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Message of the President, Letter from Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Pakcnbam. RelaHtt to Terns Annexation. lles'tfltffr, ~3v vhe lEViTt or mr yrriTiiD Statz* I tran*(uit herewith, lor your approval cud ratification, a rreaty, which ? have canted to be negotiated between the t*. Slates and Texas whereby the latter, on the conditions therein set limb, has transferred and conveyed all it* rigb’S of separate and independent sovereignty and juris diction to the U. States. Ito taking so important a step I have been snduer.eed by what aupeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy and the <jen era! good; and in having accomplished it, shou.d it meet with >*our approval, the government will have succeeded in re-claiming a territory which formerly constituted a portion, nit is confidently believed, of its domain, under the treaty of cession of 1603, by France, to the l nited Stales. The country thus proposed to be annexed has been set tled principally by persons from the United States, who em igrated on the invitation of both Spain and Mexico, and who carried with them into the wilderness which they have par tia.ly reclaimed, the laws, customs, and political and domes tic institutions of their native land. They are deeply indoc trinated i« all the principles of civil liberty, and will bring uong with rhfm, in the act of re-association, devotion to our Union, and a firm and indexible resolution to assist in •main* raining the public liberty unimpaired—a consideration which, as it appear* to me, is to be regarded as of no small mo ment. The country, itself, thus obtained, is of incalculable value in an agricultural and commercial point of view. To a soil of inexhaustible fertility, it unites a genial and healthy climate, and is defined, at a day not distant, to make large contributions to the commerce of the world. Its territory is separated from the United Slates, in pan, by an imaginary line, and by the river Sabine, fpr a distance of 310 miie*. and its productions are (he same with those of many oFthe contiguous States of the Union. Such is the country, such are Its inhabitants and such its capacities to add to the general wealth of the Union. As to the latter, it may be safely that in the magnitude of its produc tions. ir will equal, in a short time, under the protecting care of this Government, if it does not surpass the combined pro duction of many States of the Confederacy. Anew and powerful impulse will thus be given to the navigating inter ns: of the country, which will be chiefly engrossed by our fellow-ciiizeos of the Eastern and Middle Btates. who have already attained a remarkable degree of prosperity by the parti imonopoly they have enj tyed of the carrying trade of the I n.on, particularly the coastwise trade, which this new acquisi lion is destine : in time, an I that not distant, to swell to a tna gnitude which cannot easily be computed; while the ad i.tio n made to the boundaries of the home market, thus se ure-: te their ruining, manufacturing, and mechanical skill arid industry, will be of a character the most commanding and imperta^ Sue!. *re of the many advantages which will accrue to die Eastern and Mi -lie States by the ratification of the *-eatv —advantages, the extent of which it is impossible to » \u.- e with ae uracy or proj>erly to appreciate. Texas be adapted to the culture of cotton, sugar, and rice, and dev ting mo«t of her energies to the raising of theie produc ti i-.s. wopen an extensive market to the W «-au»rn States, in *He nportant articles and f*ef. pork, horf.ea, mules. Ac., as wed as its brea isluffs. At the same the Southern and S , a extern States will find, in iLe fact of annexation, pro tect! n and security to their peace and tranquility, as well «£si >'* -ill domestic as foreign efforts to disturb them; thus r -' ''-err a ting a*;ew the Union of the States, and holding out ♦ce promise ot Us perpetual duration. Thus, at the same time that the tide of public prosperity is rreatlv swollen, an appeal of what appears to the Execu t; • e ? • be of an imposing, if m»t of a resistless character, is u.ade to ibe ir.tercis of every port!-in of the country. Agri ci' i-e. which would have anew ard extensive market r> ; ”i Tf< - pr> dure; commerce, w hose ships would be • *ed with the rtch productions of an extensive and fer •e re. >n; and the mechanical arts, in all their various rain h'.v * r *. would seem to unite in one universal demand for the ratification of (be treaty. But important as these considerations may appear they ar. • Je regarded is but secondary to others. Texas, for '• -i deemed sufficient by herself, threw off her depend- on Mex .'o, as far back as arid consomniatpd her oepei denee by the battle if San Jacinto, in the same year; '■nee which period, Mexico has attempted no serious tnva •»* - ■* her territory ; but the-conte.>t has assumed features y a in*, e border war, characterised by acts revolting to * imanity. In the year lS3fi Texas adopted her Ccnstitu* tion. under which she has existed as a sovereign power e\ ei av-ngbeen recognised as such by tnanv of the prin- powers of the world ; and contemporaneously witli its •aopnouby a solemn vote of her people, embracing all her jy "jillation, but \ ..cty-lhree persons, declared her anxious 1 e in beidnu ed into association with the United States. i- portion cf t ieir.territory. This vote thus solemnly ta ken. has never been reversed; and now. by the action of her constituted authorities, sustained as it is by popular sen t.-neot. she re-affirfiib her desire for annexation. This Murhas beenadopted bj her, without the employment of sci su icter measures on the part ot this government. No :rrrigue fiat been seton foot to accomplish it. Texas her self will. l * it, and the Executive of the United Stater, con cur-iag with her. has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the rort sum (nation of an act esteemed to he so Heritable by both. It cannot be denied, that Texas is greatly depressed in her ener ; esT>y her Jong protracted war with Mexico. Under these < ircnmstances. it is but natural that she should seek for safety' aud repose under the protection of some strong pow * r and is equally so that her people should turn to the 1 idled States, the land of their birth, in the first instance, in •he p irsuit of such protection. She has ofteu before made V jown her wishes; but her advances have, to this time, been repelled. The Executive of the United States sees i- :*-L'Crany cause for pursuing such a course. The baz r.rd of notv her wishes may be of the most fatal ‘.♦Miden'-y. It might lead, ami most probably would, to sucii r • »* alienation of sentiment and **feeling as would ine ' y induce her to look elsewhere for aid. and force her e’r *cr to erver into dangerous alliances with other nations, v.looking with more wisdom to their interests, would, it is liiirly to be presumed, readily adopt such expedients; or eh would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties in f’tde and commerce, in order to secure, the recessary as fi-taricaa \Vhatever step she might adopt, looki gto this would prove disastrous, in the highest degree to the :e rests of the whole Union. To say nothing of the impol ; v of our permitting the car ryiog trade and home market of such a country tr. pass out of our hands into those of a com mercial rival, the Government in the first place, would he ret rain »o suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the in trod uctnm of a system of smuggling, upon an extensive pcale, which an nnny of custom house officers could not pre vent—-and which would operate to affect injuriously the in tere.'ts of all the industrial tlaases of thi* country. Hence would c rise constant collisions between the inhabitants of t«ie« two countries which would evermore endanger thrir peace. A large increase of the military force of the United hk s would inevitably follow, thus devolving upon the peo the row and extraordinary burdens, in order not only to pro te them from the danger of daily collision with Texas her • "if. hut to guard their border inhabitants against hostile • ro nc l so easily excited on the part of the numerous and v rdike tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighborhood. Texas vould undoubte My be unable, fur many years to con»e if at any time, to re* i»t, unaided and alone, the tuili in power of the United States; but i* is not extravagant to suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest Ire in her trade, ired to them by advantageous treaties, would be in duceJ to take part with her in any conflict with us. from the ;• r ing- t considerations of jKiblic policy. Such a state of things m : L’ht subject to devastation the territory of cofttigious States, aud would cost the country, in a single campaign, nor* treasure, thrice told over, than is stipulated to be paid and rt imbursed by the treaty now proposed for ratification. J will not permit myself to dwell on this view of the subject. • onsequenees of a fatal character to the peace of the Union \ id even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be dwelt upon. They will not, however, fail to orrur to the mind of the Senate and of the country. Nor do i indulge in 8i y vague conjectures of ihe future. The documents now transmitted along with the treaty, lead to the conclusion, as inevitable, ih >t it the boon now tendered be rejected, Texas will fce*H frrr the friendship of others. In confempfhting such a contingency, it cannot be over ' >oked that the United States are aheady almost surrounded by the possessions of European powers. The Canadas, New Hiunswjck and Nova bcutia, the islands in the Amer .'■an with Texas, trammelled by treaties of alliance, or ♦ • coiQiuerc lal clroracser, differing in |»«lkry from that of the United Slates, would complete the circle. Texas vol untarily steps forth, upon term: of perfect honor and good ft di t«» all nations, to a: kto he annexed to the Union As ; n independent sovereignty, her right to do this is unques tionable. In doing iiiia, she pres no cause *»f umbrage to •my other power; her people desire it, aud there is no *Jav i-> transfer of her sovereignty and independence. She ha** for e*gh* o»«r3 maintainerl lier independence against all ef forts i<» subdue her. She has been recognised as independ* e*:t . - many of the most prominent of the fan.’ly of nations and thaf recognition, so far as they are concerned, places h'*r in a position, without giving any just u nbrage to them, to ‘ jrre i icr . her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure. I’iie United States, actuated evennore by a spirit of justice. »>a«- lenred. by the stipulations of the treaty. to render jus r >* to aii. They have made provision for ihe payment of tue public debt of Texas. We look to her ample and ferti t* domain as the certain ir**ans of accomplishing tins; but this ■*- a ruauer between the Un ted states and Texas, and w ith hmi !* other eoverronents hare nothing to do. Our right to receive the rich arrant tendered by Texas is perfect; and tai-. ifoverumeat should not. having due reaped either toils /■w:» honor or ils own interest!*, permit its course of policy to be interrupt** 1 by the interference of other pr v ers. even if such interference ihrealened. The question i a one purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain ru.ist carefully fflom all that could interrupt rhe public peace, we claim the right V* exercise a due regard This canuct. consistently with i;s honor, p er riiit 3*-y anch interferenc e. With equal. if not greater pro priety, might the bniteil States demand of other govern nients to #urre:»der their numerous and rauubie acqaisi nona, made in time past at numberless places on »hc surface of the globe. whereby they lute added to their power and enlarged their resource**. To Mexico, the Executive I* di*p *.nd *. y pt, ntl ,. 4 niurse conciliatory in iu»cHarac’-c. and it»he s**»i>e time ro render tier the moat ample j.i u*r. by con v*»e*u)nN u>u j ipuiatbni* not inconsistent wirfc the rig its v;d dig/ it; e ht go er» - nient. It is actuated by spirit of lejuat .ggreno zeii*”it. .tfi xico it several per*-M . i»s evrewe »i»\:ei ; - c \ an* the i.iri • tin.* > t liOnti'r <• I** * eu that - ■■*.. •rv miTr . ft* |t v. i;< l w • e «’ l. , It has ever been ready to urge a » a ijustiner.t cf the dispute upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It wiuf be ready at all times to hear and discuss any claims Mexico may think she hafe on the just ce of the United States, and to adjustanv that wav be deemed to be so on the most liberal terms. There is no desire on the part of the Executive to woutid brer pride, or affect injuriously her interest; but, at the sauae tune, it cannot coiupromit by any delay in u* ac. lion the essential interests of the United States. Mexico has no right to ask or expect this of ns—we deal rightfully with Texas as an independent power. The v.*i»r which has been waged for eight years has resulted only in the convic tion. with all others than herself, that Texas cannot be re conquered. I cannot but repeat the opiuion. expressed in my message at the opening <»f-Congress, (hat it is lime it had ceased. The Executive, while it could not look upon its longer continuance without the greatest uneasiness, has ne vertheless, for all past time, preserved a course of strict neutrality, ft could not be ignorant of the fact of the ex imustion which a war of so long a duration had produced Least of all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other powers to induce Mexico to enter into terms of reconciliation with Texas, which, affecting the domestic institutions of Texas, would operate most injuriously upon the United States, and might most seriously threaten the existence of this happy Union. Nor could it be unacquainted with the fact, that al though foreign governments might disavow all design to disturt the relations which exist under the Constitution be tween these States, yet that one, the most powerful amongst them, had not failed to declare its marked and decided hos tility to the chief features in those relations, aud its purpose, on nil suitable occasions, to urge upon Mexico the adoption of such a course in negotiating with Texas as to produce the obliteration of that feature from her domestic policy, as one of the conditions «»f her recognition, by Mexico, as an independent State. The Executive wus also aware of the fact, that formidable associations of persons, the subjects of foreign powerc, existed, who were directing their utmost ef forts to Lnft accomplishment of this object. To these con clusions it was inevitably brought by the documents now submitted to the Senate. I repeat, the Executive saw Tex as in a state of almost hopeless exhaustion, and the question was narrowed down to the simple proposition, whether the United States should accept the boon of annexation on fair and liberal terms, or, by refusing to do so, force Texas to seek a refuge in the arms of some other power, either through a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, or the adoption of tome other expedient, which might virtually make her tributary to such power, and dependent upon it for all future time. The Executive has full reason to be lieve that such would have been the result, without its in terposition, and that such will be the result, in the event ei ther of unnecessary delay in the ratification, or of the rejec tion of the proposed treaty. In foil view then of the highest public duty, and as a measure of security against evils incalculably great the Exe cutive has entered into the negotiation the fruits of which are now submitted to the Senate. Independent of the ur gent reasons which existed for the step it has taken, it might safely invoke the *"act which it confidently believes, that there exists i Yj civilised government on earth, having a vol untary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so re plete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, 'and *r> necessary to its peace and safety, that would reject the offer. Nor are other powers. Mexico inclusive, likely in any degree, to be injuriously effected by the ratification of the treaty. The prosperity of Texas will be equally in- J teresting to all, in the increase of the general commerce of j the world ; that prosperity will be secured by annexation, i But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It • frows out of the proposed enlargement of our territory. ’roni this, lam free to confess. I see no danger. The fed erative system is susceptible of the greatest extension com patible with the ability of the representation of the most dis tant state or territory to reach the seat of government in time to participate in the functions of legislation, and to make known the wants of the constituent body. Our con federated republic consisted originally of thirteen members. It now consists of twice that number, while applications are before Congress to permit other additions. This addition of new States has served to strengthen rath er than to weaken the Union. New interests have sprung up. which require the united power of all, through the ac- i tion of the common government to protect and defend upon i the high seas and in foreign parts. Each State commits, with perfect security, to that common government those great in tcrests growing out of our relations with other nations of the world, and wlrch equally involve the good of all the States. Its donors tic concerns are left to its own exclusive manage ment. B at if the**e were any force in the objection, it would seem to require an immediate abandonment of territorial posses sions which lie in the distance, and stretch to a far off sea; and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to re commend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very doors, and in our immediate vicinity. Under every view which I have been able to take of the subject, I think that the : merest* of our common constitu ents. the people of all the States, and a love of the Union, left the Executive no other alternative than to negotiate the treaty. The hich and solemn duty of ratifying or of reject ing it. is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution of the United States. JOHN TYLER. Washington, April 22, 1944. Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Pakenham Department of State, Washington, April 18, 1844. The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has laid before the President the note of the right honorable Mr. Pakenham. envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of her Brit an ic Majesty, addressed to this depart ment t on the 26th of February last, to gether with the accompanying copy of a despatch of her Majesty’s principal Se cretary of State for Foreign Affairs to Mr. Pakenham. In reply, the under signed is directed by the President to in form the right Hon. Mr. Pakenham, that while lie regards with pleasure the disa vowal of Lord Aberdeen of any intention on the part of her Majesty’s Government l! to resort to any measures either openly or secretly, which can tend to disturb the internal tranquility of this Union,” he at the same tune regards with deep con cern the avowal for the first time made to this Government, “that Great Britain desires and is constantly exerting herself to procure tire general abolition of slave ry throughout the world. So long as Great Britain confined her policy to the abolition of slavery in her own possessions and colonies, no other country hod a right to complain. It be longed to her exclusively to determine, accoiding to her own views of policy, whether it should be done or not. But when she goes beyond, and avows it as her settled policy, and the object of h*r constant exertions, *o abolish it through out tire world, she makes it the duty of all other countries, whose safely or pros perity may he endangered by her policy, to adopt such measures as they may deem necessary for their protection. ft is with still deeper concern the Pre sident regards the avowal of Loid Aber deen, of the desire of Great Britain to see slavery abolished in Texas, and as he infers, her endeavors, through her dip lomacy, to accomplish it, by making the abolition of slavery one of the conditions on which Mexico should acknowledge her independence. Tt has confirmed his previous impressions as to the policy of Great Britain in refereuce to Texas, and made it his duty to examine with much care and solicitude what would be its es sects on the prosperity and safety of the United States, should she succeed in her endeavors. The investigation has result ed in the settled conviction that it would be difficult for Texes, in her actual con dition, to resist what she desires, with out supposing the influence and exertions of Great Britain would be extended be yond the limits assigned by Lord Aber deen, and, that if Texas could not re sist, the consummation of the object of her desire, -would endanger both the safety and prosperity of the Union. Un der this conviction, it is felt to be the im perious duty of the federal government, die common representative and protector of the states of the Union, to adopt, in self-defence, the most effectual measures to defeat it. Thi; is now the proper occasion to stat« at large ih** grounds of this eon vu lion. It i sufficient fosnr, that the coti j wishes tn reference to Texas would be followed by hostile feelings and relations lietween that country and the LJ. States which eould not fail to place her under the influence and control of Great Bri ! fain. That, from the geographical posi i tion of Texas, would expose the weakest aud most vulnerable portion of our fron tier to inroads, and place in the power of Great Britain the most efficient means of effecting in the neighboring states of this Union what she avows to be her desire to do in all countries where slavery ex ists. To hazard consequences which would be so dangerous to the prosperity and safety of this Union, without resort ing to the most effective measures to pre vent them, would be, on the part of the Federal Government, an abandonment of the most solemn obligation imposed by the guarantee which the States, in adopt ing the Constitution, entered into of pro tectingeach other against whatever might endanger their safety, whether from without or within. Acting in obedience to this obligation, on which our Federal system of Government rests, the Presi dent directs me to inform you that a trea ty has been concluded between the Uni ted States and Texas, for the annexation of the latter to the former as a part of its territory, which will be submitted with out delay to the Senate for its approval. This step has been taken as the most ef fectual if not the only means of guarding against the threatened danger, and secu ring their permanent peace and welfare. It is well known that Texas'has long desired to be annexed to this Union ; that her people, at the time of the adop tion of his Constitution, expressed, by an almost unanimsus vote, her desire to that effect; and that she has never ceas ed to desire it as the most certain means of promoting her safety and prosperity. The United States heretofore declined to meet her wishes, but the time is now ar rived when they can no longer refuse consistently with their own security and peace, and the sacred obligation imposed by their constitutional compact for mu tual defence and protection. Nor are they responsible for the circumstances which have imposed this obligation on them. They had no agency in bringing about the state ot things which has ter minated in the separation of Texas from Mexico. It was the Spanish Govern ment and Mexico herself which invited and offered high inducements to our cit izens to colonize Texas. That, from the diversity of character, habits, religion, and political opinions, necessarily led to the separation, without the interference of the U. States in any manner whatever. It is true, the United States, at an early period, recognized the Independence of Texas; but, in so doing, it is well known they but acted in conformity with an es tablished principle to recognize the Gov ernment de facto. They had previously acted on the same principle in reference to Mexico herself, and the other Govern ments which have risen on the former dominions of Spain on this continent. They are equally without responsibil ity for that state of things, already ad verted to as the immediate cause of im posing on them, in self-defence, the ob ligation of adopting the measure they have. They remained passive, so long as the policy on the part of Great Britain, which had led to its adoption, had no im tnedi ite hearing on their peace and safe ty. While they conceded to Great Bri tain the right of adopting whatever poli cy she might deem best; in reference to the African race, within her own pos sessions, they on their own part claim the same risht for themselves. The nol- i icy she has adopted in reference to the portion of that race in her dominions may be humane and wise; but it does not follow, if it prove so with her, that it would be so in reference to the United States and other countries, whose sitna tion differs from hers. But, whether it would be or not, it belongs to each to judge and determine for itself. With us it is a question to be decided, not by the Federal Government, but by each mem ber of this Union for itself, according to its own views of its domestic policy, and without any right on the part of the Fed eral Government to interfere in any man ner whatever. Its rights and duties are limited to protecting, under the guaran ties of the Constitution, each member of this Union, in whatever policy it may adopt in reference to the portion within its respective limits. A large number of the States has decided, that it is neither wise nor humane to change the relation which has existed, front their settlement, between the two races; while others, where the African is less numerous, have adopted the oposite policy. It belongs not to the Government to question whether the former have deci ded wisely or not; and if it did, the un dersigned would not regard this as the proper occasion to discuss the subject, lie does not, however, deem it irrelevant to state that, if the experience of mrue than half a century is to decide, it worrld be neither humane nor wise in them to change their policy. The census and other authentic documents show that, in all instances in which the States have changed the former relation between the two races, the condition of the African, instead of being improved, has become worse. They have been invariably sunk into vice and paupeiism, accompa nied by the bodily and mental inflictions incident thereto—-deafness, blindness, in sanity, and idiocy, to a degree without example ; while, m all other States which have retained the ancient relation be tween theta they have improved greatly m every respect- in numbers, comfort, intelligence, and morals as the follow ingfacts, taken from such sources, will serve to illustrate: The number of deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, of the r.egroes in the Slate: that have changed the ancient re iation between the raeos. is one out of pcer\ i inctv-six : w tub in the States •■dherini! to i - it is «y • »,ui of everv mx hundred aud seventy-two —that is, seven to one in favor of the latter, as compared with the former. The number of whites, deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, in the States that have changed the relation, is one in every five hundred and sixty one; being nearly six to one against the free blacks of the same States. The number of negroes who are deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, pau pers and in prison, in the States that have changed, is one out ot every six ; and in the States that have not, one out of every one hundred and fifty-four; or twenty to one against the former, as compared with the latter Taking the two extremes of North and South—in the State of Maine, the num ber of negroes returned as deaf and dumb, blind, insane, and idiots, by the census of 1840, is one out of every twelve ; and in Florida, by the same returns, is one out of every eleven hundred aud five; or ninety-two to one in favor of the slaves of Florida as compared with the free blacks of Maine. In addition, it deserves to be remarked, that in Massachusetts where the change in the ancient relation of the two races was first made, (now more than 60 years since,) whore the greatest zeal has been exhibited in their behalf, and where their number is comparatively few, (but little more than 8,000 in a population of 730,- 000,) the condition of the African is amongst the most wretched. By the la test authentic accounts, there was one out of every 21 of the black population in jails or houses of correction ; aud one out of ever)' thirteen was either deaf and dumb, blind, idiot, insane, or in prison. On the other hand, the census and oth er authentic sources of information es tablish the fact, that the condition of the African race throughout all the States, where the ancient relation between the two has been retained, enjoys a degree of health and comfort which may well com pare with that of the laboring population of any country in Christendom ; and it may be added, that in no other condition, or in any other age or country, has the negro race ever attained so high an el evation in morals, intelligence, or civil ization. If such be the wretched condition of the race in their changed relation, where their number is comparatively few, and where somuch interest is manifested for their improvement, what would it be in those States where the two races are near ly equal in numbers, and where, in conse quence, would necessarily spring up mutual fear, jealousy, and natural hatred between them? It may in truth, be as* sumed as a maxim, that two races differ ing so greatly, and in so many respects, cannot possibly exist together in the same country, where their numbers are nearly equal, without the one being sub jected to the other. Experience has proved that the existing relation, in which the one is subjected to the other in the Slaveholdin States, is consistent with the peace and safety of both, with great improvement to the inferior; while the same experience proves that the relation which it is the desire and object of Great Britain to substitute in its stead, in this and all other countries, under the plausible name of the abolition of slave ry, would, (if it did not destroy the in ferior by conflicts, 1o which it would lead) reduce it to the extremes of vice and wretchednesss. In this view of the subject it may be asserted, that what is called slavery, is in reality a political in stimton, essential to the peace, safety, and prospeity of those States of the Union in which it exists. Without then, controverting the wisdom and humanity of the policy of Great britain, so far as her own possessions are concerned, it may be safely affirmed, without refer rence to the means by which it would be effected, that, could she succeed in ac complishing, in the United States, what she avows it to be her desire and the ob ject of her constant exertions to effect throughout the world, so far from being wise or humane, she would involve in the greatest calamity the whole country, and especially the race which it is the avowed object of her exertions to ben efit. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to the the right honor able Mr. Pakenham the assurance of his distinguished consideration. J. C. CALHOUN. Rt. Hon. Richard Pakrnham, &c. f’rorn the Richmond Enquirer , 23d inst Caut'on to the Republicans. Beware of the tricks of the Coons. We must caution our friends against any new humbugs which the Whigs may play off on the very eve of the elec tion. Such tricks— such insidious means to delude the people, where there is no lime to dissipate their misrepresentations, are unworthy of an honorable party. Yet we have seen it tried more than once, even in Virginia, by the intriguers of their party. Beware of such tricks!— Listen to no such humbugs, but despise them and their authors ! We are impel led to throw out this caution, in conse quence of having received by last eve ning’s mail two copies of the following handbill, issued by the Harpers Ferry Democratic Association: “TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA " “ Circular of Uie /farjttrs Ferry Deni. Association. ’ “Spread the Alarm l—Spread the Alarm ! !'* “ Yes, we say to the people, let alarm fires be kindled on every mountain and hill top of this good Old Cornmwealth. them blaze until as beacon lights, they shall have roused, en masse, the people from one extreme of the State to the other. Pass rt rapidly along the line, from post to post; scatter it far nnd wide, from old to young and with despatch, over Virginia’s whole extent, that a FOUL SYSTEM OF FRAUD AND ! TREACHERY is now at work to im pose upon the people of the ancient Do minion, in the coming contest. Spuri ous extracts purporting to be genuine, from the Honorable Mr. Woodbury’s speech on the Tariff, and Tracts of mis representation and detraction are to flood the State a day or two before elec tion. Speakers, too, just on the eve of the election are to harangue the people at different points all over the State. A complete system of treachery and fraud is in wicked progression. We warn the people of Virginia (o be on their guard. Spread it from one to another, until it shall have traversed the State. We call upon the voters—the patriotic and good of all parties to denounce this shameful system of trickery to carry Virginia.— Honest appeal to reason is proper, and we desire it; but an appeal to the pas sions of men, embellished with fraud and trickery, we despise. “Our village has just been deluged with the above stuff. Two barrels tracts and speeches arrived by boat from Washington, and are now scattered like snows flakes over the country. 10,- 000 copies are in (or on their way to) Clarke county. The person circulating them connected, of course, with members of Congress, is an individual of Wash ington, by the name of Peck, a stage pro prietor. Every nook and corner of the State is to be deluged with them by Agents, just before the election. “We say to our friends—be at the polls—swear every doubtful voter—see that the elective franchise is preserved untramelled. Thunder the attack that is to be made on us from one portion of the ancient Dominion to the other.— Spread the alarm onward through the State. “Harper’s Ferry, April 18, 1844.” WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1844. We are requested to say that the hooks of the Tax Receiver of Bibb county will be kept open till the first of June at the reading room of the Messenger Olfice. Tlie Whig National Contention in Baltimore, have nominated Henhy Clay for the Presidency, and Theodoek Fkelinghcysen, of New Jersey, for the Vice Presidency. Nothing of interest has transpired in Congress since ottr last. Wc learn from the Federal Union that “Blair’s Great Globe” has “Jumped Jim Crow” on the Texas question, and some out in opposition to the ratifi cation. Tire Whigs have triumphed at the recent election in Virginia, by a majority of about 20 in the Legis lature. We return ottr thanks to the Hon. Walter T. Col quitt, of the Senate, and Messrs. Chappell, Stylisi Haralson, Lt’MPniNand Cobb, for thoir courtesy in forwarding to us various important and interesting documents. Public Meetings on the Texian question. Many cities and counties of the South have alrea dy led the way in publicly expressing their views on that momentous subject. Is it not incumbent on the people of Macon and our fellow-citizens of Bibb county, without distinc tion of party, to follow the patriotic example and ni an early day, (say Saturday or Monday next) con vene ew mass at the Court House in this city.— Should this suggestionbe responded to, it is hoped each will be expected to a general turn out and that the meeting may be addressed by competent speak ers—let it be in truth a no-party meeting—more, much more than enough has already been sacrificed to the demon, idol party and man worship—in the name of Washington, devote one day to our com mon country. Mr. Clay’s Assertions 7 hat he gave his vote and influence to the J. Q. Adams Federal ccuididate for the Presidency, in preference to the democratic candidate , the late W. H. Crawford, from a belief that Mr. Crawfords i Iness had so impaired his intellect as to unfit him for the safe discharge of those duties incum bent on the chief magistrate of the United States. As the distinguished aspirant has tn his late travelling sketches, adverted to this subject, and as it sheds some light on the sincerity and scrupulous veracity for which his whole career as a public man has been remarkable, we append a few desultory observations. It would doubtless be both pleasant and convenient to Mr. Clay, did every one forget what he wishes not to be re membered. The motives assigned by Mr. Clay for the abrupt abandonment of the demo cratic party, of which he had been, till then, a prominent member from his youth up, and desertion of W. 11. Crawford, a personal and political friend, at a crisis when the hand of a generous enemy would not have been raised against him, though satisfactory to a few of Crawford’s friends, was, by others, viewed in its true light, and considered a pitiful artifice, to varnish over as base an act of public and private treachery, (that of Judas except ed) as ever merited the brand of indelible dishonor. Mr. Clay's intimation that but for Crawford’s bodily,fand supposed mental infirmities, he (Clay) would have given him his support, is not merely destitute of any evidence, his assertion excepted. but is confronted by strong, probably con clusive proof, to the contrary. We have lately seen it noticed in some of our ex change papers, that ‘it was well known in Kentucky, previous to Clay’s leaving home for Washington, that he did not intend aiding Crawford’s election’—this was to be expected, for General Jackson was popular in that State, and, next to Clay, her choice for the Presidency— and Mr. Clay always knew on which side his bread was buttered. We know that Mr. Crawford was well aware Clay, in case his own prospects became hopeless, would not move a finger to promote his [Crawford’s] election : but did not antici pate Clay’s desertion from the democratic party. The reader may judge of the sincerity of Clay’s shewings on that occasion, from the fact, that Mr. Crawford was then convalescing, and that the public had then before them his refutation of a fara go of malicious and unfounded charges, trumped up by a dirty fellow named Ninian Edwards. That refutation, dis playing all Mr. Crawford’s accustomed ability, was dictated by him from the bed of sickness, and written out, principally by his daughter; the residue by one or two of his friends, Dickens of the Treas ury Department, and the late Thomas Cobb of Oglethorpe—one of her sons, the. premature loss of whose talents, energy, and patriotism, Georgia has reason to mourn over. In looking over that document, it is difficult which most to admire, the lucid, irrefragible force of its reasoning, or the quiet dignity and lofty self-respect of a great mind which withheld the writer, under the most irritating provocation, from bestowing the slightest retnbutary notice on the reptile that attempted to sting him. How different from the vin dictive irritability of the Kentucky ora tor? Even in his letter cn the Texan question this breaks out—he attributes its discussion to sinister and shameful mo lives. How difficult it is to stem the current of natal propensities, fostered by habitual indulgence? Nature cast the mind of W. H. Crawford ii> the mould where these benefactors of their species, the up right statesman and disinterested patriot are formod, Clay’s in the matrix where thouse scourges of republics, talented in triguer nnd selfish demagogues are or ganized. Out position in relation to ithe two promi nent candidates Tor the Presidency. With the lights now before us—were the inquiry now propounded to u», ‘ which do you prefer for th«t high office in this momentous crisis, Cl»y or Van Buren V We should reply with all sincerity, some what in the style we once heard a poor fellow answer a torv justice, convicted of the three capital offences, viz. of being poor, friendless, and having taken the United Irishman’s oath, binding him to use all legs! means for redressing the wrong* that withered and dishonored his country. The magistrate having demanded of the prisoner whether he chose to serve his majesty king George, in the army or navy, Barney, with a look full of reck less humour answered 1 pon me sowl, your honour, 1 don’t choote either.’ 11l like manner as far as Clay 's and Van Buren’s claims on the presidency are in question, we answer with Barney, in the profoundcs* earnest, tee do not choose either. We make this avow al with the dodging, shuffling pro and con, for and against letters of both spread before us. The drift ol each, as far as it can be discerned, through the mass of mystifying verbiage, and misleading matter, dis guising, it appears to be similar in both—namely “elect me President, and I will settle the business !o your satisfaction,” utterly regardless Os the irremrdia hie disasters the delay mar entail upon their coun try. “O tempora, O mores," and this is modern pa triotism—the high souled devoted, unselfish palrro tism of Henry Clay and Martin Van Buren—"we’ll have none of it.” We embrace (his opportunity, to express our pri vate, but deliberate opinion, that unless the democratic party bring out another candidate able to unite tho res|>ect, confidence and action of the whole parly throughout the Union, they will most assuredly, in the decisive contest, be beaten into the farthest point oftho succeeding four years, more probably into kingdom come —ad interim , what becomes of our common country, our matchless constitution, o»r glorious Union, our dear dear, South, the fair land of bright eyes, warm hearts—and the ‘aye ready hands'? Wc were lapsing into sad earnestness, but what would avail our feeble pen, what any power merely human, to awaken a self doomed, people A-lrea and her train of virtues seem to have fled Prom our country forever. They cannot rest in abodes pollu’ ed with avarice, insatiate injustico and shameless hard hearted infatuated selfishness: Passing over tho cnornieties of injustice, the reck less disregard of the cardinal precept of Christian and social othies, 11 Whatsoever ye would that men should Jo unto you, do ye even eo unto them,” marking the conduct of the Representatives in Congress, of one interest and one section of the Union towards all th® rest, especially, to the South. Let us consider tho course of Congress during the present session.— What a spectacle of corruption docs it present ? See on one side, the representatives of one section of our common country, aksing relief from the oppression of the Protective Tariff of’42 —they aretold plain ly, that unless they vote for the bill to improve the Western rivers, Ac , a measure equally dishonest, equally unconstitutional, their request cannot b p granted. Merciful Heaven ! what fate awaits a country, where the chosen favorites of the people arc thus sn blushinglycorrupt!! If justice be an eterne/ entity, if the Bible be true, and Jehovah the moral governor of the universe, to what a fearful and not distant issu*. docs it lead 1 Messrs. Van Buren, Clay, "«d Tel**. We invoke the especial attention of our readers <*> the following scorching article in the Spectator, ie which they will finJ exporcil' to the public rontemp the cowardly, truckling, and inconsistent coursspus sued by these notorious persons with regard to 1 e*a? The great reason advanced by Mr Clay that ar nexation would be unjust and dishonorable as W* S >f i- claimed bv Mexico and »h* only rearer