Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

3. While maintainnff principles, to choose men for office pledged to carry out those principles. 4. In the choice of men for office, to select those that are known to be honest, linn, and devoted to the welfare of their country and to Democratic doctrines. 5. To surrender personal partialities, for the purpose of establishing the as cendency of principles which alone can preserve our liberties and maintain our public institutions in their original puri ty- 6. Union among the members of the party, and concentration of all the votes on those citizens known to be the choice of, and selected by, a majority of the par ty- 7. To depend more on the expositions and assertions of political friends and as sociates, than on the assertions and pro mises of political opponents, which are always to be received with suspicion. 8. To keep constantly in mind, that the principles of the Democratic party had their origin in 1789, and that since that time, under all circumstances, v. nen federalism was in power under the two Adamses, and Democracy under the oth er presidents, die same principles have uniformly been maintained and fol lowed; that those principles have con tributed more largely than any thing else to advance the prosperity of the country, to maintain her honor and re putation, to engraven still deeper in the breast of every Americau citizen the love of country and liberty, and led to make every sacrifice for the preservation of our glorious Union. 9 And to continue an indomitable op position and hostility to a national bank, protective tariff, distribution of the pro ceeds of the sales of the public Lands, and nil other federal measures, to which the Democratic party have been opposed since the foundation of the general gov ernment. Mr. Clay arrived at Wilmington, N. C., on Wednesday last, was received by a Committee of Arrangements, and made a brief address to the assembled multi tude.—Sav. Georgian. Mr. Clar. Among several acts of Mr. Clay’s life which ca 1 loudly for the indignation of every Georgia Republican—one of the most notorious is his support of John Quincy Adams for the Presidency of the Couqfry. He took occasion to allude to this step, in Ids political career, in his .speech before the citizens of Augusta.— He stated that there were three candi dates l>efbre the people, Mr. Crawford, Mr. Adams, and General Jackson. Mr. Crawford had been his friend, personal and political. Now as to personal friendship in a matter of this kind we do not know that it should have the weight of a feather. For higher motives should impel a man to the support of a candi ♦hue for so exalted a station as the Presi dency than personal friendship simply, however deep seated it may be—but po litical friendship, the alliance of political principles and political feelings—this, in deed, is the true basis upon which the support of such a candidate should rest. Did Mr. Clay’s support of John Quincy Adams stand upon this foundation ? Was not this gentleman notoriously a Federalist in all his view's of the con struction of our government and the character of its constitution ? Was he not the son of the Elder Adams, the bit ter opponent of Mr. Jefferson, the head of the Federal Party, and was he not born and bred in the hot-bed of Federalism? What sympathy could there have been at that time, between the politics of Clay and the politics of Adams ? The latter had supported the last war, and in this alone had he acted with the Republican party. In all else he was a Federalist. It w'ould have been as easy to change the color of the Ethopian’s skin, or to have washed out the spots from the leopard, as tt> have relieved the mind and character of John Q. Adams of the Federal bins which he had sucked in with his moth er’s milk. It was not so much that Hen ry Clay refused his support to Crawford and Jackson, that the country has found fault with him, as that he gave it to Ad ams; not so much that he deserted his Republican associates, as that he should link himself with bis federal opponents; not so much that he forsook the men, as that he should have forsaken the princi ples of his patty. What was the conse quence of his unrighteous political alli ance with the notorious Abolitionist?— Not that Adams continued to act with the Republican Party, blit that Clay be came, in the fullest sense of the term, a Federalist. Such he continues to be to the present day, forgetful of all the ties and associations of his early years, cut loose from the moorings of his former principles, beat about upon an ocean of political inconsistencies and contradic tions. steering to one port alone, and that the harbor of self-aggrandizement, power, and office! He states that his preference was for Crawford over Adams ! If lie preferred Crawford, how in the name of common sense, could he support Adams at all ! There were as many shades of difference between the politics of these two men, as there arc shades of color intermediate be tween white and black. To prefer one was to denounce the other. He might ns soon have been for Jefferson and Ad ams in 1801, as for Crawford and Adams, in 1825. We must, likewise, judge of the mo tives for a man’s conduct from the im mediate consequences. Mr. Clay ac cepted office under Mr. Adams. He act ed as Secretary of State during his ad ministration ; and so that the Republi can was manufactured into the Federal ist. He was thrown into friendship both political and personal with the very men vhont he had- positively upbraided in forme!* times: politicians whom he had and *no ut*M a: dogs “1»; loose i;tra the essex kennel.’’ Mr. Clay may have act ed from pure motives, if so, most unfor tunately was it for him that he accepted this office? If he acted corruptly, im properly and in utter dereliction of prin ciple, most fortunate has it been for the country that his course has been such as to develope his motives to the world. In vain will he now strive to varnish over this flaw in bis political character. He cannot, succeed. There will it re main to the latest hour of his life, full in his vision, like the spot of blood upon Blue-beard’s key, not to be erased even though w ashed with his tears. — lb. From the Richmond Enquirer 13A inst. Mr. Clay told the people of Savannah, that he had “left the quiet repose of Ash land, for the purpose of visiting New Or leans on business’’—that “whilst there he found nn opportunity presented itself of his visiting Raleigh, where he also had business—and that at the same time he would have an opportunity of judging, by personal observation, of the condition and progress of a few of the Southern States”—and this, we presume, Mr. Clay would say, with Joseph Surface in the screen scene, is a “full and clear account of the whole matter.” Mr. Clay no doubt has business also in Petersburg, and in Norfolk, and on the Eastern Shore —mid Heaven knows at how many other points. He is full of such business. He is a great political merchant, who deals largely in votes. Wherever he can find people who have votes to give, the great electioneerer has business to transact. He is like George the Ist, when he went to England to mount the throne : he comes among the people “for your goots"’—and “for our chattels too,” said one of his waggish subjects. Pshaw ! these shallow devices—and this pretence of business, are unworthy of the genius of Henry Clay. Instead of advancing his pretensions, they only show that he is unworthy of the lofty station to which he aspires. He should have remained in ‘ the quiet repose of Ashland”—and there, if he were really worthy of honor, the people would have found him, like G’incinnatus, at the plough, and thrown the Dictator’s mantle over his shoulders. But to seek it, as is now done, and to cover his real object under the device of business, is unwor thy of the office. If we had needed any evidence of the shameless audacity of the Coon Press, in humbugging the people, we should find it in the assertion of the Mobile Ad vertiser, that Mr. Clay is as “strictly Re publican" as Jefferson, Jackson, Giles, Calhoun, &c. This assertion caps the climax. The Advertiser may as well attempt to obliterate all distinctions at once, turn black into white, or day into night. He may next attempt to prove, that Mr. Clay’s speech of 1811, against the bank, is identically the same, as his subsequent speech in favorof the bank— and that they are both “strictly Republi can.” In fact, he might as well at tempt to prove, that there are no distinc tions in nature, and that all parties are one and the same—that Mr. Hamilton was strictly Republican, or Mr. Jefferson strictly Federal—and that after all they were of one political faith But after the attempt of the Whigs of Richmond, to prove that the authors and advocates of a National Bank are the Republicans, we were prepared for any expression of the Whigs, however extravagant. These gentlemen, however, forgot that there are bounds to all things—that they ought at least to “make their whales sizeable.” It is difficult to say, whether Arose who are making such bold experiments as lire Mobile Advertiser are most foots or knaves. Huhly Important front Washington—The Great Calhoun nmt Tyler Movement— A Gen eral Sweep in the New York Custom House. We have received accounts from Washington last evening from such an authentic source as to convince us that the Tyler Calhoun administration have commenced, in earnest, the great work of reform, removal and purification in the government offices throughout the country. The mission to New York of Captain Robert Tyler, l)r. Miller, and Dr. Suth erland, which took place last week, has been nearly completed, if not wholly so, and it is generally understood that all the leading government officials in New York will be immediately removed, and the following appointed in their places:— Collector —James S. Ferris. Surveyor. —Ely Moore. Net vy Agent. \V il liam Shaler. U. S. District Attorney —John A. Morrill. United States Marshal —Henry C. Atwood. Dost Master not selected. This is a bold, dashing and astound ing movement in the political world, and indicates that Captain Tyler and his cab inet have now come up to the mark— and taken the right step at last, though rather late in the day. A like general sweep will be made throughout the country. For nearly three years, the power and influence of the Custom House and Rost Office in New York have been used against the administration, and ir. favor of Mr. Weltfsteror Mr. Clay. The great est and most secret calumniators of the President have been his own officials here. They have been forever engaged in destroying every effort made in his favor. If this movement had been began three years ago, it would have been good policy—but better late than never. We suppose the whig press will now open their vials of wrath on Tyler and Calhoun but what harderthingseanbesaid than they have been saying for years ? The excitement will soon begin. Cap tain Tyler is determined to be in a post tiou io licld the balance of power— whr no: Weekly tUrcld. i2th Inst Connecticut Election. We stated that the result of the election , in Connecticut indicated an increased opposition to a protective tariff by the democracy of that State. We are sup ported in our statement bv the following j extract ofan article from the New Hav en Columbian Register. “Another gratifying fact is, that the vote this spring shows that the high tariff question has not helped the whigs in this State; a majority of the people we be lieve are in favor of a revenue tariff, against a prohibitory tariff. This is shown by the votes; the manufacturing districts have gone more democratic than the other parts of the State. Thus in W indham, the most manufacturing coun ty in the State, the vote stands for Cleveland, 2418 Baldwin, 2296 In Tolland county, the next most manufacturing, the vote stands Cleveland, 1893 Baldwin, 1860 In Middlesex, another manufacturing county— Cleveland, 2026 Baldwin, 1869 In New London, strongly manufactur ing, the vote is, for Cleveland, 3119 Baldwin, 3003 giving the democratic majority of 116 in this great manufacturing county. There are but 8 counties in the State, in one half of them, viz : Windham, Tolland, Middlesex and New London, which are manufacturing counties, the democrats have the leading vote. Constitutional st 16/'/ inst. Corrcepondtr.ee of the Sew York 7Vue Sun. Washington, April 11. The result of the New York city elec tion has struck the politicians of Wash ington with astonishment. It is not so much regarded a? a Clay triumph as an anti Van Buren victory and it has con siderably damped the spirits of that gen tleman’s friends. Another outbreak in the Democra tic Congressional ranks is daily expected —caused by the Tariff bill now before the House. In this the Southern Demo cratic, members, who have hitherto stood side by side with their Northern allies, are about to part company; Dromgoole in particular (a leader in the party from Virginia) declares that he has been used most vilely, and that he will endureit no longer. By consenting to stave off the Tariff discussion thus late, he was pro mised that it should be taken up and thoroughly handled—the northern and western members agreeing to pass it on Southern principles; now however, they endeavor entirely to postpone the subject, or to allow only two weeks to the debate. This Mr. Dromgoole and his friends consider as a vile breach of faith, m as mnch as be almost sacrificed his position with his constituencytooblige the north ern wing of his party in the first of the session, and now they refuse to redeem the pledge they gave him ti bring him off handsomely at the last. The Ap propriation bill also before the House, for improving the western waters, will be the occasion of fomenting the discord.— The Southern Democracy declare that they wiil vote against it, unless the Western members come up handsomely on the tariff. Thus the factions stand at present in a more hostile attitude than they yet have appeared towards each other. The Tariff—Texas, Ac. The following is an extract of a letter, dated Washington, April 13. “We shall have no Tariff, although a hill might pass the House. The Texan Treaty was signed yesterday, and will probablv be sent to the Senate on Mon day. 't'here is a clause in it which will prevent postponement. It gives six months lor ratification. Os course to postpone is to reject it, inasmuch as the limitation wiil expire before the next Congress meets. The Tariff bill will be taken up next Monday, or not at all. A final effort will will then be made.” Charleston Mercury. ?t> the Editors of the New York Express: Washington, April 13. A friend has enclosed me your paper, containing the following statement of your anonymous correspondent. ”1 could wish that the recent origin of the present effort to annex Texas to the Union were better known abroad.— Mr. Walker is openly charged here with having immense personal interests in that annexation, which he presses with so much ardor. I will not say that it is so, but he owes it to the public to show, that his motives are. as pure, as his zeal ts fiery. 1 hear of his refusing $40,0U0 lor his interests there and of his being directly and indirectly interested in Tex as lands and scrip, to the amount of $200,000. These are twocurrent reports freely circulated by the two houses of Congress. Are they so or not so. What say you Mr. Walker.” Under ordinary circumstances I should disdain to notice the assaults of anony mous scribblers, but as this attack is not designed to much to injure me, as to prejudice the cause of Texas, l will an swer these enquiries. lam not interes ted, directlyor indirectly,in Texas lands. 1 did once hold an interest in Texas lands, chiefly by* devise from a deceased brother, but they have many years since been sold by me, by deed of quit claim, and I have no interest, direct or indi rect, in the lands of Texas. As to Tex as stock or scrip, ldo not now hold, nor have I ever held any interest in either, direct or indirect. 1 have no personal interest whatever in the annexation of Texas, nor will I derive any pecuniary benefit font such a result. 1 was al ways to the treaty by which Texas was surrendered to Spain, and heartily approve the speech of Mr. Clay, of the 3d of April, 1820, against that fa tal measure. The subsequent efforts to rr.-acquire Texas, of Messrs. Adams and Clay in 1925 and 1827, and of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Buren in 1829 met also my cordial approbation, and my opinions stand recorded in favor of the re-annexation of Texas nearly a quarter of a century since, and at a time when I never contemplated having any interest in the lands of Texas. 1 do, however own a large body of most valuable cotton lands in the State of Mississippi, which, it is contended by the opponents of re annexation, will be greatly depreciated in price by that result, and some of my friends estimate my loss in that way, at a sum not less than one hundred thousand dollars. Having now fully replied to the questions propounded by your corres pondent, I cannot doubt, but that you will do me the justice to publish this let ter entire in your paper, and that it will also be republished by all who have giv en currency to similar reports. Very respectfully, R. J. WALKER. From the N. Y. Weekly Herald. The Tariff Question. Mr. Colquitt took the floor in reply to Mr. Berrien. He said he should sorri what change the course of his remarks upon the speech ofhis colleague(Berrien) and upon his change of opinions, in con sequence of his absence—having this morning left for home. [Note. —Galleries filling. Mr. King has just come in, but not taken bis seat— looks smiling and contented.J Mr. Colquitt said Mr. Berrien’s speech was well adapted in its style to our nisi prius Courts. He charged him with having turned traitor to the oft-expressed sentiments of his own State, for the pur poses of electing Mr. Clay. He intima ted that Clay’s friends were willing to re sort to any humbuggery or legerdemain for the purpose of carrying their mea sures. He said if there was any tiling in the world which he detested, it was the cant of hypocrisy, whether it be in poli tics or religion. [An allusion, I suppose, to the course of Mr. Berrien, which I noticed in tnv last night's letter.] He said the sentiments of the people of Georgia had not changed, however much some of her citizens might have changed. Mr. Colquitt here went on in a strain of most cutting and withering sarcasm upon the course of his colleague and the whig party —their management for politi cal effect—their chicanery, frauds, som ersets, and turnings. He read resolu tions of the Legislature of Georgia of lhe strongest kind against all high Tariffs, which were presented and most eloquently and thrillingly advocated by Mr. Berrien himself then a member of the Legislature of Georgia —the same honorable Senator who but yesterday made so eloquent a speech upon the other side of the question. Judge Colquitt then proceeded todisenss the merits of the question—the power of Congress to levy taxes, regula e commerce, raise revenue, &c. He took up the powers of the U. S. Government and of State Governments, as pertains to the raising of revenue for the support of government. The Judge then proceeded to reads portion of a free trade speech which his colleague deliberately wrote and made with malice aforethought when he was 50 years old, in Pennsylvania, before the Free Trade Convention,as Delegate from Georgia. That speech was directly in opposition to the one he had made yes terday. He said he should feel an undy ing contempt for himself if he had been guilty of such dishonesty and inconsis tency. And if he had felt called upon to make such a speech he would have honestly avowed his motive, to wit: a political friend is to be elected to the Presidency, and my speech is manufac tured for the occasion; it is all a joke.— One of two things must he true, either Mr. Berrien attempted to deceive the people when he made his free trade speech before the Free Trade Conven tion, or else attempted to deceive the peo ple in his speech yesterday. President Mangum—l would remark that it is not in order to call in question the motives of any Senator in debate. Judge Colquitt—l do but retort upon him the same motives which lie attribu ted yesterday to the friends of free trade. Mr. Archer—l call the Senator to order. Judge Colquitt—Let it pass. The judge then proceeded with his argument. 2 P. M.—The Judge is still proceeding with his argument, which is listened to with great attention, and by crowded galleries. It is an infinite pity Mr. Ber rien is not here to enjoy his own dissec tion ; he made his escape in season. Acquittal of D. J. Justice. The trial of Dempsey J. Justice, char ged with the murder of Wiley Grudger, a Penitentiary Guard, took place at Twiggs Superior Court last week. The trial commenced on Friday morning, and al'out 12 o’clock on Saturday night, the Jury returned a verdict of “not guilty ,” having been out about six hours. Some of the most important of the State’s wit nesses were absent—but we learn that a very strong case upon circumstantial evi dence was made. The counsel for the prisoner, were Messrs. Poe, Wiggins, and Lee—for the State, the Solicitor General, P. E. lA>ve, Esq. and Messrs. 1. L. Har ris, and H. V. Johnson.— Geo. Journal. We understand that immediately after the acquittal of Justice for murder, he was arrested under several bills of indict ment for Forgery, from Sumter, and has been placed in the custody of the officers of that counly; and in due time, will no doubt receive his trial; when, if what we learn be true, he stands a most undoub ted chance for a longterm in the peniten tiary.— Messenger of Thursday. .A illllK, J ! i).A i'i ij'ijMO .I.UVif. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24, 1844. Beware of Counterfeits. Bills on the bank of Milledgeville, the engraving apparently from the genuine plate, the signature clumsily forged, were passed in this city on Monday. Let ev ery one look sharp. No room for details. Macon Volunteers. Yesterday this fine company, Captain Holmes commanding, celebrated their 19th anniversary, and after having mar ched through the principal streets of the city they were joined by the Floyd Ri fles, Capt. Ross ; and the Bibb Caval ry, Capt. Rylandek ; and repaired to camp—where, we understand, they spent the balance of the day in drilling and go ing through the various duties of the camp. The Encampment. Our citizens generally will learn, with no ordinary gratification, that the Macon encampment will be visited on Monday evening next by the four volunteer com panies from our sister city, Savannah, viz.: the Old Chatham Artillery, com manded by Capt. A. Stephens; the Guards by Capt. Brown ; the Republican Blues, by Capt. Anderson ; and the Rifle Corps, by Capt. Mills. The three form er have, to our own knowledge, long sustained a high and well-merited milita ry reputation, and from report, the Phoe nix Riflemen, though of a more recent origin, occupy an honourable position in the array ol citizenchivalry. These reciprocations ol’ military and social courtesies between two cities, whose interests are so closely identified, cannot be too sedulously cultivated.— Their tendencies are all salutary and will contribute equally to the pleasure, security and advantages of both commu nities. No period has occurred since (he close of our revolutionary struggle, in which prudence demanded the military spirit of Georgia, and the whole south should be on the *qui vive,’ for a crisis may arrive (may heaven avert it,) when the ‘ argu mentbeing exhausted, we must resort to our arms' a crisis, in which the perni cious differences about men will be for gotten in a sense of common danger, and 1 stout hearts and sharp swords,' be our best security—‘being always efficiently prepared to repel danger, is the surest means of preventing its approach.’ But to the encampment —the ground has been laid out with skill and good taste, and now presents the most attractive scene in the vicinity of Macon. To our fellow-citizens no intimation is needed, respecting the mode in which their guests from one of the most generously hospita ble communities in the world should be received and entertained—all thatourciti zens will, we aresure, settle O. K. fashion. Georgia Calls—Will the Whig Editors answer t We some time back made our best bow to the member of the Clay editorial corps in this State, and in a spirit of can dour and courtesy requested them to give a distinct, unequivocal reply to the fol lowing plain enquiry, to be understood as addressed to each, individually—do you, sir, advocate a U. S. bank—the Protec tive policy and Tariff of forty two—the distribution of the Land revenue among the states—the assumption of State debts by the general government —the restric tion as proposed by Mr. Clay on the con stitutional exercise of the veto power by the President? To these we beg leave to add, on our own responsibility, are you, sir, for or against the admission of Texas in the Union? We are moved to press these queries on the pat ties to whom they are propounded, from a deliberate conviction that an unequivocal, uneva sive reply may contribute to avert the perils that now, to an extent previously unparalleled, menace the existence of our institutions, and the peace, prosperi ty, and union of our beloved country. Our readers will recollect, that a few numbers back, we placed before them an extract from the address of a certain Mr. Kennedy, an eminent Clay leader, to the whigs of Baltimore, avowing in the most emphatic terms, that the items, (that is the U. S. Bank, Distribution, &c.) above specified were the essential principles of the universal whig creed. He did not enumerate the assumption as one of them, but offered reasons to show the propriety and necessity of that measure. Mr. Ken nedy did not touch on Mr. Clay’s scheme for removing one of the barriers between himself and the presidency, namely, the paralysis of the veto—the deficiency was ably supplied by our faithful senator Ber rien at the June whig convention. The honest and disinterested citizens who have been deceived into the Federal par ty may see their danger. The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel also published the part of Mr. Kennedy’s address we alludeto, and with a candour and manliness worthy|thecau.seitformerly advocated, acknowledged Mr. K.’s prin ciples as the genuine Whig creed, ex pressing at the same time an ardent wish and confident expectation that they would be adopted and become the ruling policy of every State in the confederacy. (Blessed hour—what a Millenium we should then have.) Will every Whit* editor in Georgia follow the honourable example set by Mr. Jones? It is the wish of every honest man, whatever be his party, they should do so. The signs of the crisis imperatively demand, they should do so. It is vital Georgia and the whole South should be assured, whether or not, they are in no instance lavishing their favors on, and fostering in their bosoms the allies, confederates and stipendiaries of their relentless, remorse less enemies. Have not J Q. Adams ii’.td Webster been eulogized and defend ed, the plunder of the South by the mo nopolists been vindicated by some of them? Entot European News. The intelligence brought by the las! packet, the Liverpool cotton market ex cepted, has no immediate bearing on the interests of this country. The Repeal organizations and meeting are still kept tip, but with abated energy. Mr. O’Connell has been received in England with an eclat, that mightmake any man vain. The dangerous princi ples and corrupt practices resorted to, in order to insure his conviction have ex cited general alarm and indignation in En gland. Madam Victoria continues to breed like ambit, it is a pity the suffering people, can’t find some more useful em ployment for her little ladyship. The heroic Circassians, who have for many years, nobly and gallantly defend ed their mountain homes against Russian tyranny, seem now about tobeo verwhelm ed—the despot, having sent 200,000 choice troops to exterminate them. Ireland is tranquil, though in Con naught, holding the most irritable and high spirited population in the island, the poor are famishing. In India, victory seems still chained to the chariot of the British Lion. In thecotton market thedernand for the American staple continues steady, atfair but moderate rates—say from 6 1-2 to 8 3-4 pence—the former equal to 13, the latter to 17 1-2 cents. Speculation, that has so long and mischievously distur bed the regularity of the market, is seri ously checked. There is not the sligh test reason to expect a rise of prices the present season, but strong reasons to hope, the next crop will sell for present prices. Federal Tactic*. When the Federalists, who have of late years profaned, by assuming it, the time honored sobrequet of Whigs, (for the Federalists have changed their party name and cognizance, as often as Pro teus bis shape,) they were well aware of the uses to which the imposture might be applied. One of these applications we shall notice. When it suits their purpose to villify their opponents, andex hibit them in the most false and revolt ing aspect, they delineate from life a faultless likeness of themselves, and of modern Whiggery, its characters, ob jects and practice, and inscribe on the shameless counterfeit “Democracy un veiled.” On the contrary, when they desire to present modern Whiggery in the most delusively fascinatingaspect,they execute a faithful delineation of Democracy, its characters, liberty preserving principles, its people blessing purposes, and its up right, straight forward, manly practice, and then, defile nnd deform the truth and beauty of the picture, by the fraudulent inscription—“ This is Clay Whiggery.” These vile forgeries, are palmed off as genuine currency, upon our unsuspecting fellow-citizens, who have been too busy, or too careless to detect the cheat. • The New York Ctty Election, Ac. We introduce to-day from the Herald and other prints, a mass of information, relative to the recent election in the city of the Knickerbockers. It throws some light on the causes that led to the com plete triumph of the new, or native A merican party, and is interesting from the moral effect it should produce, and the political changes to which it is likely to be initiative both there, and perhaps, over the whole Union. If the new party, redeem their pledges of cleansing the aitgean stercorium of official corruption that has so long disgraced and oppressed their city— if they inflexibly insist u P cB