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Truth beautifully expri's-ed. Tiie following passage beautifully in it-? truth and in the expression of that truth is from the editor of the Baltimore American. It wilPbe felt and apprecia ted by every parent, and most heartily do we com.neiul it to the attention of chil dren. If children could only be made aware of the heartfelt delight with which pa rents befiold the deveiopement of talents and noble sentiments in their offspring with what avidity would they seek the means of expanding the sphere of their intelligence and cherishing the moral sentiments that impart dignity to the hu man character. From infancy to man hood the welfare and happiness of the child is the sole object of the parent’s .mlicitinfe. I’nder all circumstances, through good or evil fortune, the present and future condition of those whom they may have rocked in the cradle, or dan dled on the knee, is the polar star to which their affections point with unde viating constancy. Should their path through life be pros perous the possession of health mid dis tinction is only precious in their eyes, as affording the means of conferring on those who are, in future years, to he their representatives, the honors that attend riches and exalted character, and should adversity be their lot and difficulties be set them, they are forgotten in the hope rtiat circumstances may ensure a better late to their children. The child may be affectionate and tender, but the filial relation is not susceptible of the intensity of affection which belongs to the parental tie. It is the depth of love that euables the old to pass from the stage of life with out regret. They feel that in their chil dren they will continue to live, and that however this world and its concerns may be lost to them, succeeding generations will recognise in their offspring portions of themselves. With what unspeakable delight docs a father behold the first manifestations of exalted intelligence in a sou ; and how does he dwell upon ac tions that liespenk nobleness of purpose and soundness of integrity. If these feel ings of gratification-are inexpressibly de lightful, so on the other hand the emo tions with which he views indication of an opposite character, are unutterably painful. To see the object m' Ins parental solici tude, over whom lie has watched day af ter day, and year after year, falling off from the path of virtue and deaf to the appeals of honorable motives, is to him a source of bitterness, of regrcU to which no tempore 1 blessings can furnish an an tidote. Honors tnay await, and the con fidence and love ot Ins fellow beings may fora moment cheer his patli through life, but when he reflects that his honor and Ihs love are to t»c changed into contempt and dislike in the person of his own child, he feels ns if it were better to be de prived of all than to witness so heart-ren ding a contrast. If there be reserved for human life a joy more exalting than all others, it is that of beholding its last mo ments cheered by tiie fondness and affec tion of a worthy and virtuous progeny ; and if there be a pang more agonising than any other, it is that of a dying pa rent, whose last thought rests upon the crimes of a depraved! but fondly loved child.” Astonishing accuracy of the Bible. An astonishing feature of the word of God is, notwithstanding the time at which its compositions were written, and the multitude of the topics to which it alludes, there is not one physical error— not one assertion or allusion disproved Ivy the progress of modern science.— Noue of those mistakes which the science of each* succeeding age discovered in the books preceding: above all, none of those absurdities which modern astronomy in dicates in sueh great numbers in the wri tings of the ancients—in their sacred codes—in their philosophy, and even in the finest pages of the fathers of the church ; not one of these errors is to be found in any of our sacred books, fro thing there will ever contradict that which, after so many ages the investiga tion of the learned would have been able to reveal to us on the state of our globe:, or on that of the heavens. Peruse with care our Scriptures from one end to the other to find there such spots, and, whilst you apply yourselves to this examination, remember that it is a book which speaks of everything, which describes nature, which recites its creation, which tells us of the water, of the atmospliere, of the. mountains', of the animals, and of the plants. It is a book which teaches us the first revolutions of the world, and which also foretells its last. It recounts them in the circumstantial language of history, it extols them in the suhliincst strains of poetry, and it chants them in the charms of glowing song. It is a book which is full of oriental rapture, el evation, variety and boldness. It is a book wlnch speaks of the heavenly and invisible world, whilst it also speaks of ihe earth and things visible. In this state ment nearly fifty writers of every de gree of cultivation, of every state, of ev»*ry condition and living through the course of fifteen hundred years, hare concurred to make. It is a book which was writ ten in the centre of Asia, m the sands of Arabia, in the deserts of Judea-, in the court of the temple of the Jews, in the music schools of the prophets of Bethel c.nd Jericho, in the sumptuous palaces of Bubylom and on tlw idolatrous batiks of Chebar; and, finally, in the centre of the Western civilization, in the midst of the Jews and of their ignorance, in the midst of polytheism and its idols, as in she bo som of pantheism and its sad philosophy. It is a book wliose first writer had been forty years a pupil of the magicians of lleypt, in whose opinion the sun, the stars and elements were endowed with .irtclliarence, reacted on the element?, and governed the world by a perpetual nllti- j wium It is a book whose first writer proceeded, by more than nine hundred years, the most ancient philosophers of ancient Greece and Asia—the Thaleses, and the Pythagorases, the Zal iicuscs, the Xenophons, and the Confuciuses, it is a book which carries its narrations even to the hierarchies of angels—even to the most distant epochs of the future, and the glorious scenes of the last day. Well: sealch among its SOauthors, search a mong its 66 books, i<3 1,189 chapters, and its 31,713 verses, search for only one of those thousand errors which the an cients and moderns committed when they speak of the heavens or of the earth—of their revolutions, of their elements; search—but you will find none.— From the Gentian of Ganssen. POLITICAL. mx: — .n ~ •a- 1 . 1 ■ ■ from the X. Carolina /tefu'-tican. .Mr. Ca’honn anil this Friends. Since the publication of Mr. Cnllioot/s letter, withdrawing his name as a can didate for the Presidency, to go before the Baltimore Convention, the Whigs seem to take a peculiar delight in en deavoring to create the impression among all parties that neither Mr. Caihoun, nor his friends will support Ihe nominee of the Baltimore Convention, in the event that Mr. Van Boren receives the nomin ation’, and that the Southern Democracy will give their support to Mr. Clay, rath er than to Mr. Van Buren, or any other man whose nomination shall not be ap proved of by the Southern Statesman. Such silly assertions as these, which we lreta - almost every day front the lips of the disciples of coonery, would hardly merit a passing notice, were it not for the purpose of putting Democrats on their guard against the insidious designs of the enemy', who, driven to desperation at the unpopularity of their candidate, and goaded to madness to behold their cause tottering, would endeavor to prop it by asserting that the Democratic party is split into factions, and that the Southern Democrats will not support a Northern man for" the Presidency, Miserably weak, indeed, mtfst be that Cause which requires such means to sustain it. The object of tlie Whigs plainly is, to make political capital, and he must sure ly be a short-sighted Democrat, who can not see that such is their object. With such logic the more sensible portion of tlie Whigs would induce the ignorant of their own party to believe that such is the fact, iir order to keep them in the traces, while at the same time they are operating*upon the luke-warm Demo crats, and flattering themselves with the silly idea that they will give their suf frages to Mr. day, whose principles are the very antipodes of those they profess. Some of these knowing ones have had the impudence to assert that Mr. Calhoun himself will support Mr. Clay in prefer ence to Mr. Van Buren, thus insulting the understanding, and giving the lie to the repeated assertions of the great states- man to the contrary. Mr. Calhoun vote for Mr. Clay ! the assertion is monstrous! Mr. Calhoun, who is bitterly hostile to a Protective Tariff; a National Bank; op posed to the distribution of (he proceeds of the sales of the public l.ands; to the abolition of (lie Veto Power from the Constitution, and to all the other odious measures of Federalism; support Mr. Clay who is in favor of them all, and a Federalist too, of the deepest dye !! The idea is preposterous. The Whigs tel! us that Mr. Van Bttren is n Northern man, and on that account, the South ought not to support him. Whoever heard of anything half so foolish? Was not Mr. Van Bttren a Northern man when with a united voice the Democracy of the Union elevated him to the Vice Presi dency, and afterwards to the Presidency; the highest post of honor that the Ameri can people can confer upon an individu al ? And has the confidence the Demo crncy then reposed in his integrity and his patriotism at all diminished? Has lie been guilty of a single act since that time that should lessen their confidence in him? True, it is, he was beaten in 1840, badly beaten, but tic was beaten by such means as the democracy were not then prepared to counteract or control. But was not Henry Clay also badly bea ten in 1524 when Jackson. Adams and himself were candidates. Mr. Clav hav ing received but 37 out of 261 electoral votes. Was lie not also badly beaten in 1832 when he was the regular nominee of the Federal National Convention, having received only 1 ( J out 0f2 86 elec toral votes. Has he not tried repeatedly to thrust himself upon his party and been cast aside in disgust ? Was he not re jected by the Harrishurg Convention, and Genera! Harrison, who had hardly been heard ofbefore,nominated over him, and was he not rejected too, by the very men who are now his warmest suppor ters? Did lie not then say that he would never allow his name to go before anoth er Convention ? Yet the Whigs, [cun ning fellows as some of them think they are,J have the impudence to dictate to Democrats, by felling them that from the fact of Mr. Van Hareti’s having once been beaten. Fie can never be elected again, and that that should bean insup erable objection to him 1 How then can they reconcile it to themselves to support Mr. Olay, who has not only I icon fw ce shamefully beaten, lot often turned otf by his party ? True it is, we prefer Mr. Calhoun to any' of the distinguished men who have been spoken of for the Presi dency. Wc prefer him to any oth< itr the Union, and we believe that same sentiment pervades the ranks ot *i: Southern Democracy. But because forsooth, we cannot have the man of orrr choice, shall we remain mere lisrfess spec tators and allow the enemy to trinmph without a struggle on our part? Shall we fefid our arms, look calmly on, and cry “all's well ?” Shall we desert our own long cherished principles and lend our support to those who differso widely from ns? Shall we permit the election i ofa party opponent whose principles are so diametrically opjiosed to our own, merely because weeannotgratifyour pre ference for an individual favorite? Nev er, never, never. It would be worse than madness to preclude ourselves by our zeal in behalf of a favorite candidate from lending an effective support to an other, whom the majority of the party may think proper to nominate over him? There may be some disaffected ones in out ranks who perhaps may remain mere idle spectators—not caring which party gains the victory, hut these are “few and far between.” The great mass of the Democracy have not yet forgotten the good old Democratic motto — principles not men. For principle, they are still determin ed to battle, and with that motto inscrib ed on their banner, with a determination to give their undivided support to the nominee of the Democratic National Con vention, they will achieve a glorious vic tory —a victory worthy of the cause they espouse. But Democrats, recollect that the least appearance of division in our ranks, is an encouragement to the Fed eralists, while at the same time, it weak ens ourselves. Recollect that every successful trick on the part oft fie enemy to create discord in the Democratic ranks proves advantageous to tfie Whigs. Re solve, then, that you will not suffer any trickery that may be invented by the Federalists to have the slightest effect upon you !' If you do, defeat will be the inevitable consequence of your folly. Startling Disci. wire. We copy what follows from the New Orleans Courier. Judge Elliot is now under trial m impeachment before the Senate of Louisiana. His offence is the granting of certificates of naturalization illegally and with corrupt intent. At an election for a senator from the New Or leans district, the democratic candidate, Mr. Slidell, was elected. The whigs immediately charged the election to have been carried on by fraudulent votes— They charged also Judge Elliott, though a whig, to have illegally granted certifi cates of naturalization. The subject was placed before the legislature, and the House of Representatives impeached the Judge before the Senate. Our read ers will now understand the meaning of the following remarks. Judge Elliott —The proceedings in the impeachment of Judge Elliott are drawing to a conclusion, and will proba bly he finished this evening. Yesterday, Mr. Soule one of the counsel of the ac cused, proposed to the managers of the accusation on the part of the Stnte that, when the testimony on both sides was closed, the whole case should be submit ted without further speaking by the coun sel or the managers. To this the gallant Hunt and his colleagues objected ; and then Mr. Soule called Mr. L. U. Gaiennie as a witness. The amount of his testimony was, that he is a member of the Clay Club and be longs to the committee of naturalization ; that he caused a very large number of foreigners to be naturalized before Judge Elliott; that he had done this under in structions from the Clay Club; and here Mr. Gaiennie, at the request of Mr. Soule, produced these instructions in writing. Mr. Gaiennie also deposed that it was understood and agreed, that the expenses of procuring those naturalization certifi cates should be defrayed by the Clay Club; that he was still responsible to Judge Elliott’s clerk for the cost of issu ing many certificates, which he should be obliged to pay, unless it was done by the Clay Club. These disclosures of Mr. Gaiennie came like the bursting of a volcano upon the prosecutors. One of them objected to Mr. Gaiennie's testimony being recei ved by the court, because it related to party matters. Mr. Soule replied in a speech of scathing eloquence, in the En glish language. He said the Clay Club had caused the naturalization certificates to be issued, which they now made mat ter of grave accusation against Judge El liott—that they had procure I the guilty act (if it were guilty) to be committed, and then treacherously turned round and invoked upon their victim’s head the most disgraceful punishment: they had sent twenty-four men (o be naturalized by Judge Elliot, and then brought for ward those same individuals before the Legislature, to prove themseU'es perjured by swearing that they were not pos sessed of the necessary quailideations ! The High Court of Impeachment re tired in order to deliberate whether the testimony should be received or not.— They returned to the hall in a short time, and ordered that the testimony should be received. It is ascertained that all, or nearly all the witnesseswhotestifiedbefore the com mittee of the House, on whose testimony the articles of impeachment were based, were sent to be naturalized before Judge Elliott, by tire Clay Club. On the back of one of tire lists of those persons was a note signed by Judge Elliott, apprising the pencil to whom if was addressed, (a member of the Club,) that he—the judge —could not naturalize the individuals whose names w ere mentioned in the list, unless they were accompanied by men who would testify to their quallrfica tions. W e venture to assert that such a scene of treachery and turpitude as this im pearhmenf exh.’rits, was never before and . n - -.-flTz-'d 'ou-htry. One of t l •; Sir.r «•»»*, ~ was tin- author of that migrant and disgraceful fraud, designated as the Cab V tes. by which the whigs carried the city ticket for members of the legislature in 1842. The fraud was proved, and indeed was admitted and con fessed by the whigs themselves—and and yet .Mr. Benjamin, instead of being subjected to a criminal prosecution, was perinmitted to take his seat as a member of the House of Representatives, and is now striving to bring Judge Elliott to punishment for acts, which if proved, are I not half so criminal as those of which he himself is known to lie guilty. And then there is the gallant Hunt, also of the tribe of Benjamin, who, if lie was not privy to the fraud of the cab votes, at least participated in its fruits, and sat through two sessions of the legislature in consequence of that fraud. His name was the lowest on the whig ticket and only 20 votes ahead of the highest on the democratic ticket. It was ascertained that nearly 200 ot those fraudulent votes were given in, and consequently the gal lant Hunt was elected by them ; and this blustering, windy spouter, this empty headed Bombast is the chief manager of the prosecution of Judge Elliott for acts which Hunt and his whig brethren incited him to perform—they contempla ted in those acts another fraud Upon the ballot box, more culpable than that of the cab votes—but it was not quite so suc cessful—first, because Elliott was more honest than they supposed him to be— and, seccondly, they found that at the game of making votes, the Democrats could beat them six to one. These naturalization certificates were most of them issued by judge Elliott before the election in July last, and they were received by the whig inspectors, both then and at the election for the Re corder of the First Muncipality, in the September following. It was proved in the course of the proceedings against Judge Elliott, that Colonel Christy, who was the agent of the Clay Club,’ in the business of naturalization, on examining one of the certificates, said it was perfect. On what ground, for what shadow of rea son, then, do they object to them now ? A writer in the Tropic, and another in the Bee, have impudently avowed that the reason for objecting to them is that those who hold them will generally vote against the whig dynasty that now mis governs the corporation of the Second Municipality ! ! Good heaven ! the opinion which a man entertains of a par ticular set of candidates, is alleged as a reason for refusing his vote ! This is candid at least. In fact no one doubted that such were the motives of the whigs for raising an outcry against these natur alization certificates. No one doubted that if they thought a majority of the naturalized citizens would vote for Pe ters, Lockett, Freret, and that set, not a word would be uttered; and the certifi cates —in Colonel Christy’s language— would be perfect. One word more—if-the holders of those certificates tamely submit to lose their votes, they are unworthy of enjoy ing the privilege of voting—they are un worthy of being called Amkihcax Cit IZKNS. From the Mercury. •‘Once more' onto the Breach/* The time has arrived when the stand ard of Democracy should be unfurled by the Democrats of Charleston, and that they should rally in their strength upon the principles of Jefferson and Constitu tional Liberty. It is time, because those cherished principles are boldly and open ly ridiculed as impracticable and vision ary, and antagonist doctrines, pregnant with mischief, and subversive of our best and dearest interests, proclaimed with unblushing effrontery in our very midst. In the language then of the call (for to-night) made by the Democratic As sociation, let us rally under the time hon oreed motto of “Principles, not Men!,’ Let us stamp with our indignation and abhorrence those tainted dogmas of Con solidation and Federalism, which strike at the heart of Republican Freedom.— Let us unite once again lor the overthrow of a combination of men, whose leader has proclaimed himself the advocate of measures all tending to strengthen the grasping arm of Federal power—and overshadow the Rights of the States. Let ns unite to crush the infant Whig gery of Charleston in its gristle, and fur nish another evidence that the Democrats of our beloved city still venerate the high and holy behests of the Constitution, and in bearing it triumphantly aloft, are true to Justice, Liberty and their Country. CALHOUN. The Buflaloes Coming. It is iri these times a Clay or coon pa per announces the approaching arrival of some ‘ buffaloes’ to attend the whig na tional roon-vention at Baltimore. They are to be accompanied by nine Osage Indians, who, we suppose, are delegates to the same convention. They ‘propose procuring the race ground, or some place adjacent to the city, and giving a grand buffalo hunt. Two Mexicans, who are celebrated for their horsemanship, will exhibit their manner of catching wild animals with the lasso. The Osages will also show their manner of hunting buffalo on horseback with bows and ar rows; their manner of killing, skinning, together with their war-songs and dances.’ All these delegates to the whig national convention—the buffaloes, the Osages, the Mexicans, &c.—are now on their way to the monumental city, where we suppose, they will lie joined by Mr. Clay, with the remainder of his menage rie—the ‘same old coon’ which walked in procession with him in Ohio, the Bear, the Borer, &c. What an enlightened method of elec tioneering! The ‘ main trick’ »s, by all this beasily exlii ition, to attract a gep .g multitude, and pass them all off as genu ine whigs ol the Clay and coon stamp. There can be nothing move insulting or injurious to the people than the at tempt to gain their suffrages, by such dis reputable means. The people of Rome became thoroughly corrupt and unfit for liberty, when ambitious and opulent demagogues succeeded m captivating it by shows of gladiators, wild beasts, and chariot Faces, aided by the distribution of provisions. It forgot honor and liberty in the insatiable clamor forpanem ct cir censes —bread and the games. It sold its noble birthright for a mess of pottage, and the sanguinary .spectacle of human combats. Any one who reads the lives of the first Cresars while the memory of the great republic was yet fresh, must wonder how such a people submitted to the infamies afid atrocities of those impe rial hunters of mankind. An adequate solution is found in the fact, that all of them —Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, &c.— fed the popular taste with abundant shows and magnificent spectacles, not unlike the revolting exhibition proposed to be given by the whigs, in the presence of ladies no doubt, in which not Thraci ans or Dacians, as in Rome, bat more brutal savages, Osages, ‘will show their manner of hunting the buffalo—their manner of killing, skinning, (pc< Why not add scalping and torturing? Let the ‘decent and respectable’ whigs go a little farther; let them open public sham bles lor the gratuitous distribution of meat; let them establish a circus for the popular amusement, and proclaim seven days of saturnalia to the good people of America, to induce them to make Mr. Clay President.— Globe . Mr. Clay and the Compromise Act. There is a point of difference apparent in Mr. Clay’s last speech and one deliv ered some years ago, to which we must briefly call attention. On Tuesday last Mr, Clay assumed the credit of having originated the compromise act for the purpose of conciliation; for the purpose of preserving the Union; and took some pains to trace the analogy in his mo tives, with the Spirit which actuated the framers of the constitution. All of this is flatly contradictory of a speech deliv ered by himself at the time, wherein it appears that his principal object was the preservation of the Protective System.— He told his friends that the system was in danger, and that nothing but the com promise could save it; which shows con clusively that the compromise was a wok of necessity’, and did not owe its ori gin to Mr. Clay’s magnanimity —Const. From the Washington Sjie tutor. Texas and Public Opinion. The Whig papers ate very indignant and furious that the President should en tertain the project ot annexing Texas to the Union, without, as they say, consult ing public opinion. Their ideas seem to be that no step should lie taken, in onr relations with foreign nations, by the President of the United States, without first bruising it over the laud : and then, We suppose, he is not to do his duty ac cording to his own sense of the high res ponsibilities of his station, but to stand still, until the clamor of the most offi cions—usually the least authoritative— shall tell him how he is to move. For eign nations do not carry out their de signs by publishing: them to the world, l>nt by keeping them secret, that their an tagonist might betaken at disadvantage. It was thus that Great Britain, in a state of profound peace with Denmark, under the plea that her marine would be used by France, with whom she was at war, sent Lord Nelson with a British naval force to Copenhagen, to seize or destroy the Datiish fleet. The order was execu ted, although manfully resisted by the Danes, and a naval slaughter occurred, seldom equalled, and never surpassed, in the history of naval warfare. This is the policy of England. She does not speak, until she is prepared to strike ; and then success is sure, for her enemy is un prepared. This new doctrine of Execu tive duty will exactly suit the designs of stfch a nation. All she does is kept se cret. All we do is to be blazoned abroad over the land, for no possible use but to prepare her against onr measures of pro tection or defence. This is capital poli cy for the English; but how it is to pro mote the interest or protect the honor of the people of the United States, it is rath er difficult to understand. Suppose Great Britain was to desire to make a noflier Copenhagen affair of our fleet in the Mediterranean: must the Executive, upon information of the design, agitate the affair in the newspapers of the Uni ted States, call for public meetings, and look out for the spoutings of village ora tor'.. before he moves to meet it ? And if by a treaty with France, or any other European power, he could aid our cause, defeat the machinations of Great Britain, must lie not promptly make it? Or, sup pose Great Britain should intend to take possession of Cuba, with the view to con- trol the Gulf, and assnil our Southern States, would she “wait for the develop ments of public opinion”—or rather creep like a tiger on her prey ? And to meet such a contingency, must the President put forth a general proclamation of a rea diness to hear from all quarters of the United States as to his course of duty? Or ought he not. with a celerity, secrecy and energy, equal to that of this great but ambitious nation, meet her, with all I our naval force, under the guns of the Moro.—And how do these praters about the propriety of “waiting tlie develop ments of public opinion,” know that Great Britain has not moved on Texas in such a manner as to leave no doubt of her designs against the peace and safety of large portions of the Union 1 When they toll; of haste and secrecy in this matter,how do they know that secrecy and haste were not necessary for the pro tection of our own |ieople against the in trigues and measures of England ? And even if there have been no peculiar or pressing reasons for the negotiations witli Texas, have these people, chiefly Whigs, forgotten the movements of Jolm fcluin cy Adams und Henry Clay to purchase Texas, and thus idd it to the Union ? W hom did these men consult on this very measure in 1526? W hat public opinion did they obey or evoke? They simply as in duty bound, having the guar dianship of the foreign affairs of the country in their bauds, acted as they deemed (he interests of the country required. Gen. Jackson, too, with Mr Van Buren, his Secretary of State, made again proposals for annexing Texas to the Union. Who heard of these move ments until they failed ? There was, on these occasions, to justify their move ments, no public demonstrations like those in the British Parliament, on the subject of Texas, commanding the atten tion and vigilance of the Executive of the United States. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs stand np in the British House of Lords, and openly acknowl edges his design of using Texas to assail and overthrow, if possible, the Institutions of the Southern States, and to give her a controlling influence in the affairs of the Union : yet this is no cause for action on the part of the United States! The President must wait until voluntary sleepers, or active traitors, shall tell him his course of duty This is not the law of the Constitution, or the law of com mon sense. The executive of the Union is entrusted with the guardianship of our foreign affairs, that he may protect them; and he is bound to protect them by secret or open movements as emergencies re quire. He is responsible, undoubtedly, to public opinion, meaning thereby the will of the people; but it is rather in the way of judgement than direction. The power with which he is clothed, is put in the hands of one man, for the very rea son, that many, much less the whole , ople aggregately, cannot efficiently ex ercise it. They cannot wield it with se crecy, energy, and despatch. It is the publicity and feebleness which accompa nies the Executive duties of a great na tion. in the hands of many, that renders it necessary to place them in the hands of one man. To suppose them to be governed alone by a previously express ed public opinion before they can act in a great Republican Government, is not only to enfeeble, but to render them con cemptible and impracticable. It is to substitute an irresponsible, conjectural public opinion, for the Executive alto gether, with all its usefulness, and all its responsibilities. R cent Elections. Connecticut. —ln this State the elec tion was held on the Ist. inst. for govern or, state officers, and members to the leg islature. The whigs have succeeded. Though the whig candidates for govern or and state officers are not elected by the people, yet they will certainly be chosen by the legislature, both branches of which will be whig. In lead of a de feat, we consider the resut ot this elec tion ns a triumph to the democratic prin ciples, and especially to th< and .a.. ..tic principle of free trade. \\ lien > round in the demociatic papers ot that Sta>, that the party had hoisted the free t flag, and that they had made a protective tariff and a revenue tariff the test ques tions for the election, we anticipated a complete defeat, owing to the immense interest which would be brought to bear against equality of protection and taxa tion, not only in Connecticut itself but from the whole manufacturing class of the North. The democratic party knew the fearful odds they had to oppose ; but they honorably and manfully avowed their principles, and awaited the issue with the conviction that they were pur suing the path of duty. The result has been against them; but by so slender a majority, that they have acquired well grounded hopes of a complete triumph of their principles at another trial. Free trade principles are in the ascendant in Connecticut. In the next contest, which will take place before the present year expires, the democratic party of Con necticut will obtain stich a victory as will establish for many years the ascen dency of its principles. The result of the recent election is the sure harbinger of that victory. New Orleans. —ln this strong hold of the whig party of Louisiana, the de mocrats have obtained a signal victory, on the Ist inst. The triumph is over whelming and decisive. The democrats have carried the city by a large majori ty( large We say, because it is only a few years ego that the whigs boasted of a thousand majority in the city; they have elected a democratic Mayor by about 200- majority, two out of the three recorders, a majority in the general council, and ma jorities of members in two out of the three municipalities, into which the city is divided. This victory enables the State of Louisiana to take a prominent rank among the democratic States in the Union.— Constitutionalist. F'rem the Augusta Constitutionalist The Hon. Win. R. King, Senator in Congress front Alabama, has been ap pointed by the President, with the adviee and consent of the Senate, Minister to France. Gov. Shannon has been appointed Minister to Mexico, with the advice afld consent of the Senate. Mr. Cary, the democratic candidate fol Congress, in the 7th district of Maine, ha 6 been elected. No election in the sth district. Mr. Pollock, whig, has been elected to Congress in Pennsylvania, in the dis trict lately represented by Mr. Frick, de ceased. According to the full retunns of the election in Connecticut itnppearsthalthe whigs have a majority of 7 in ! ' ate, and the democrats a uinjo*. ;. 3 in the house. The whig cand-m for Governor, Mr Baldwin, la«ks 8i votes of being elected by the people. Nothing very interesting from' <- 011 ' gress. Senator Woodbury,in a letter to the editor ol the New York American, an d nies the rumor that he ever was tub r ' ested m Texas property.