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rational wrong:, by which a portion of the Union, acknowledged as such for sixteen years, was transferred to a foreign nation. But the alienation of Texas from the Union was not only done without any right, but was a gross infraction of the treaty and conditions by which she was made a part of the Union. By the 3d article of the treaty of 1803, it is stipula ted “that the inhabitants of the ceded ter ritory shall be admitted as soon as possi ble; according to the principles of the Federal Contitution r to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immuni ties of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime, they shall be protec ted in the free enjoyment of their liberty property, and the religion they profess.” Now here is a guarantee with France, and with the inhabitants of this ceded territory, that they shallbe adnitted as soon as postil le into the Union, “accor ding to the principles of the Federal Con stitution.” What are these principles, according to the Federal Constitution ? They are contained in the act of 1789, and are, Ist. that the territory shall be laid off as territorial dependencies, and remain such until they shall have num bers sufficient to entitle them ton Re presentative on the tloor of Congress: 2d. as soon as they obtain the requisite number, they shall he admitted as States into the Union. Nor was this a guaran tee which affected tlie generation then living only. The word “inhabitants” did not mean those living at that time only. It was a guarantee “to us and our children’s children.” It was a guaran tee for the people of the whole valley of the Mississippi—of the whole Union.— It was made to enable us k> fulfil that great destiny for which tlie Almighty seemed to have designed tvs—to populate and jiossess this continent. To dismem ber and alienate a part of this immense and fertile domain, was a violation of the solemn stipulations of the treaty of 1803; a gross infraction of the rights of the inhabitants of Louisiana, being and to come; and an injury to the people of the West,inhabiting tlie valley of the Mssissippi, whose peace and safety have been endangered by the alienation. It was their inheritance; and to prohibit them from enjoying and possessing it, when now freely tendered to them, after it had been, without right or title, and contrary to express guarantees in their favor, alienated from them, is nothing short of downright hostility; and so they must, and so they will, consider it. blr. Webster, in his late letter on this subject, justifies the purchase of Loui siana, and tlie purchase of Florida, on account of the peculiar position of these territories towards the rest of the Union. It is impossible for hirnto assign a single reason for tlie admission of these regions of country into component parts of the Union, which will not apply to Texas.— The waters of the Red river and upper Arkansas flow into the Mississippi, and thus give her a right of navigating this river to its mouth. The Sabine, lower down, comes within one hundred miles #f New Orleans. On the Gulf, her best port is within a day’s sail of the Missis sippi. Mr Clay, whilst. Secretary of State, in his long and able letter of the 25th August, 1825, urging on our Minister in Mexico, theproposition to purchase Tex as, says: “It is the wish of the President that you should, without delay, oi>en a negotiation with the Mexican' Govern ment, fortlie purchase of so much of the province of Texas, as is hereinafter de scribed.” lie is induced to this step I y a deep conviction of tlie real necessity of the proposed acquisition, not only as a guard lor onr Western frontier, and the protection of New Orleans, but also to secure forever to the inhabitants of the valley of the Mississippi, the undisputed and undisturbed possession of the navi gation of that river. Here the impor tance of Texas to the Union is clearly stated, and its re-annexation is put on its true ground. It is a “real necessity”—a necessity arising from the right to ‘pro tection” from the General Government, and an “undisturbed and undisputed possession of our great channels of in tercourse.” Thogreat purpose for which the Union was formed, and for which it exists—protection and peace—is invol ved in this question. It was an uct of the extremest folly and wrong, to have taken from the people of Louisiana and the valley of the Mississippi, the protec tion and security which an exclusive possession of the waters of the Missis sippi, and the coast of the Gulf, secured to them; but now to refuse to retake this territory when freely offered, and restore them to their former position of strength and safety, will be an act of undisguised and flagrant lvostility. And when lea gued, as it is, and will be shown to be, with the hostile designs of a foreign na tion, in concert with citizens of the U. S. to assail and disturb the peace of the Southwestern States, it will be an act of traitorous hostility, which every princi ple of justice and self-protection will compel these States to meet and defy. Texas Ann nation. The Intelligencer continues to be greatly alarmed about Mr. Tylers Trea ty. Fob a lonsr time it threw the pon derous weight of its inertia against the project—looking very gravely around aiul assuring its readers that it saw noth ing, and therefore there was nothing, and there was nothing to be seen. But its sight w suddenly quickened, and having broken thogfuss in a fright,it sees a thousand hid eous crooked faces in the fragments. It gathers rumors from all sources, believes all, doubts,contradiets,explains and again believes, it is a pity the Intelligencer conld not l*e relieved. There is certain ly something in it—but w/iat 1 that is the question. VVe are told that Wall street has been in a fermameiU byn rumor of annexation and consequent war with all the world, and stocks have fallen just in proportion <■«s hair has ‘riz-’ Every artifice is used, every malignant aspect of rumor to give a tragic importance to the affair, and, if possible, to frighten the Executive and the Senate from their propriety. In the meantime Mr Webster* lias thrown his weight into the scale against Texas, and every possible circumstance of drum and trumpet is added by those who agree with him, to make the dem onstration decisive. We may perhaps detect in Mr. Webster’s opinions on this subject that mysterious “ political neces sity” which removed him from the Cabi net. His letter has no other importance than the influence of his name—for bis argument is exceeding slim, and the whole of it little better than a quibble. Mr. Webster insinuates, what the .Mas sachusetts Legislature so peremptorily declared, wjtliout condescendingto assign a reason, that the admission of Texas would be against the Constitution. He gives as a reason, that Texas is “an inde pendent foreign State,” and opines that the framers of the Constitution could not have centemplatcd such ar extension of our boundaries. Inasmuch as there was no Such thing as an independent foreign State on this continent at the time, we strongly incline to agree with Mr. Webster, that they did not contemplate doing what under the circumstances would have been impossible. But they provided that •* New States nmy be ad mitted by the Congress into the Union,” and they' laid no restriction whatever up on the territorial limits within which such “ new States” might be formed. It has been shown that this unrestricted liberty of extension was not accidental, fora proposal to confine these new States to the territory then possessed by the U. States was made in the Convention and voted down. And who can doubt from the events of the Revolution that the Statesmen of that day contemplated the probable annexation of Canada, at some time, to the Union. By invasion and by uegociation, they tried every means to bring those provinces into the movement —they considered them as a part of them selves—they failed, but the idea remain ed, and the first enterprise of the war of 1812 was an invasion of Canada and an invitation to its people to come under the protection of oiy government. There is as little doubt that the States men of the Revolution contemplated the fntu re possession of Florida nndjthe mouth of the Mississippi. What indeed would this country be without them! Let any one with tiie map before him, estimate the position of the United States, on the Gulf ot Mexico, with Florida and Louisiana in the possession of a foreign power, and he will see that the ultimate acquisition of them by the United States was a-pal pable political necessity an event which would inevitably grow out of the settle ment ol the West and South. To tell us that the framers of the Constitution did not contemplate such acquisition, is to tell ns they hud not eyes, nor under standing, nor forecast. They purposely left tlie Union free to extend itself rs far as it pleased. And the writers of the “ Federalist”—themselves the leaders in the Convention, take pains to show that the extension of the United States even over the whole of North America would be in no sort objectionable from any dan ger to our system, because it would pre sent no obstacle to the representation of the most distant parts in Congress, and the whole machinery of local government being in the control of the States, there would be no relative enlargement of the powers of the Federal Government and no innovation upon the manner of their exercise. But Mr. Webster does not question the constitutionality of the purchase of Flor ida and Louisiana—he draw's a distinc tion between the acquisition of a Colony, by consent of the proprietary government; and the acquisition of a State by the con sent of itself. Indeed! One would sup pose that the true distinction was the re verse of that he makes; that the govern ment and people of an independent State, had a much clearer and juster power to disppse of themselves, than a government has to dispose of its colonies without their consent, and that the right of the United States to acquire, would become clear and just, in exact proportion to the right of the other government to relin quish in our lavor. Can there be a bet ter title to a country than that of its ac tual inhabitants, holding it as “an inde pendent State?” But we leave the dis cussion for to day. A singular taste. An English gentleman of education, and, so far as we know, (says the Forum,) of irreproachable character, left England some eighteen months since, with the intention of spending some years in a solitary cell in one of our prisons. He applied at the Eastern Penitentiary ; but was denied admittance. He insisted upon a place in tlie cells, and while he averred that he abhorred the idea of com mitting a crime, stated that he would do so to insure the accomplishment of his wishes. He was, of course, arrested upon this threat, and required by tlie Mayor to give bail. In delimit of bail he was committed to the Moyaniensing Pri son, where he has remained for thirteen months. The prison doors are, and have long been open to him, but he refuses to leave his cell; ar.d, as his daily labor supports him, he is permitted to remain. He is in the full possession of his faculties; is cheerful, and performs all the labor of an ordinary convict.—But, though engaged ten hours each day at the loom, he pur sues his mathematical and other studies with great perseverance and energy. He converses with great intelligence, and is obviously, from education and association a gentlemen. This is a singular instance of voluntary and self-inflicted penance, if such it be ; and the satisfaction which it seems to confer upon its subject, proves that the discipline of that excellent insti tution is far troui cruel. i POLITICAL. From the Savannah Georgian. ‘•There is something rotten in the State of 1 Veil murk.” While a silent spectator of the scenes which occurred before the Pulaski House last Friday, some mysterious images floated before our vision. We gazed up on the formidable array which surround ed Mr. Clay upon the balcony;—the forms and foces of men who have long been active politicians in our City and State; and from them we glanced at the crowd which was assembled beneath.— Our thoughts (in spite of ourselves) wan dered back to by-gone days; strange as sociations rose upon our memory. We were standing upon the same earth, looking up to the same sky, gazing upon the same faces, but “all else how chang ed!” Gradually we became more and more abstracted from the immediate scenes which were enacting around us; nur ears were almost dead to the sound of the Orator’s voice who was introduc ing Mr. Clay to the Whigs of Chatham ; our eyes were fixed upon vacancy:— when, all of a sudden, we seemed to see an old familiar face amid the crowd of by-standers, a nullifying friend of ours who has been dead for some half dozen years. Can we be mistaken ? Can it be he? We looked again. The features and figure become more and more dis tinct ; he turns —he sees us—he ap proaches ! “ My dear friend” the spirit exclaims, “I am happy to see you; not more from the fact that I have not seen you for some time past than that I wish some explana tion of what is going on around us.— My old, political friends to whom I have applied, have given me a most decided cut. They seem to be somewhat afraid of me; though I think I look pretty much as I always did. In the name of all that is marvellous, what is Mr. Clay doing among those millifiers in the balcony? I suppose that lam not mistaken. The long, thin figure, the light, sandy hair, the seli-complacent smile, and the enor mous mouth all proclaim that the indi vidual towards whom I am looking is Mr. Clay ? Am I right ?” [We nod assent.] Spirit. —“ Then what can be the meaning of this show ? Has Mr. Clay changed ? Have the spots upon the paid changed their color? Why, in my day upon earth (and I am quite mi infant in the other world) the nidifying Party to which I belonged would have met Mr. Clay in a spirit of righteous in dignation ! But hist! W' hat is Mr. Cutn ming saying now ? Mr. Gumming.— “ We desirea Tariff sufficient for revenue —kfftcti nt for PR TTXT lON !” [Spirit stands for a moment or two. and draws a long sigh.] Spirit. —“ My friend, lam bewildered non plussed* paralyzed. The times are certainly out of joint. Certainly I am not mistaken—that must lie Mr. Ciim ming, my old friend and acquaintance ! 1 recollect him well—full of intelligence —burning with patriotism—ardent in the cause of Southern rights ! Yes, he was a nuUifier, a whole souk and Nullifier —one who followed np the cause with all the warmth of the liisli blood which pours through his veins. I see his sea- I hear his voice, but he does not speak as he used to speak. Mr. Gum ming the advocate of a Tariff “efficient for protection ?” Why the very word protection would have condemned any Tariff in his eyes while I was alive!— George B. Gumming the warm suppor ter of Mr. Clay ? Surely, surely, surely, lam mistaken! But by all that is good —can that be Hon. Thos. Butler King?” [Here the spirit takes off his speeks, wipes them carefully, and returns them to his nose.] # Spirit. — ‘Yes, it is he, I recollect him well, a red-hot Nullifier was Thomas B. King. How he hated a Bank, how be hated a Tariff, and above all, how he hated Mr. Clay! What is he doing perched np there, upon one of the edi fices of a city which he used todenounce as being fit only for the abode of rats and pigeons ? Is King a supporter of Clay?” [We nod assent.J Spirit —“ Oh what a fall was there, my countrymen!” And are all that bunch of millifiers thefnends ofMr Clay? Some of them were mere boys in my day, but I remember them all—warm, generous and enthusiastic spirits: rea dy to shoulder their muskets against the oppressions of the General Government, against the Tariff, against Webster, but more especially against Clay ! Him we always considered the father of the A merican system, and against that unrigh teous offspring of iniquitous legislation we had declared a war to the knife.— This is very strange, my good friend, very strange indeed! But what does Mr. Gumming say—“ That the Whigs carried out the last wrar?” Well, I re collect an old adage .which said that, “it is never too late to learn.” I certainly have picked up one item of information by this excursion to the earth. The say ing will apply to spirits as well as tomen, for Mr. Cumining and myself were botli under the impression, when 1 was«live that the Republican Party w r ere the ad vocates of the last war, and the Federal ists its opponents. Can yon tell me from what source Mr. Gumming has learned the astoundingfact (hat “the Whigs were thAupporters of the last war?” We shake our head to indicate that we have not the ability to give satisfaction upon this point, “unless indeed, “we ob serve, “it is to be found in the new his tory of the Whig Party which has lately appeared from the press, tracing its close connection with, and immediate descent from the Whigs of the revolution.” Spirit. —“ Do I understand Mr. Cum rriing aright when he says that his party, the old Nullifying Party, are looking forward to Mr. Clay as the next President of ;!ic United States?” [We answer, yes.] Spirit. —“And what under heaven has produced this change? Have the skies changed above your heads, or the earth beneath your feet, that a Tarifl', a Bank, Internal Improvements, etc., etc., have become measures less odious than they were six years ago ? What does Troup, who was the lender of our Party in my day say to this?” “ Alas !” we replied, “the influence of such men as Troup over your party is gone forever. Troup is still where he was and where he ever will be, but his followers have abandoned his guidance and forsaken their principles. They are now the supporters of the most violent opponent of “ Troup and the Treaty”— Henry Clay. You see him before you, surrounded by Nullifiers and Troup men, and you will shortly hear him ad vocate the very principles your party condemned.” At this moment Mr. Clay began to speak, and the vision was gone. From Dennett's “Weekly Herald,” 23d ult. Treinen<lou>< Gathering Os the Locofoco Elements, of all Ages, Complexions, Sexes and Condi tions, at the Tabernacle, Last Eve ning— Great Singing—Great shout ing— Great Oration — Great Enthusi asm—and Great Beauty of the Il o men.— The Fight Fairly Commenced. The rain fell in torrents last evening, but it could’nt quench the enthusiasm of the “unterrified democracy.” The dim ly burning gas-lamps threw thei: flicker ing gleams on streets a fathom deep in mud, but still the thousands found their way to the Tabernacle. Such a gathel ing ! To the inspiriting music of the fife and drum, the locofoco forces of tlie various wards marched as gaily along as a crack volunteer company, on a smiting morning in June, setting out on a target excursion; and on foot, in stages; and in cabs, came hundreds of the fairest, brightest-eyed, rosiest, neatest, sweet est, most irresistible of the locofoco girls. Long hefore the commencement of the proceedings of the evening, the Taber nacle was densely crowded with the as sembled throng. Every inch of space was occupied, and the greatest good or der prevailed. Prince John Davis, and half a dozen of the “iudefatigables,” were stationed at various points in the lower part of the building, and by their activity and tact, the utmost decorum was preserved throughout the evening. But it was in the gaieties that the real creators of the order and decorum which reigned throughout that vast assemblage were seated. There was woman—love ly, peace-inspiring, all-subduing woman —converting, by the simple magic of her presence, what would have been a noisy, uproarious gathering, into a scene of qui et, although enthusiastic rejoicing—there was the source of that undisturbed har mony—there the source, too, of the bounding enthusiasm and patriotic feel ing* which ever and anon burst forth in the loud and lofty cheer—there it was. in that gallaxy of sparkling eyes, “ Glitt'ring like crescents o'er a Turk's pa villi on.'’ Immediately behind the chair, a splen did portrait of General Jackson, (smiling Ix-mgitantly on the scene,) hung sus pended from amid the folds of the Amer ican Flag—whose rallying hosts whip ped Packenhamand the British from New Orleans. On the fro:it of the gallery were suspended, at either side, the arms of New York obverse and reverse, sup ported by two flags representing the old States of the Union. All round the front of the galleries were suspended beautiful flags representing the various Stales of the Union, each of them bear ing a star and* the date of admission of each State into the Union. The entire arrangements had a very elegant and splendid effect. A piano was placed on the right of the Chair. Avery ex cellent brass band were ranged in the back tier, tiear the organ, and in front of them a full choir of elegantly dressed and decidedly beautiful ladies, which were selected, avowedly, from the democratic ranks, as rivals in the charms and graces of the softer sex, to those ladies who graced the Whig meeting held in the Tabernace, some evenings ago. At seven o’clock, the band struck up Hail Columbia, amiddeafeningapplause. They played subsequently Hail Colum bia, and several other airs which never fail to excite the hearts and heels of de mocratic audiences. The ladies occu pied the foremost seats in the galleries, and presented a perfect galaxy of classic beauty, which, indeed, might safely vie with any whig assemblage of fair politi cians in the entire Union. His Honor the Mayor was moved to the chair pre cisely at eight o’clock, and took it amid deafening applause. The following gen tlemen were then appointed by acclama tion. VICE PRESIDENTS. A. H. Mickle, S. Waterbury, C. P. White, Joseph Hopkins, Theo. Peck, Joseph Keeler, R. B. Connolly, W. F. Havermoyer, B. F. Cornell, E. F. Purdy, Robert McGnry, Andrew Carrigan, J. A. Westervelt, J. M. Miller, T. Sedgwick, O. J. Nash. SECRETARIES. Levi. D. Slamm, Henry Nicoll, Bartlett Smith, Thos. Charlock, H. P. Barber, C. A. Secor, R. J. Compton, J. I. Coddington, Jr. His Honor Mayor Morris, when the meeting was duly organised, said, my friends, it is incumbent on me to statethe object of this mi eting, not that I feel it necessary to trespass at length upon your time, because the songs that are to be sung, and the oration that is to be deliv ered, as well as the time that will neces sarily lie consumed in the delivery of the address which is to be made on this fes tive occasion, will take up a good deal of | our time. We are met, my friends to commemorate the birth day of Andrew Jackson—(loud and vociferous cheering) —a man who was sent amongst us only for the purpose of elevating or protecting the rights of man—and whose whole life has been but one uniform constant exertion in favor of human liberty, and for the protection and independence of bis country. (Loud enthusiastic cheer ing.) We are met here, gentlemen, to celebrate the birth day of such a man— we are met here to celebrate the birth day of one, from whom no individual grandeur is to be gained—for manifold as his services have been, and great as have been his exertions in the cause of his country—having nearly filled up the measure of his day—he is passing from the stage, and those who now flock for ward to pay a tribute to his many public and private virtues, cannot be called man-worshippers. A voice from the crowd. —l don’t be lieve you. (This interruption created a good deal of confusion in the great body ot the meeting. Several voices cried out, “turn him out, turn him out.”) The Mayor, (with much naivette ) —l believe you are right. Gentlemen,(turn ing to the band) play “Hail Columbia.” The band here performed this beauti ful national air with admirable taste and execution. After which, the ladies and gentlemen composing the choir, accom panied by the piano, the following Ode— The Watchword. Air—To the Mountains— AmHit. WRITTEN FOR THE OCCASION BY H. P. BARBER, ESR. They are coming! are coming! and hark how their cheer Like the roar of the ocean surf bursts on the car, They are coming ! are coming ! from East and from W est, !n grandeur and gloom like the thunder cloud’s crest They arecoming! arc coming! the sons of the North, And the land of tlie South pours its chivalry forth, Ten thoDsaml bright banners are beaming on high, Each hearing our watchword, “we conquer or die’’ Democracy’s bugle hath sounded the call, And its soldiers .are pouring from hamlet ami hall To flock round the standard ofjus'.ire and right In the pride oftheir soul and the strength of their might And woe to the foeinan who stands in their path, As they press to the field in the gloom of their wrath, Ten thousand bright banners are beaming on high, Each hearing our watchword, “we conquer or die.” Each one from the scabbard his falchion hath drawn, Each one on the altar <rf freedom hath sworn That hlssword returns not to the place of itsrest Till his cause he avenged and his wrongs be tedress’t, Till Democracy’s pillar in triumph ascends A cloud to its foes and a light toils friends, Ten thousand bright banners arebeaming on hi'. !■ Each bearing our watchword, “we conquer or di Come rally ! come rally ' bright, bright dawns the day, Freedom’s soul is now bursting its shackles of “Clay,” Come rally ! come rally! a charge and a shout, As the blast of our bugle rings cheerrily out. Come rally ! came rally ! one erfort to save “The land of the free and the home of the brave,” Ten thousand bright banners are beaming on high Each bearing our watchword, “we conquer or die.” His Honor the Mayor then said—fel low citizens, I have now the pleasure of introducing to you Gansevoort Melville, Esq, the orator of the occasion. (Great cheering.) To the Editors of Ihc Richmond Enquirer: Extract of a TiCttcr fiotn WASHINGTON CITY, ) March 16, 1841. s Dear Sir: —The National Intelligencer, of this morning is out upon the Texas question, and against it. —The aston ishing vote of the House yesterday—of 122 to 40—giving tire coup do grace to the resolutions of Mr. Winthrop, of Mas sachusetts—denouncing the annexation of Texas—was too much for the Intel ligencer—and it has striven, by casting its slashing phillipic against annexation generally, to inflict its insidious rehuke upon the House. It won’t do. Time was when the Intelligencer possessed and deserved the confidence of the coun try : but in recent years, it has too often and too signally taken part against the country, in its national controversies, to give it the least weight in now espousing what it supposes to be the cause of Mex ico against the country, tys fierce and vindictive assaults, some years since, upon General Jackson, for maintaining the National honor, and the rights ot our in jured citizens—when France put forth her haughty refusal to meet her solemn obligations—is freshly and indignantly remembered—nor will the country soon forget its merciless revilings against the government — for stretching out its arm of protection to our frontiei citizens—to save the midnight slumberer from the torch and the tomahawk. &c. Stiil less will the counsels of the In telligencer be heeded, for its inflamatory reference to the threat of certain Hart ford Conventionists in Massachusetts, who shout forth ’’Massachusetts out of the Union, if Texas be in it.” The In telligencer can’t frighten people out of their propriety through the traitorous clamors of such people as these. Na tional memories arc not quite so oblivious as to have lost the rememberance, that these are of the same clan and kidney, who menaced the country with civil war, for the annexation of t ouisiana —who kept the nation in a ferment in arousing popular resistance to the embargo law s— and who, in 1814, when their country lay gasping in its mighty struggle for sailor’s rights and national existence, were infamously paralizing her energies by their dastardly treasons at Hartiord. If Mr. Forsyth declined the overture for the annexation in 1837, why does the Intelligencer withhold the “existing circumstances, of which Mr. F. speaks? Why not remind them, that the overture was made—within four months after the U. States acknowledged Texian Inde pendence—-when no other State or King-, dom of the earth had done so—when Texas and Mexico were in the midst of furious and ravaging war, and the latter smarting and writhing to her inmost core, over her signal and terrible disgraces! upon the blobdy field of San Jacinto? Why did it not fell them, that the Union did not hold a man more thoroughly de voted to the cause of annexation, than John Forsyth, as a hundred citizens even here can fully attest? H'lty did it con ceal how circumstances had changed? How the last flickering twinkle of'that Mexico-Texas Mar had gone out, and that a glorious and stipulated peace had given quiet to their borders ? H’hy con ceal, that the resident Mexican Minister here, (Col. Almonte,) has frankly avowed to our Government, that Mexico had no hopes of reacquiring Texas and that its annexation was for the interest of Mexico herself? If, however, it was the object of the Intelligencer to make a party question of annexation, I am happy to know that it has most signally failed of its object. Some of tlie most prominent Whigs here scout tlie idea, as much as the Democrats do. Indeed, I have heard it often said, on both sides, that they deem it a most pro pitious season, for the settlement of this momentous question. Neither of the great parties is invested with the Execu tive power—and neither, therefore, can be jealous of the other : for, whatever of credit may attach to the negotiation. Each (with few exceptions) says to the other, in God’s name let Mr. Tyler have all the credit —while the country at lame reaps the benefit of the great measure. Let the country take her lands and her custom houses and pay her debts; and in due season, garner up the enriching bal ance into her own coffers, for national uses. I hope the public press of both parties will administer their salutary rebukes to the Intelligencer, for this rude effort to destroy, in the germ, a great national ne gotiation, and urging its readers to form opinion on great matters before they see the proofs. If a treaty should he made, who knows but that there may be proofs before the President; and that those proofs will be laid before the Senate, which will justify alike the Treaty. Who knows but that the questions before the Executive resolve themselves into these: Texas now, or Texas never ! Texas for ee. or Texas for Great Britain ! Now I assert, that these are the very, and the only alternatives submitted to the Executive, and that as such, they wi l come before the Senate, or will not come at all. And I assert, furthermore, that Great Britain has—through a duly accredited Diplomatic Envoy—formally proposed to Texas a Treaty , of which ihese two ar ticles are to l>e the basis : Ist To pay the value of Texas slaves, if Texas will emancipate. 2d To receive Texas cot ton duty free, if Texas will receive cer tain enumerated articles of British man ufacturers duty free—such as cotton and wollen goods—iron,and all manufactur es of which iron constitutes a part. I assert, furthermore, that Texas will in stantconsly accept the second article, if annexation fails. And I assert, further more, that as soon ns this Free Trade Treaty is made, the abolition being re fused, (as it will be.) that 5,000 more Englishmen are to lie introduced under the direct auspices of the British Govern ment, for the very purpose of carrying abolition at the polls.—And I assert fur thermore, that this purpose is known to some of the most prominent slaveholders in Texas, and that they mean to thwart it, by returning to the U. States, the mo ment that annexation fails, and everyone knows the utter iucotnpetency of this Government, to prevent the smuggling back of those slaves into the United States. Let Senators and Representa tives— let the Whigs and Democratic press—let the people ponder on these things, and wait for the proofs before they form any opinions, or take any stops to embarrass the national Executive. If, however, the National Intelligencer, against all the remonstrance of national interests, will cram public curiosity with its crude speculations—it is proper to confront and counteract the iniscliicvious influences, by the opinions of one, who, now as ever, takes sides with his country, and whose competency to judge ol the military results of the rejection or annex ation of Texas, not a man in the nation will question. If, besides, the publica tion of the letter which follows, shall involve the Intelligencer’s great patron, the Abolition patriot of the House, Mr. John Quincy Adams, in enduring shame before his country, for surrendering wfo betraying her beloved interests, to a for eign nation without an equivalent— let him thank the Intelligencer, for forcing this letter before the public, a month be fore its time. Let us see how he will answer to this nation, and the deeplv wronged South, for surrendering Texas to Spain without an equivalent, and then turning round, and refusing Missouri her niche in the Union unless she will abolish that slavery which the Constitution of fo unded States tolerates and protects in the States who choose to establish it, am then wrestles to the last for the memora ble Missouri Compromise, if Coitt}> r " tnise that can be called, which surrenders all and receives nothing! Rut tod letter; [See first page.] An old soldier. —A slave named Gil bert, died near Stanton, Virginia, on 'h- Kith ult., aged 112 years. He was a servant of Col Washington at the battle of the Monongnhela, on the Hfh a July, 1775, when Bradock was defeated, and afterwards with the general at 1 surrender of Cornwallis, # at York to v, on the 19th of October, 1781. * Taunton Spectator says, he will long member the “old man in regimen they have been accustomed to look up with delight oil our days of parade.