m.d it arrived in time to thunder from the heights of Bunker’s hill defiance to oppression. And in our late war, waged for “free trade mid sailors’rights,” did the South stop to inquire whether the ownersof the 1 ships, of the impressed seamen, were na tives of a southern latitude ? No: it was enough for them to know that the flag which had been dishonored, was the American flag; that the seamen who had been oppressed was an American citizens; and they were at their posts, and ready to lose their last life drop for the protec tion of the one and the defence of the other. Sir, the people of the South love the Union. 'They venerate the constitution as the bond of that Union and will be the Inst to engage in its infractions. But they love the constitution as it s ; as it was construed by those who made it, as it has been approved by near half a cen tury’s successive legislation—sufficient for all the purposes of our government, and all the glory of our country. But now, if the North, regardless of the claims of the South, will suffer that instrument violated—if the constitution like the right of petition, is of so much consequence ns to he preserved when for their gratifica tion, and at the same time, of so little consequence as to he violated when for our destruction—if the constitution is to be thus mutilated; depend upon it the South will not respect its mere fragments, scattered in the struggle of other States to overthrow her institutions. If that hour should come, (which God in his mercy avert !) she will he-itate not to np {»eal from the cancelled obligations of a once venerated constitu'ion, to her own “inherent hialiei.able” right of self pro tection. Dueling. Two mnsquetoes one morning met on a leaf in a garden. Both were filled with the blood drawn from their last nocturn al depredations. They were silent, and ‘dumpy,’ cross and savage. One of them ran out his sting, and wiped it on his fore leg. Tim other thrust out his sting, and pointed it towards the first nmsipie toe. This was considered an insult. And so the offended musquetoe steps up to the other, and says : ‘Did you turn up your sting at me? The answer was—‘l ran out my sting; you can apply it as you choose.’ ‘Sir,’ says the first, ‘you are imperti nent.’ Answer: “Sir, your remark savors of rascality.’ ‘Hah !’ exclaimed the other ; ‘a down right insult! No gentlemanly innsque toe will submit to such treatment with out demanding satisfaction ! Draw, vil lain, and defend yourself!’ They rush ed together and ran one another through the body, dory enough for one mtis quetoe fight! MISCELLANEOUS. Front tlir Now Yoik Herald, ICtli instant. f Eighty Important trnm Washington .—settle ment ol tee Orenon Question. Principles that should govern us in the admission of Texas , and possession of Oregon. This is the most important era in our history since we became a free and inde pendent nation. The piesent Congress of the United States have a greater re sponsibility resting upon them than any prtceding CVmgress, since the organiza tion of our government. Two questions now present themselves to the considera tion and actidfr of our government, of vital importance, not only to the many millions ofour [)eop'e, now living, hut to the hundreds of millions, yet unborn, who are to come after us, and who are to be affected, for good or for evil, by our acts. These two questions are, the annexa tion of Texas to the United States, and the property and possession of the Oregon territory. They are questions that inti mately affect the destiny of these United States, and they deserve, and no doubt will receive the deepest and most pro found attention of otir government. In the consideration of these subjects we hope the most liberal and enlightened system of policy, will be observed. If this principle is applied, in determining the question, whether 'Texas shall he ad mitted into the Union or not, we have no fears for (he result. And it ought to be applied. It is with pain we jierceive n disposition, manifesting itself in the north at and east, at variance with this en lightened and liberal poliev. We see local jealousies mid sectional prejudices in various quarters. This is very wrong. It is not a local or sectional question. It is purely national ; and ought to be con sidered in reference to the interest and welfare of the people of the United State; and not to a part of them. And not only its present benefit to the people now liv ing, hut to their remote posterity, who shall come after them. The most bitter enemies (o the annex ation of 'Texas (o be found in ourcotintry are the alx*litionists»! But with what i propriety or reason we cannot see. It j has bepn shown by various articles in our pvblic journals, that the evils of slavery would he considerably lessened by the annexation. Texas would he a drain for the evil, in our southern and middle States. They (the slaves) would gradu nllv find their way to the southern bor ders of our extended empire, which would mutually promote the interest and happi ness of the slave and the slaveholder. There is another class of persons, we fear, do not look at this subject in its true light. They do not take a liberal and enlightened view of it. They seem to think we have territory enough—that it is already too I rge ! The views of such persons are much too contracted. They only look at the present—they do not see into futurity. The same reasons were given against the acquisition of Louisiana ; and the same reason might lie, and probably was given, when we were but thiiteeu States, against increas ing them. The truth is, there is no ground for this opposition to the annexa tion. If we do not tiow, wc shall soon want more territory. “ Compactness is strength,” and Texas borders upon 11s, and her people are our sons, brothers, fa thers and relatives. 'Pile liberal and enlightened view we wish our government to take of this sub ject, ourrh! to extend to all its con e quenccs. And this will embrace our foreign relations. It is said that Mexico will declare war against us if we receive Texas into the Union. We believe them is some foundation for this opinion among some of our people. Indeed we believe Mexico has already threatened it. We look at this as one of the consequences of uniting Texas to 11s. but we look at it with the indifference and contempt that power witnesses the ravings of imbecility and weakness. If the law of nature, the law of nations, and the law of God, give a right, to the acquisition of Texas, tlm feeble and futile threats of Mexico will pass unheeded by us. Another of the consequences of annex ing Texas to the United Stales, a liberal and enlightened policy should take into consideration. It is said by some that Great Britain will by no means consent that we shall extend our territory along the Gulf of Mexico. That her intimate relations with Mexico, who is her ally, will not permit her to look on and see the transfer. That it will provoke-a war between England and the United States ! We do not believe it. But we do believe that England herself has an itching palm —that she now stands ready and willing to take this delightful and fruitful coun try under her protection, and place her in colonial alliance and dependence, and we believe her relations with .Mexico very much favor her views in acquiring this new republic. Wc should therefore, look at this subject in all its bearings, and see its nature, connection and rela tion. A liberal and enlightened view ol it wi I, we think, disembarrass it ol those supposed difficulties and objections we have mentioned. Having cleared it ol thesupposed difficulties uud obstacles, the next consideration are its benefits uud advantage* to us as a nation. Tilt y are so numerous, and have been so amply) detailed in the journals of the day, that it would be a mere repetition to leiteiate | thenihero. 6o also the same liberal and enlighten ed policy shou'd guide us in our decision 1 in relation to the possession of the dispu ted territory of Oregon. It is with some depression of national pride, that we see a disposition evinced in some portions of our western and southern liorders, to take forcible and military possession of the territory, at the very moment the two claimants are entering into a treaty in re spect to the pro|H!rty add possession.— We are sorry to see this spirit prevailing in any portion of our country. It can do no good, and may lie the origin of much evil. We ate as tender of national honor and glory as others ran be. We would not sacrifice n particle of i>. We wil'd not give up a foot of ()regon to Great Britain, even if it were a barren rock, if it rightly l>elotigcd to us. We would ex haust the Inst cartridge box in claiming and defending it, hut if it does not belong to us. if our title to it is not good, we would not have it, ;f the territory was a paradise filled with all the beautiful growths of nature. We would, as we said before, apply to this question nil en lightened and liberal policy; hut that Dolicy should he directed and controlled by the eternul principles of truth and jus tice, If (he land be ours, we would have it; and we would have it at the expense of onr blood. We would fight for it!— If it he not ours, we would not have it, though foretd upon its. And whether it be ours or not will depend upon the strength of the titles of the claimants, which is now in the act of being shown. The treaty will exhibit the rights of the respective parties, We should then wait for the issue of the treaty, and not permit onr patriotic zeal and love of coun try to neutralize these principles we have been Speaking of. Correapondencc of the Savanm'i Georgian Offices of Picayune Republican, f New Orleans, March 2. ) Drc »it furl Steamboat A'Cti tft and LAss of Life. We have just received distressing in- 1 telligence that yesterday morning, be tween 2 and 3 o’clock, the steamers I)e Soto and Buckeye came in coli ision in what is called Old River, just Inflow Atchalafaya, and the latter boat was stink to her hurricane deck in less than five minutes. 'The Buckeye was ascending the river with upwards of three hundred souls on board, white and black—of this number between GO and 80 are estimated to have been lost. A gentleman, who was on board the De Soto, describes the whole scene as heart rending beyond description. 'The passengers were all asleep at the time of the accident and such as were saved only escaped in their slight clothes. Mothers rushed frantically about in search of their children ; husbands in search of their wives and sisters. Mr. Hymes, of Alexandria, whose family was with him, 104 his daughter, a beau tiful and interesting girl, with his wile’s sister, described as an acco np'ished young lady. He also lo>t some fifteen negroes. Col. Richard King lost two children ; Mr, Alex. MrK< nzie, late of Florida, lost his wife, seven chi'dren, and several negroes; Mr. John B unt, also from Florida, lost his wife, one child, and several negroes; a young man, name unknown, lost his two sisters; Mr. Bean attempted to swim ashore with a ; little nephew, and both were drowned. (If the deck passengers on hoard the Buckeye hut few were saved, so sudden ly did she go down. Many of the passengers lost every thing, hut it is impossible at present to estimate the full loss. The Captain of the De Soto, which boat was hut little injured, succeeded in saving the lives of u any, and also some of the property. At this late hour we find it impossible to gitfe further particulars in session for the mail. The De Soto is now at oiir Le vee, and the lamentations of those who have lost children and other relatives are still heard. Another Fatal Duel. We learn from the New Orleans Pic ayune that Mr. Kyan, editor of the Vicksburg Sentinel, fell in u duel fought on Thursday, the 29th lilt. The meet ing was between xMr. Kyan and Air. Hammet, editor of the* Vicksburg Whig, and brother of the member of l ongress from Mississippi of that name. They fought with pistols, and at the usual dis tance. At the fourth fire Air. Ryan lei I, mortally wounded, l>eing shot directly through the lungs. He died within ten minutes alter. In two of the previous fires Mr. Hammet had been wounded ; but the affair was allowed to proceed, probably in conformity with the original terms of the meeting. The same parties had before met and exchanged shots with ritles, and the difficulty was then ar ranged upon ttie ground. Mr. Kyan was the successor of Dr. Hagan in the editorial chair, who was killed in the streets of Vicksburg about a year ago. Am ..«'«> It. A■ Hiw-flornfw Miuikter to Brazil. The fullowing is an extract from the eloquent valedictory of Mr. Wise to his constituents. We have seldom read n more eloquent and earnest appeal. The sum of his advice is,— “ TAX YOURSELVES!!”’ For what ? I'd. To pay your public State debt. 2d. To idnc.lfe your childen—every child of them—at common primary free schools at State charge. 'That is mv legacy of advice to you before I leave rnv country’s shores, to re turn, perhaps, no more forever. ‘ Keen or iy and taxation P should be the watehwoid an I reply of the Govern ment and People of every State in the Union. Nothing more is wanting to remedy the evils of Hard Tin.es. The most awful calamity of “hard times” is their depredation upon public morals. They afford knaves the pretext arid force weak men to dodge their debts —'They destroy confidence among those men who arc honest, and tbits increase their own pressure. But men of stem integrity, of high honor, and of brave nerve, meet the difficulties of the times, they look debt and distress full in the fare, prepare to grapple manfully with them, mid like proud and heroic freemen, with brows eiecf, come off more than conquerors—more than if covered with the sweat and dust and blood of a thou sand victory crowned battle-fields. A true, a brave, and an honest man rises with the crisis in his own affairs. He reduces expenditures, lie sells every un-* necessary possession, he parts with every luxury, he saves every mite, he watch es close, he wd.’ks hard, and hears every privation until bets free again, and un til his honor is safe. And ns it is with a true, honest and brave man, so s!.*otl!<J it lie with the State. In a Republic the honor of the Slate is more precious far than the individual honor of every man in it, and every true patriot in the State will he more jealous, more tender of the honor of his State than of his own. He who deserts the standard of State honor is the worst of deserters, the basest of traitors. Bear taxation, then; wealth’s debt is sung, and every morsel of public Gpdit is saved. Look upon every denia pfogue, of whatever hue of party, who comes before you denouncing taxation for the public debt, no matter how or on what imposed, ns the deadliest of foes to the State—denounce him as one who would tempt you to dishonor. The madness of party will forget not only State hut indivi Inal honor, it will seek to make capital out of the want of wis dom in the mere mode of taxation.— Punish, I beseech von, the culprits, who ever they lie, who’ would recklessly fix upon you indelible shame and disgrace, for the mere form’s sake of taxation.— Distrust all attempts to disturb the oper ations of a tax bill already passed. Dis-* believe any set ot men who come before von with false promises of freedom from taxation. Listen only to those sincere friends who will honestly tell ybu that you must be how much you ought to be taxed and who will counsel freely and fully with you beforehand as to the mode and subjects of taxation. In a word, learn to love taxation ns the only means of aco uplisliing such objects as those of paying the public debt, and of educating your children, rich and poor. •See to it well that no revenue raised for legitimate purposes is wasted, sec that it ts all faithfully applied (o the true ends of Government, hut bo sure to raise enough and amply enough for every end of State necessity, usefulo ss, and honor. There is no easy mod j of taxation, no royal road to paying lebts or to education. Indus try, honesty, economy and education alont can make you a free and happy people. Educate your children—all yourchil dren —every one of them ! Do you know education languishes with us. Ist. The fact appears that of the whole number of free white persons, nearly one eirht, cannot read and write. 2d. That the whole number of free white persons over 20 years ot age, more than one-fourth cannot read and write. 3d. That you have but 17 academies for primary schools, making 118 in all, when you ought to maintain at least 258, leaving a deficiency of 141 common schools. 4th. That you have but 3,628 scholars in your primary schools, and but 695 scholars in them at public charge; when you ought to have at least 7,448 children at from 7 lo 15 years of age, nil at pub liccha.ge in free schools, leaving 4,175 chi dren of that age unaccount) and for. sih. That this number of 4,175 chil dren of that age presumed not sent to school, is nearly the precise number of adults, 4,514, who in thisgeneratiou have grown up ignorant of letters. 6th. That number of adults, 4,51 1, who cannot read and write, exceeds even the number of voters, 4,379, in the Dis trict. 7th. That, allowing sl2 00 cents to each scholar, you are now expending but $38,046 per annum for common schools, when you ought to expend the sum of $59,376, leaving a deficiency of funds amounting to §50,730 per annum. 8 h. That this sum of $50,730 must, be raised and expended in some way to J NO. 45.