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touch upon any party topic on this occa -Bion, and it has been my design to con fine my remarks to an illustration of the injustice of our opponents in making as sists upon persons instead of principles, flieir chief engine of party warfare.— Rarely have we ever assailed the private characters of their eminent men, or done them even justice in this particular. Never have they failed to libel and vilify ours without regard to truth or conse quences. lam not sure but the time has come to force them to a truce in this sav age warfare, or to carry the war into their own camp. It illy becomes them now to assume all the virtues for their candi dates and ascribe all the vices to ours. 'ldle presidential candidate of the democ racy will be a pure man, upon whose private life calumny cannot fix a stain ; and in this respect how will his oppo nent compare with him in the estimate of the private virtues and duties of a good citizen ? But I will pass from this, lest I should overstep my design in bringing these sug. gestions to a single point, viz: the calum nies upon the characters of Jefferson and Jackson in their relation to morality and religion. So odiously was the character of Jefferson held' up in this respect by his opponents, that terror pervaded all New England at the awful pictures dVawn in the pulpit and the press, of the French atheism and the jacobinical her esies that were to inundate the land and demolish the churches if Thomas Jeffer son was elected president! So alarmed were the pious old Indies of that day, who believed what their federal sons and husbands told them, that it is said they actually hid their family bibles in their meal chests and under their beds when the news came that Jefferson was chosen ! hi a like manner our second JefTerson has been denounced as utterly reprobate and vile, and a scoffer at all that was holy and good ; and our young men have been cautioned by his example, against the demoralising and sou! destroying in fluences of democracy. There is an in cident in the lives of Jefferson and Jack son which brings them together in this relation, and beautifully illustrates their veneration for morality and religion, and their earnest desire to inculcate these as the foundations of happiness and success in young men. It is a lesson well worth the study of our ingenious youth, and the regard of every New England moth er; and I venture to believe th.it I shall be pardoned for introducing it here. In 1815, just after the battle of New Orleans, Gen. Jackson met Mr Jefferson in Virginia, and on that occasion the re tired sage, as if he foresaw what was to be recorded of the guest in the future history of his country, gave that memo rable toast so familiar in every mouth, “Honor and gratitude to those who have filled the measure of their country’s hon or” From that time to the death of the author of the declaration, the relations of these two illustrious men were those of the highest mutual regard. An in stinctive sympathy existed between them npoti those great doctrines of the demo cratic faith, which Jefferson had inculca ted in the noblest precepts, and which Jackson was destined to carry forward in inflexible practice. At a later period in the life of one, and after the decease of the other, the sympathies of these great men were pleasingly illustrated upon the necessity of religious principle as the foundation of true virtue and pure mor ality. In 1823, Mrs. Grotzan, of Philadel phia, the accomplished wife of Peter Grotzan, who had for many years enjoy ed a correspondence with Mr. Jefferson, wrote to him a request that he would al low her to bestow his name upon her in fant son, and would send him a written lesson of advice, as a legacy and guide for his future life. Mr. Jefferson sent the following invaluable lesson for the youth of our land:— w 'l'hoe. Jefferson to Thos. J f JT - rson Grotzan ; Your affectionate mother requests that I would address to you, as a namesake, something which might have a favorable influence on the course*of life you have to run. Few words are necessary, with good dispositions on your part. Adore God, reverence and cherish your parents. Love your neighbor as yourself, and your country more than life. Be just, lie true: murmur not at the ways of Providence, and the life into which you have entered will be the passage to one of eternal and ineffable bliss—and if to the dead it is permitled to care for the things of this world, every action of your life will be under my regard. Monticello, Jan. 10,1824. In 1833, Gen. Jackson had been elect ed to the presidency, and Jefferson had been called' to-hw last and higlrest re ward. In June of diet year the parents of young Grotzam, then ten years of age, introduced him to- President Jackson, and presenting the original letter of Jef ferson to their son, desired him tonddan expression l of his sentiments, which he immediately wrote upon the letter, in tire following words:— “ Although requested by Mrs. Grotzan, yet I can add nothing to the admirable advice given to her son by that virtuous patriot and enlightened statesman Thom as Jefferson. The precious relic which he sent to the young child, contains tire purest morality, and inculcates the no blest sentimeirts. I can only recommend a rigid adherence to them. They will carry hwn through life safely, and what is far herter, they will carry him through death triumphantly—and we may hum bly trust they will secure to all who in principle and practice adopt them, that crown of immortality described in the holy scriptures. ANDREW JACKSON. Philadelphia, June 9, 1843.” Fortunate young man to have recei ved two srreh lessons from two such men ! Well may they be dedicated to the youth of the United States, as their surest guide to virtue, happiness, and honor here, and bliss hereafter. And these, Mr. President, arc the sol emn and earnest sentiments of those two fraternal champions of the democratic principle, who have been villified as void of all respect for religion, or regard for the decencies of morality ! And now, in the last days of the illus trious Jackson, we find him, ns he so resignedly expresses himself in a note recently published, reposing his trust “in a just and wise Providence, prepared when he makes the call, with due hu mility to submit to His will.” Mr. President, the life of that great and good man has been spared to witness the act of Iris country’s justice in the restitu tion of an unjust fine. But he has an other event yet to wait for. I cannot but feel that lie will be prepared to wit ness the full restitution of the principles and measures he so nobly begun, and his eminent successor so faithfully pur sued, but which for a time have been stricken down by the opposing hosts. That event is to be consumated this very year, by the election of a Democra tic President. Who would not glory in being able to contribute to the joy the last of the revolutionary line of Presi dents will feel, if spared to hear that an nouncement ? Who would not feel cov ered with shame and remorse, if by di vision, indifference or disaffection, he had contributed but a single grain, to throw the blanceinto thescale ofouropponents? The whole public life of Andrew Jack son, and the spirit of his repose as henow waits the last summons, speaks to the great brotherhood of the democracy one emphatic word—the secret of their strength, the surety of their triumph; and" that word is, “union,” “union,” “ UNION!” In conclusion, Mr. 11. offered this sen timent : Andrew Jackson. —He has gloriously carried out the will of the people in his life; he now humbly waits the willof Heaven in his death. May the voice of the people be the voice of Got!—“Well done, good and faithful servant.” Exportsof New Hampshire —Granite, ice, and distinguished men. The President then read a letter from the Hon. Levi Woodbury:— I! 'ashington, D. C., March 12, 1844. Gentlemen—l have received your polite invitation to attend the celebration of the birth-day of Gen. Jackson in Fan cuil Hall. It is a matter of deep regret to me that lam not able to join you in rendering due honor to that great patriot and hero in so appropriate a place as the “ Old Cradle of Liberty,” and within sight of the monument of Bunker’s Hill. Respectfully, LEVI WOODBURY. To Messrs. D. H. Dustin, J. S. Kim ball, J. E. Stevens, committee, &c John C. Calhoun —The bright parti cular of the South, whose radiance illu mines the whole Union. The President, in this connexior, cal led upon Mr. Brownson, who eloquently responded to the call. In attending the meeting lie had not anticipated this sum mon, but never refrained from comply ing with a request to speak his senti ments. He should be untrue to himself as a man and an American citizen, untrue to the ties of feeling which bound him to one who traced his origin to the same green island with himself, if lie failed to recognise and speak of General Jackson in terms of respect and admiration. He allowed to General Jackson individuality of characterand firmness—he was always ready in time of need to “take the re sponsibility.” In this respect, John C. Calhoun strong ly resembled him. Like General Jack son, the patriot of the South never mer ged his identity in any movement of men or parties—he was always John C. Cal houn. These statesmen did not ask what was expedient—what was popular—but what was right. This was true demo cratic feeling. Gen. Jackson did not perform any acts because his party de sired it, but because it was right of itself. So with Mr. Calhoun—whether the mul titude were with him or against him, there he stood, unchanged, unchanging, ready to live for the truth, fight for the truth. He might full, but it was nobler and better to fall with right, than to triumph with wrong. He dosed with this sentiment:— Popular Government A govern ment which shall be under a constitution and laws, is the wisest, best and ony free government possible. We append the following sentiments from a number of similar character giv en, during the festiveties.— Riffle Balls —The metallic currency of 1815, freely disbursed at the banks of the Mississippi when Gen. Jackson was the paying teller. Andrew Jackson. —Unsurpassed in integrity, firmness and patriotism. Hon ored be the name of the Hero. British Insolence— In the revolution ary war it developed the spirit of Jack son when, a boy; in the last war it re ceived its punishment from Jackson when a man. 'I he memory of thelamentcd Upshur and Gilmer. —[Drunk in silence.] Protection Equal laws and equal rights, with individual industry and pri vate economy constitute the American system. I'he Democr -tic General of 1844. The rank and file will not desert him. Martin Van Buren. —His motto, un compromising hostility to an U. States Bank : true to the people he has “follow ed in the footsteps of his illustrious pre decessor.” VOLUNTEER TOASTS. The True American Citizen : ITie sympathiser with all who are crusted by aristocratic or despotic sway; his motto is “equal privileges to all,” and thus, ill the language of our venerable Jackson, “he asks for nothing but what is right, and submits to nothing that is wrong.” The V-toes—A capital foundation to rest upon when you are going to fight the Old Bank Dragon, who was £i/>-ified in the book of Revelations. Veto—The “I forbid” of Andrew Jack son, as terrible to the monopolists and aristocrats, ns it was cheering and inspir ing to the freemen and democrat. By Henry Crocker. Martial law and the Veto power—The patriot exercise of the first in the camp, and of the other in the cabinet , has been the salvation of our liberties heretofore. May the one never be stayed by a perfidious Judge, nor the other te disturbed by a factious congress in time to come. By Peter T. Homer. The democra tic members of the present congress—by remitting his fine they have done an act of justice to a noble patriot; by modi fying the present unequal system of tax ation, they will do one to the American people. By Thomas Ford. British aggression —England seeks the cotton of Texas — wonder if she wants the “ cotton bags of New Orleans ” to put it in. Cass —The sorted democrat and true patriot, whose qualifications fit him to adorn any station which die people may appoint him. From the Columbus 7 \mcs. The Pheenix Hank* The Augusta Constitutionalist in an article copied in to-day’s paper, sharply rebukes the effrontery of the last Whig report, that a Democratic Legislature and the Democratic party, are answera ble for the origin, and therefore the blow up of this concern. We quote the arti cle both for the sake of truth, and to put on record, another evidence of the un scrupulous recklessness of a party, which, while claiming all the virtue and respect ability of the country, yet stoops to the use of means so vile, to prop their unpop ular cause. Mr. #uieu quotes the record upon the authors of the report, and shows beyond all quibble or cavil, that the “Phoenix” was true W*hig progency, and had “Coon” written legibly in its face. This effort at fabrication having flash ed in the pan, we await with some curi osity to see what shift the fabricators will make, when they find like the lawyer in the fable, that'it was their bull that gored our ox. We have faith in the inventive powers of Federal Editors—they are “a devil at a fence”—but we do marvel how they propose to creep out of this dilem ma—for surely the Coon is fairly treed this time. They said “the rascally lo co focos are to blame for this Bank fail ure—they gave it anew name and set it on its new legs, to prey upon the sub stance of the people—on them let the vengence of the people fall”—but now, when it turns out that the honest Whigs, originated, voted for mid carried through the measure, and that if punishment is to fall any where, it must be on their honest shoulders—What will Mrs. Grun dy say ? • They can do but two things, either brazen it out, on one of their re cognized principles of action, that an un truth boldly stuck to, is good and lawful political capital—or console themselves as the antedelnvian did, when Noah re fused to take him in the Ark, the water up to - his chin and still pouring—“ Well this is no great crack of a shower after all”—So, “as Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Ste phens and Mr. Flournoy and Mr. Chip ley and Mr. Crawford, all voted for it, and we really cannot put it on the Locos, why it is not such a bad Bank after all !” No, it is not so very bad, no worse in deed, than the Biddle Bank of their idol atry, which ruined a thousand fortunes, broke hundreds of hearts, and turned hundreds of widows and orphans pen nyless into the streets. P. From, the Georgia CorsliMionalist. The Fhcenix Bank. Since 4he failure of this bank charges of a serious nature have been alleged against the President of the Institution, who has been arrested in Charleston, brought to this city, and lodged in the Augusta jail, until he is removed to Co lumbus, where he is to be tried. We shall abstain for the present from any re marks upon the various rumors afloat respecting the failure of the bank ; but we must notice the dissemination of a report which is totally devoid of truth ; that the change of the name ol the insti tution, from the Farmers’ Bund of Chat tahoocchee to Phoenix Bonk, and, even, its mismanagement, are to ascribed to a democratic legislature and to the demo cratic party. We knew such assertions to be untrue before we contradicted them in our paper; we consulted our docu ments, and the results of our examination is as follows, which must convince every friend of truth, that to the whigs alone must be ascribed what is now so un blushingly alleged against the democrat ic party : According to the return made to the Governor of Georgia, of the condition of the Farmers’ Bank of Chattahoochee, on the Ist Monday in October, 1840, it appears James S. Calhoun was President, and D. Hudson, Cashier of the institu tion, and the following individuals were stockholders: The Bank itself, Shares 1,919 Paid in J. S. Calhoun, 30 3,000 Patrick Gibson, 50 5,000 Thos. Green, sen- 100 6,000 A. Iverson, 50 5,000 J. K. Kilburn, 40 4,000 S. Kxtckogey, 50 5,000 G. B. Lamar, 100 10,000 Nathan McGehee, 250 25,000 E. Molynewx, jun. 200 30,000 Unknown, 6 600 Forfeited, 5 25 W. P. Yongc, 100 10,000 3,000 103,625 A few months after, that is on the 12th of December, 1840, Mr. Chipfey, a whig, introduced into the House of Representa tives, in which the whigs had a large majority, a bill to change the name of the Partners’ Bank of Chattahoochee to that of Phoenix Bank. On the final passage of the bill ih the Hotlse, it was advocated by the whigs and strenuously opposed by the democrats; it passed by yeas 109, nays 69; 'a large number of the yeas whigs, among whom we find recorded the names of Messrs. Chappell!, Craw ford of Richmond, Flournoy of Musco gee, Flournoy of Washington, Rhodes, Stephens, Toombs, and others. In the Senate, when the bill passed, the yeas and nays were not taken. It must be borne in mind that Mr. Calhoun, the President of the Bank at the time, was Senator from Muscogee. Now we will ask, on whom must Jfall the odium of having changed the name of the bank? The bill was sanctioned the 24th of December, 1840. According to the return made to the Governor of the condition of the Phoenix Bank, on the 19th of October, 1843, by F. Martin, President, it appears that on that day the following individuals were stockholders: Solomon Kneeland, Shares 40 $4,000 Samuel Koockogey, 33 3,300 F. Martin, 471 47,100 Nathan McGehee, 465 46,500 Daniel H. Bird, 18 1,800 G. Kostar, 851 85,100 John D. Field, sen. 24 2,400 A. Mayor, 430 43,00 Henry Strickland, 18 1,800 William P. Yonge, 30 3,000 Lentilhon & Cos. 319 31,000 Patrick Gibson, 50 5,000 W. H. Howland & Cos. Trustees 140 15,000 Forfeited, 111 6,625 3,000 290,525 A35E3353 iJiViSf SOB WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 1844. Mr. Clay. This distinguished statesman of the West has been with us and is gone.— Now that the hnrly burly is over, that the dust and the smoke have passed away, we can take a calm and impartial view of the field and count overthe woun ded and the slain. To others it may be long to recount the achievementsof the de tachments, to describe the dearly bought honors of the self-complacent subalterns who figured in the melee; it is enough for us, on the present occasion, at least, to follow the movements of the main ar my and chronicle the exploits of the Na poleon of the day. The crowd that collected to hear Mr. Clay was not large. Few comparatively were present from the country, certainly not half the number we had anticipated. We subjoin below a full, and as we be lieve, impartial analysis of the speech.— The ideas are condensed as well as the language. In the latter, however, espe cially in the more exciting parts, the words of the orator are used. In this at tempt to give the public what was said, we have endeavored “ nothing to exten uate or set down aught in malice.” It will be evident to all who read this sketch as it was to every candid listener, that the orator was extremely solicitous to do away the impression that his visit was for party purposes. If, however, in the early part of the speech his effort suc ceeded, we are confident before he con cluded, that it was renewed and pressed home with a force that will render it in delible. , From the high reputation of the spea ker as an orator (and we would not pluck from his brow a single laurel to which he is legitimately entitled) we had ex pected much—from his usual regard to the proprieties of political life and the el evated position which he occupied before the American people we had expected much. In both respects we were disap pointed. We had expected, that ifjje spoke at all, he would have spoken on topics and those only which belong to the statesman, not the politician, on the great fundamental principles of Republi can Government. We did not expect that he would enter the arena of political strife and become the vindicator and trumpeter of his own and the fame of his party. As an orator Mr. Clay fell below himself, or is another specimen of ttiat old adage “ distance lends enchantment to the view.” We do not mean to say that he did not evince talent and oratori cal power. He did, and of a high order, but not the talent or the power ascribed to Henry Clay. There was a spirit of demagoguism running through the whole speech, and though designed to be artfully concealed would thrust itself out in some of its dis gusting forms. For instance, his allu sion to the slashes, as though there are none in the State of “ Harry of the slash es,” was merely tte book lesson on which he conld h-ang a story for a certain class that te was once a barefooted boy and went to mill. We instance also his comments on Mr. Van Buren’s travels. They were unlike Mr. Clay’s, as are his principles. Besides, if they were similar, Mr. Van Buren is an ex-President, Mr. Clay only an aspirant. If he said any thing about Mr. Van Buren’s vote on the tariff, he should have told the whole story, and not like a in his service, have tortured truth and justice to excite a smile. His remarks about Mr. Lowndes and Mr. Calhoun as favoring the protec tive tariff system, were, to say the least, in bad taste. We boldly challenge him to repeat them in the state of their nativ ity. The slander has been refuted time and again, nay it has been condemned by every State Right press in Georgia from 1828 to 1534 by the very men who have revived it. But we forbear, with this single re mark, that throughout the whole speech Mr. Clay never once attempted to prove the constitutional right of the gov ernment to sustain his views. All who heard him must admit this pungent truth. MR. CLAY’S SPEECH. After tendering his acknowledgments to the President of the Clay club and the citizens of Macon for the kindness and hospitality extended to him, Mr. Clay said He had left his home in Kentucky in November last on a visit to New Or leans, whither private business had for some time detained him, that partly with the view of recruiting his health by spending a winter at the South, and part ly to gratify a desire for a long time en tertained, he had resolved to embrace this, perhaps the only opportunity that would be afforded him, to visit the Old North State, that he knew no reason why like other citizens he could not travel where he pleased. Had his own wishes been consulted, he should have preferred passing through the country without noise and ostentation, but that this he had found impossible. He here alluded to the travels of Mr. Van Bnren, and sta ted that when he learned that that distin guished friend of his was in South Caro lina and contemplated visiting the West, that he wrote to him inviting him to visit him at his own residence at Ashland, that when Mr. V. arrived at Lexington, he went out to meet him, and with a proces sion of seventy carriages and some hun dreds on horse-back—a procession three times as large as that which honored his own arrival into this beautiful city, con ducted him to Ashland, when we killed the fatted calf and extended to him the poor hospitality that his home afforded. After telling an anecdote of an inquisi tive tavern-keeper near Washington City, he commented upon the unkindness of the press towards him, and noticed the conduct of some of his democratic friends. He then took from his pocket an article cut from a newspaper, which paper he said he had found upon the table, just as he was leaving the hospitable mansion of bis friend, Mr. Nisbet, to attend this mee ting. It appeared, he said to be the pro ceedings of a Democratic meeting recent ly held in Bibb county, and foranght he knew, in this city. He read, “Henry Clay, the itinerating candidate for all the honors his party can confer, has left the slashes of the West and is in the field boldly canvassing for golden opinions with all with whom he can come in con tact.” Why, said Mr. Clay, my demo cratic friends have forgotten their geogra phy, we have heard of the slashes of Hanover but they have located them in Kentucky!! This led him to tell the story, evidently the design of the whole critique, of his going to mill bare-footed in the slashes of Hanover. He here pro nounced a eulogy on the patriotism and honesty of the great mass of the Demo cratic party, expressed his confidence in them, but not in their leaders. He repea tcdly declared and hoped lie should be credited, that he was not travelling “to win golden opinions;” he combated this charge in a variety of ways and labored hard to satisfy his hearers, that his demo cratic friends had been wicked and un generous in casting this imputation upon him. Mr. Clay now said that it was only at the earnest solicitation of his friends, who had assured him there was a great curi osity to hear his voice, that he had con sented to address Ins fellow citizens.— But, said he, what shall I say? “You all know me.” He told his audience with what freedom and fearlessness he had ever declared his sentiments, that these were known throughout the whole Union, that following the dictates oftruth and patriotism, he had boldly breasted the storms which had gathered around him. He attempted a vindication of his coalition with Mr. Adams, spoke of his efforts on the Missouri question, on the compromise of the tariff of 1828 and on the difficulties which he had been instru mental in removing, that existed between the administration of Gen. Jackson and the government of France. He again recurred to the proceedings of the Bibb Democratic meeting, and said that his democratic friends had also char ged him with being the “uncompromising enemy of Georgia in all her controver sies with the Indians.” Here he indig nantly exclaimed “I am no enemy of Georgia;” and from this text furnished by himself, pouretfforth a burst of elo quence unequalled by any other portion of his address, and establishing his claim to the high reputation he enjoys as an orator, lie then spoke of the only charge in this regard made by the De mocracy—his hostility to Georgia in her Indian relations. He admitted that on a certain occasion he had voted against an Indian treaty in the Senate of the United States in which Georgia had an interest; that he was anxious that this State should in a just and honorable manner get into the possession of her territory; that the Indians, the aborigi nes of the country were the weaker party, and that when he looked into the evi de nee connected with the treaty with all the powers that God had given him, that evidence brought him to the conclusion that the treaty was made by force and was the result of fraud. Should he then he asked, acting under the sanctions of the oath he had taken, faithfully to discharge his duty, be denounced as an enemy to Georgia, because he would not lend his aid to the perpetuation of a fraud ? But again, said he, these Democratic friends say I am the father of the Ameri can system. He jestingly added, if lam its father, it had more fathers than one; some of them from an adjoining State.— He spoke of the efforts of himself, Wm. Lowndes, and John C. Calhoun, in ar ranging and sustaining the tariff of 1816, he referred to the tariff of 1824 and glan ced at the act of 1828 which he said at the South had emphatically been called the Bill of Abominations; and that he knew this act had been concocted in fraud and collusion. He had not voted for it, but he could tell who did vote for it, and would tell, if his hearers would say nothing about it. Martin Van Bu ren voted for it. He then entered into an examination and defence of a protec tive tariff. The substance of his re marks on this subject, and even the phra seology will be found in the following extract of a report of a speech lately made by him in Tuscaloosa. Mr. Clay next adverted to the general policy of the party with which he acted, and remarked that a National Bank con stituted a prominent feature in that poli cy. He discussed the expediency of such an institution. The substance of his ar gument was this; that it was a point now settled in this country, that the States would have their banks. He then contended that there was a necessity, there should be some controlling institu tion to regulate them, to furnish a cur rency which will be sound and with which a man could travel from Maine to the Sabine. He, besides, presented this viftw, that England had her Bank; France hers; Belgium hers; and every civilized nation upon the Globe; that such an institution with proper men to direct it. who would have their eye out upon the commercial world and the state of trade could resist the studied combina tions of foreign countries, and protect the trade and commerce of our own country. He illustrated this view by the action of the Bank of England, when, as he aver red, it had to reduce the price of cotton a few years ago, refused all discounts for houses trading with the American cotton dealer. Mr. Clay closed his harangue with an exalted eulogiom on the principles of Whiggery, and depicted in glowing col ors the glorious state of things which would be consequent upon their triumph. His position, lie said, his extensive correspoudetice gave him nil opportunity to know and to judge. These princi ples, in November, 1844, he assured his hearers, would prevail, and by a majori ty and an enthusiasm not inferior to that which actuated their leaders in the ever memorable campaign of 1840. With the glories of that prospect in full view, he bowed, closed and retired, while some of his hearers, in broken, disconnected, doubting, and hesitating huzzas intend ed, but failed to give a response to the sentiments and efforts of the actor. Mr. Bryan’s letter, corrective of fieri. James Hamilton’* report of the Bandolph and Clay duel. Though we did not publish but merely adverted to Hamilton’s letter as an insidious attempt, under the guise of honorable neutrality to electioneer the more effectually for the Federal aspirant to t)ie presidency, yet, the kindly and re spectful sentiments we ever cherished for the honored dead as well ns a regard for truth and justice, render it to us a labor of love to give Mr. Bryan’s letter a place in our columns. We remember Col. Tatnall, shortly af ter his return from Washington, narrating the circumstances of the duel—they cor respond accurately with the letter beforeus. The Col. noted that when speakingof what might occur on the ground, Randolph ob jected to the hair trigger pistols from their liability to be discharged by slight pres sure; expressed his resolution not to fire at Clay unless ‘he looked mischief; and even then, he would only wing him.’ Tatnal also noted the superlative self-possession with which Mr R. on the accidental dis charge of his first pistol, turned to him and said, ‘did I not tell you so?’ alas, poor Edward !!! the gentle, generous, chivalrous Edward !! ! he who once knew thee and can now pass the lonely repository of thy ashes without the trib ute of a tear to thy memory, though he may be ‘ a very good sort of man’ we en vy not his feelings. We should be unjust to our own emo tions at this moment filled as it is with kind and sad recollections of the past) did we neglect expressing the pleasure we experienced in noticing the motives that elicited and the spirit which animates Mr. Bryan’s letter. But who acquainted with his parents and their descent, could expect it to be otherwise ? If chivalrous honor, generous feeling, undecaying ar dor in friendship and unblenching patri otism be hereditaments, Mr. B.’s posses sions in that species of property must in deed be ample. From the Savannah Georgian. Broughton Island, ( March 26th, 1844. j Dcmr Sir: —Your knowledge of the position in which I stood towards Mr- Randolph, emboldens me to request the publication of the following remarks and proofs: Mr. Randolph has often remarked to me, “Your father and myself did not love each other because we had no faults, but in spite of our faults.” It was from that source I learned the golden rule ol honor, never to turn against my friend, an never to- use my confidential position with. him. to his injury or the_ benefit o his enemy—if causes should arise