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sertions. But Mr. lieake defeated him in this attempt with his own weapons.— He rend a letter of Mr. Jefferson’s, to Mr. Giles of Virginia, disapproving in the strokes: terms of a protective 'Tariff, and also a passage from Gen. Jackson’s last annnai message, in which ho not only condemned a protective Tariff, but re commended its reduction to the wan's of the Government. #"he Bear next refer red to a Barrie. That, he said, was con stitutional beyond doubt, because Gen. Washington signed a bill granting a charter. He certainly thought it con stitutional. If he did not, he perjured himself when he signed the bill; forget ting that Gen. Washington had request ed Mr. Madison to write his protest a gainst the same bill, and that hs actually did so; but, before it was presented, he was peersuaded by Gen. Hamilton to wave his constitutional scruples for the good of his country, and through his in fluence he signed the bill, Mr. Leake said lie had better evidence than that against the Bank, at least with Bear, and his cubs. He had the united testimony < f the whole Whig party of Virginia. Here the Bear turned pale, not "thinking the Whigs could possibly be so “ineffably stupid” as to publish any document condemning a Bank. Mr. L. said it was the address of the Whig Convention IS4O, in which they had solemnly declared that a Bank was unconstitutional, and that he had the evidence of Mr. Clay and General Harrison, in addition, declaring in the most positive terms, that they considered it unconstitutional also. He said, that General Harrison had declared, that he too would veto any Bank bill, unless ap proved by a large majority of the people of the people of the United States. He would like to know, if General H. had lived, and signed such a bill, if he too would not have been a prejnred man. Here the Bear and his cubs became very restless, but Mr. I,eake told him he would read from the great Whig address for his edification. This he did, and showed that they were now repudiating the very doctrines they avowed in 1840. —They were then anti-Bank, on Constitutional grounds. “Now (says he) they are fora Bank, out and out, and I am resolved to ram this vile scrawl down the throats of every missionary whom they send to Goochland.’’ Here the Bear protested most vociferously against any such course. It was enough, he said, not only to kill him. but every Whig in the Union. He could not swallow that pill; but Mr. Leak did not mind his protests, blit thrust the address into his throat, and im mediately the Bear fell back and gave up the ghost, lie was delivered into the hands of the Kentucky Pump Borer, and he left forthwith for Ashland, with his remains, to deposit them in the burying ground of Henry Clay, with tins incrip tion on his tomb stone, “A Martyr to Clay's folly." ALIQUIS. From tlu Uztroit Free Pre*9. Date of Ur. Clay’* Apogtacy. In Mr. Clay’s late half Masonic, half Anti-Masonic letter, he says : In 1525. I voted FOR Mr. Adams as President of the United States, although as I have understood he was not a Mason: and AGAINST Gen. Andrew Jackso.n nolwiihstanding he was a distinguished member of that order. In 1827, the Hon. Geo. McDuffie, now a Senator in Congress from South Caro lina, made the following explicit charge against Mr. Clay of entering into a cor rupt political bargain with Mr. Adams, the fruit of which was Clay’s vote for Adams to be President, and Mr. Adams in return appointing Clay his Secretary of State. “Now 1 assetl, and pledge my reputa tion upon the truth of the. assertion, that John Q,. Adams was elected AGAINST THE WILL OF A MAJORITY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, and a majority of the states, by a MINORITY cf the Representatives in Congress, a con siderable portion of which minoriiy, in cluding Henry Clay, voted against their avowed principles and against what they knew to be the. will of a large majority of their constituents. “I also assert, and am willing to stake my humble stock of political reputation upon the truth of the assertion, that the circumstances of the extraordinary coali tion between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, furnish as strong evidence of an ABAN DONMENT of POLITICAL PRIN CIPLE on the part of Mr. C!av, and a CORRUPT POLITICAL BARGAIN between him and Mr. Adams, as is ordin arily required in Courts of justice, to es tablish the guilt of those who are charg ed with the highest crimes known to the law.” Remarking on the above, the United States Telegraph said: “Mr. McDuffie here becomes Mr. Clay’s voluntary accuser; his reputation stands pledged to make out his case, and if Mr. Clay will appeal to Congress, he will do it.” Mr. McDuffie is new in the U. States Senate, and is as ready and as willing as he was in 1826, to charge home and prove upon Mr. Clay the bargain to im pose Adams upon the people of the IT.l T . S. against tlieir will. FVj-.-i Ha JiJcckUnburg Jeferaania-t. Fresiitcuiial Flection. When Mr. Clay commenced his trav els through the country, it was contend ed by the Whig press, that it was only for tiie purpose of information and recre ation. Recent events, have however, stamped with falsehood these assertions! In every place that he has visited in the South and West, he has given his sanc tion to political parade and excitement, and expressed himself with the creates! vnwmth, upon all the political topics of th« day. Wne.r a man addressee large public assemblies week after wt-ek t,p *nff?ie political tenets ufTi« p&rf\ when he tells au *xf-ifcd imiliiAtdt- hm!, Ul as their chief, and rending the air with plaudits, to go on “you are engaged in a glorious cause.” What in the name of reason and common sense is he doing, if he be not electioneering. A man on a tour for health and recreation, would certainly adopt a strange plan foi accom plishing these ends, were he to ioiiow the Clay method. Further than this, why are runners despatched to prepare the minds of the people for the approach of the great Lion of the whig party ? Why are regular ap pointments madeat places fardistant from one another, which this itinerant dema gogue never fails to keep? What are the interesting companions of Mr. Clay, (the Buckeye Blacksmith and Pumpbor er) doing? Travelling like their master, we suppose, for pleasure and informa tion. ’Tis a foul and unprecedented out rage upon the honesty and good sense of the people, that these rowdy political rascals should be sent into every state, as the heralds of the whig party. Behold the jpectacle exhibited even in Virginia, on that soil where Washington trod, and that gave birth to Henry, Jefferson. Madison, and a host of other worthies. The Buckeye Blacksmith announces in the capital of the Old Dominion, that he will addsess the people upon the po litical topics of the day, nud ni view of the presidential election. A man, whom the Louisville Journal has accused ofthe basest crimes, and stamped as the vilest blackguard instructing the people of Vir ginia on the subject of political duty.— And how does this wiseacre, leave his work and family, and peddle his wares made for this purpose, through the coun try? Why it is very natural to conclude, that he is supplied by his employers, and pays them in the speeches that he deliv ers—in the songs that he sings, and by the whig antics the cuts. We see to what low grovelling and dangerous arts, the federal party will resort, to obtain success. Their stragems are the neces sary consequence of their principles.— There is a great scheme now at work, of which Mr. Clay is the head and origin ator, and running through a long chain of subordinate agency. It is soon to op erate from Maine to Lousiana. By it, they expect to accomplish what they did in "40. Their efforts will lie more firm and cone ntrated than at that time ; for they have the advantage of experience, and the dicipline which a successful campaign is apt lo confer. The hope of the Republic therefore rests upon the zeal, patriotism, and strenuous exertion of the Democracy. Never has any man been promped by a consuming ambition, to piny a more desperate game than Mr. Clay at this time. He is a bold and at the same time an artful politician : one who, from early life, has been climbing the slippery ladder of political fame, and though he has tried time after time, has never been able to reach the topmost round, lie is now willing, and must of necessity stake his nil “upon the hazard of the dye.” But l y his reckless course, lie is establishing a precedent, fraught with the greatest mischief to our country. A candidate in future for the Presidency, may refer to Mr. Clay as authority, for practicing all the arts of the demagogue, in order to secure his election. Our country then will be changed every four years into a vast ring, for the encounters of the two adverse politieial champions. The excitement consequent upon the presidential election, will then be increa sed tenfold, greatly to the danger ol our free institutions This innovation may now be looked upon with suspicion, from the very fact of its novelty, but custom and usage, or necessity, may reconcile us to any thing. Texas—Den. Hamilton. The following letter vve copy from the New Orleans Bulletin of the 12ih inst. It is worthy of the author and of the subject.— Charleston Mercury. To Glokge McDuffie, Esq. Senator from South Carolina,. My Dear McDuffie—You must find my apology for this public comnmnica tion, in the relations of onr old and val ued friendship, and the interesting sub' ject which constitutes its sole topic. On reaching this place last evening fiom Texas, L read for the first time, the following extract of a letter from Mr. Webster to some of ins friends in Massa chusetts : “ I frankly avow my entire unwilling ness to do any thing which shall extend the slavery of the African race, on this continent, or add other slave holding Slates to this Union. * * We have slavery already amongst us. The constitution found it amongst us : it re coguized it, and gave it solemn guaran ties we are bound, in honor, iu justice, and by the constitution. * * But when we come to speak of uniting new States, the subject assumes an en tirely different aspect. Our l ights and our duties are then both different. In my opinion,the people oft ha United States will not consent to bring anew, vastly extensive and slaveholding conn! try, large enough lor half a dozen or a dozen States, into the Union. In my opinion they ought not to consent to it We cannot misunderstand ihisremark able manifesto. Whilst it asserts broad ■ iy that no slaveholding State is again to i be admitted within the pale of the Union, j it leaves, by a necessary implication the i the door open without limit, to the ad ! mission of those in which domestic slavery does not exist.—ln other words he tells us, when we adopt the Federal Constitution we permitted you to come int the confederacy with the taint of lep rosy. We will, however, contaminate our household no lurther with such as sociates !! ! The meanest white slave who crawls in his cowardice «nd servikty among us can i?’*ve no other .nteipreiation io this annihema It must come tc ih:s coir;- pPxion at last. When to:- doctrine is arowt-d. when this brand of Cain is put upon our fore heads, what is, and what becomes of our situation ? Remember, too this lan guage comes from a man of mark.— From “a voice potenial”—from one who is at once regarded as the Nestor and Demosthenes of that part of the Uuion which lays claim to the largest part of the virtue and intelligence ofthe country For one, how ever mn ch I may be satisfied of what the U. S. must lose by rejecting the proposition lor the annexa tion of Texas, yet if she should be repul sed from considerations of political power on which parties my fairly take antago nist ground, 1 should be content that this question, like other public, .questions, should be decided by the arbitrament of the public will, with a due regard to that spirit of compromise which formed the Constitution. But the principle of ex clusion as avowed by Mr. Webster, (and doubtless he speaks for a party which has takentits stand) involves insult and defiance to us at the South. In one word, that we belong to a morally de graded caste. I ask, my friend, as men can we stand this? Even if we have a craven wil lingness to remain in the house of our fathers, insulted and reviled as long as we are permitted to abine, what security have we that we shall not at last be kick ed ignominiously out of doors and sink to the level of onr own slaves? With all possible moderation allow me to ask, if this is the ground on which Texas is to be excluded from the Confederacy, have we any other alternative hut AN NEXATION OR DISUNION ! There are times and occasions which the best discretion is to be found in the highest courage, and if slaveholders are not fit to be admitted into the Union, we are not fit to he there. The argument can have no other extent but this. Humble an individual as I am, I de sire nay position in relation to this subject not to be mis understood. I have hither to taken no part in the battery of this question. To the best of my recollec tion, I have neither written to Mr. Cal houn, yourself, nor a single member of the South Carolina Delegation on the topic. Ido not even know your opinion, intimate as our relations hare been. I have been restrained by considerations of peculiar delicacy. I have large pecu niary claims on the gevernment of Tex as and desired no distrust of my motives. Besides, I procured the recognition of Texas from the first and most powerful nation on the face of the earth, and from two of the second rate powers of Europe, and co operated in obtaining that of the King of the French. After assuring hese Powers that Texas desired to be a sovereign and independent State, it was not for me to take a prominent part in measures which were to place her in a subordinate sphere, by contributing toa reversal of my own assurances. But if the ground on which Texas is to be excluded from the Union, is the ground assumed by Mr. Webster, the question of Annexation itself sink abso lutely into comparative insignificance The Union is in fact, disolved, if the principle assumed is allowe to bear the bitter fruit of its insult arid injustice. That is to say, if the sordid cultivation of cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, has left one impulse of manlypride and cour age in our bosoms I indulge in no feelings of resentment towards Mr. Webster. Asa Northern man he is quite at liberty to entertain and express the opinions he does. We have an equal right to entertain our own. I have much personal kindness and con sideration to acknowledge at his hands uud a large tribute to pay to his incom parable genius, and to an intellect whose vigor gives both simplicity and grace to its extraordinary elegance and accom plishment. His opinion, for aught I know, may suit New England, but they will not suit us. Oil this question of State pride and national honor, I disdain (center intoany sordid calculations of profit. I will not tell you what a star Texas will be in the gallaxy of this Union. I will not tell you of the marvelous, fertil ity of her rich river alluviums and boundless plains—of her ability to sus tain the finest population on earth—of how much vastly more in the sum ofthe security of this fine city, and the Valley of the Mississippi, it would be, to have her people by thehardy riflemen of t e West, under our own glorious banner, “bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh,” than to have the lazar houses, stews and penitentiaries ofthe Old World vomiting forth their inmates on her fertile shores. I will not tell you thatourtrade with this young and growing country is fast wa ning—that amidst twelve or fourteen squarerigged vessels in the port of Gal veston. three days since, I saw the flag of our country hoisted at the mast-head of but one ! I will not tell you that the manufactureresof New England are near ly driven out of the country, and those of Europe substituted in their place. I will not recount these things, because I will not dishonor a question of pride with the base traffic of profit. If the South, however, after listening for one hour (yea, a stated hour) per diem for the last four years to reproaches and insult, in ail assembly which ought to Le blessed by the spirit of fraternal con cord, should put up with this indigni ty not gently intimated, but flung slap in her face, why 1 do not see, my dear Mac, that you and I have any other fate but like the rest to be contented and infa mous, and make cotton and rice as long as our master will permit us to do so. But if, on the other hand, the South ern delegations should rise to a levl of the j spirit which once distinguished our fa- I hers, and they sound the tocsin alter 1 Congress shall have declared its authen tic sense, THAT NO MORE SLAVE STATES ARE TO BE ADMITTED INTO THIS UNlON—why, then, hum hl« and stricken | .-»*n I premise lo re echo the blast in at least three States in this Union, which I touch in social sym pathy and contract. I think we may count on all of think we may count on all of them. As to that noble old State of which we both owe, with our loyalty and affection, so much gratitude, as a mong the favored of her sons, shall we doubt her? No. “She knows how to die, but never to surrender.” Sincerely, your friend, J. HAMILTON. St. Charles Hotel,. New Orleans, April 11th, 1844. Avs&si&LgAssr iD^aaAXS&AYi?,, WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1844. Arrival of Savannah Volunteers. In accordance with previous arrange ments, our Military visitors reached the Depot last Monday evening about six o’clock, and we are happy to hear, with out the slightest accident of misadventure, to mar the pleasantness of the occasion. Afterjformingadoublecolumn atthe Depot the four companies marched to the Bridge, where they were received with appro priate Military honors, by the three Vol teer Corps of this place, and by them es corted to the Court House. Here they were warmly welcomed to the hospitali ties of the city, by his Hon. the Mayor, in an animated address, which was elo quently responded to on the part of the Savannah companies by Eieut. Bartow, of the Republican Blues. The whole procession then moved to the Camp Ground and took up their quarters. United State Senator. The Governor of the State of Ala. has appointed Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, a Sen ator from that State, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Hon. W. R. King, who has been . appointed Minister to France. This is a good appointment, and will b gratifying to his numerous friends in other States, as well as Alabama. Whig Reformation. We are pleased to see the “aye ready” spirit shown by our neighbor of the Mes senger, in reply to the call of Georgia made in the preceding number of the Democrat. We are pleased also with ourselves, that we can admire in a very unsparing, neck or nothing, opponent, the subtle ingeiiuiiy and Tallyrand like address, for which his response is so re markable. This expression of our opin ion is made with the greater satisfaction, as the writer of that article was once our right hand comrade in the well fought Reid, when “Troup and the Treaty” triumphed so signally, conferring upon hundreds of our fellow citizens comfort and in many instances, permanent opu lence. Together too with him, we wore the glorious Palmetto symbol, the dis tinctive exponent of un-Clayed constitu tional Democracy. Together, too with him, we fought the good fight of State Rights. During all that period, we both contended for every iota of the present Democratic creed and sternly opposed every measure, object and supporter of Federalism, now disguised, under the people deceiving name of whiggery —both, with every disinterested and en lightened man in the party were Anti- Protective Tariff—anti United States bank, anti-internal Improvement by the generalGovernment—anti-National Debt -anti-Clay, in a word, anti every thing that now constitutes modern whiggery.— For verifying the scrupulous truth and exactness of this statement we refer to the columns ofthe Messenger particular ly and more generally to the Georgia Journal, the Southern Recorder and the Augusta Sentinel—for the eight years preceding the ever to be lamented sum merset of 1840. When the whig wire pullers played the desperate game, of a larming the Staterights editors for the safety of their subscription lists, if they did not speedily change Jefferson’s march, into the more profitable music of “Log Cabins, Hard Cider and Tippecanoe” they would soon find those precious schedules reduced to skeletons. One case of this kind fell under our personal observation, doubtless there were many more—a person who had been through several counties of the State on his re turn home, informed the proprietors of a print which had unsparingly reprobated Clay, Harrison and every item of the Clay whig creed, that if they did not im mediately ran up the Harnsou flag, they would lose seven hundred subscribers. They accordingly hoisted the whig ban ner and that of others—their course since that era of political summersets, though we lament, we will not now ani madvert upon. These however, are not the only instances that claim regret and suggests doubts ol human nature, doubts of man’s capacity for seif government, doubts for the fate of our beloved country and itsfteeinstitutions. Howmanycases among our former friends have we to mourn over, in which a full imbuement with Clayism, has acted as a narcotic on whatever nobleness of principle, gener ous sentiment or lofty patriotism, they previously possessed. How many of them, do we now see abasing themselves to the rank of performers in the Tragi comic dramas, “ all for Clay, or the Re public well lost,” alias, “the progress of Humbug and triumph of party, over patriotism.” But let this pass, return we to the Messenger. While hastily look ing over the replies so promptly and courteously accorded to the queries pro pounded by the Democrat, we rejoiced to think our old friends had the manhood thus to repudiate the dangerous delu sions, with which for four years, they had been confusing the judgments and poisoning the minds of the people. We, in fancy stretched forth the hand of bro therhood, to welcome our aberrating bre thren back to their old fold of constitu tional Democracy. But, good reader, guess our disappoint ment, whenon acooler,andcloser, inspec tion, we found the replies of the Messen ger to our plain substantial questions, were of a material so plastic, so flexible, they could be made to assume any shape partizan policy, or manufacture of par ty capital rendered convenient. This however, detracts nothing from the neat ness and artistical skill, with which they are executed—and had their ingenuous ness been equal to their ingenuity, it would have afforded us unalloyed satis faction. Georgia still calls upon every whig editor in the State, for a simple direct yes or no, to the following plain questions—are you Sir, in favor of a Pro tective Tariff—a United States Bank— Internal Improvement by the general Government—Assumption of State Debts —Distribution of the Land Revenue a mong the States—Clay’s proposed re striction on the Veto and finally, are you for or against the annexation of Texas to this Union ? As far as we are concerned, the queries are propounded in a spirit of entire candour, and courtesy, and trust it may be reciprocated by those addressed, giving a direct yes or no, to each article of the inquiry The crisis which menaces the South demands it— by those who have nothing to conceal, an explicit Yes or No will not be refused. We cannot close without thanking the Messenger for the article we have re marked on—it demonstrates the fact, that when the Clay whigs court the favor and confidence of the people, they exhibit a schedule of Democratic principles and inscribe, ‘This is whiggery’ on it. On the contrary—when desirous of discredit ing and vilifying Democracy, they draw a picture of the objects and necessary re sults of whiggery and inscribe over it, ‘This is Democracy.’ Young Men’s Democratic Association. It was the high sentiment of ancient patriotism “never to despair of the com monwealth”—and the noblest and brigh test records which history displays of in dividual prowess or national renown, is that of those who, under the greatest dis advantage, have discomfited the minions of oppression or checked the strides of power, which aimed only to load them with heavier chains. If we examine the subject further—if we trace the causes of their success, we shall find, that they every where, resolved themselves into these union, zeal , courage and a gener ous public spirit. It is with feelings such as these, we desire to see the young men of the Democratic party, not only of our own county and State, but in every State, Hamlet and Village throughout the Union, entering upon the great con test approaching—preparing to battle for their country and principles. Our op ponents, the whigs, are active in the ap plication ot every means and agency in their power to advance their principles and consider no sacrifice either of time or money lost, if they can but succeed in recoiling the people to support the pecu liar dogmas of whig faith, as promulga ted by Clay, Webster, Adams and the like. They have already turned loose upon the country, their swarms of politi cal teachers, Agents, and orators have been sent from State to State, charged with the distribution of pamphlets, tracts, speeches, <fcc. <fcc. And they will leave no means untried which may promise in the least, to aid in fastening upon the country the piebald measures of a party, which the people have so often rejected and condemned. It is in view then of all this, that we would especially commend the young men’s democratic association re cently formed in this town, to our breth ren and friends iii the county, and sug gest the propriety of forming like associa tions throughout the State. I jet the young Democracy move in their strength in support of the great principles for which we are contending. Here is too, something inspiriting and animating to every lover ol Ins country, in the pros pect presented by the young men of th« country, binding themselves together u, defence of the time-honoured principles of government handed down to us by the purest and wisest statesmen in the annals of our history. To the youth too, in this county, to the young, to the men in the spring time of life, in an especial manner is this great trust delegated. If is to such that we would address our selves to-day. It is to such we would speak when we say it depends on you in part, whether when a few years have rol led by these states, will continue to exist in the rare distinction of a free, happy, and enlightened government—it is for you to say, whether they have reached their proudest elevation, whether they shall continue to advance for ages in a career of happiness, freedom and glory, or whether their fate shall call the patri ot to mourn over the ruins of his most cherished schemes. It is to the young men of the party we would address ourselves now, and en treat them, by qvery thing that is animat ing in the history of the past or prospect of thejfutnre, to shake off the lethargy which has so long hung like an incubus upon our party. We call upon the “Young Democracy,” the flower of the House, prepare for decided, vigorous and simultaneous action—in every county in the State, in every State, and city and Village in the Union. Let your battle cry be “onward and forward” in defence of the Constitution and its principles. The constitution united and inviolate. The constitution as it is. No partial Legislation for the benefit of a favored few. No Distribution of the proceeds of the public Lands. No abolition of the on’y constitutional check upon a corrupt or factious Congress. That the Democratic party has, like all other parties, demogogues and others connected with it, and who seek only their personal advancement, and who care nothing for principle, we are oblig ed to admit. And that they have made mistakes in legislation is equally true.— For instance the Pet Bank system. But that they are mfintely superior to their opponents, both as regards their mea sures and the general tendency of the party, and in every otheraspect, in which they can be viewed, we most confidently assert and believe. Demoralizing effects of Clny-Whiggerr- Wholesale sabbath-breaking &c. in Cod uecticUt. Every one has heard of the exceeding strictness with which that holy seventh day was formerly observed by the good people of Connecticut—but that was be fore the Clay epidemic afflicted and dis honored the land. It appears by the statement of the New Haven Register and other Journals that on the day prece ding their election, which took place on Monday, the Clay whigs of the State im ported from New York, by the steamer Nimrod, a cargo of illegal, disqualified voters, every one of whom, it was known, must, before he voted, commit a perjury in which of course, his employers fully participated, and were, before that God who is of purer eyes than to behold ini-1 quity, equally guilty'. In the neighbor I hood of Bridgeport, where the Nimrod I discharged her precious burden, there I were collected carriages sufficient to dis-l tribute those outcasts to the stands where! they were to consummate their perjury I outrage Heaven, trample on the constitu I tion of their country and the sanctities oil religion and all those moral obligations* whose influence is indispensable to bind* society together. But if Clayism have ml so short a time pioduced among the peo-B pie of Connecticut formerly justly cele-B brated for piety and moral rectitude a* dereliction so appalling from all tM* good men hold sacred, what has it done,■ what will it do in other places? TbJ scenes of hitman depravity and desperate* atrocity exhibited by the Whigs of Pl )! ■ adelphia, New \ r ork and other location* during their election conspiracies of a* and ’4O, and the more recent instances i|fl New Orleans and the wholesale Sabbat!* violating and perjury perpetrated to car* ry the late election in Connecticut, as* adapted to make an honourable tna* blush for his species, and a patriot sho* der for the future fate of his country- I No cause for whose success such * pliances are needed, can, unless the re'* lations of nature and enactments ot IC * word of God are fables be otherwise ,tw * destructive to a republican P e °P| f ’ * Were such means needed to elect " a ■ ington, Jefferson, Madison, or Jacks 01 * Never. They are indispensable, ho' f * er, to the success of a hybrid char® 1 - 1 * formed amid the generating influenc*.* the western brag Table—of one w forty years has had but one view, his own aggrandisement an ■** mate elevation to the Presidency- * Our whig fellow-citizens through ■ Union have forgotten that good J come out of evil, and labour apP I under an infatuation and * future, similar t«> that affwiipf. f I