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tec) to myself any such intimate relations to it. 1 have, inJeeil, cherished it *itti paternal fondness, and my affection is unduni.ii.hed.” He offered the following resolutions: "Rttulvtd, That the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and not? coming in competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, cxcopt the duties upon wines and silks, and that those ought to be reduced; and that the Committee on Finance be instructed to report ac cordingly." And supported it, in Bis famous speech l>y say ing: “This reduction mar lie effected in various ways, and on different principles. Only three modes shall now be noticed: “Ist. To reduce the duties on all articles in the same ratio, without regard te the principle of protec tion “2J. To retain them on unprotected articles, and augment them on the protected articles. “And 3d. To abolish and reduce the duties on unprotected articles, retaining and enforcing the faithful collection of those on the protected articles.” “To the first mode there are insuperable objec tions. It would lead inevitably to the destruction of our home manufactures. It would establish a sort of bed of Procustes, by which the duties on all arti cles should be blindly meas ired, without respect to their nature, or the extent of their consumption.— And it would be derogatory from every principle of theory or practice on which the Government has hitherto proceeded. “The second would be still more objectionable to the foes of the trariff than either of the others. But it cannot be controverted that, by augmenting con siderably the duties on the protected class, so as to carry them to the point, or near to the confines, of absolute prohibition, the object in view of effecting the necessary reduction of the public revenue, may be accomplished without touching the duties on the unprotected class. The consequance of such an augmentation would lie a great diminution in the im portation of the foreign article; and, of course, in the duties upon it; but against entire prohibition, except perhaps in a few instances, I have been al ways, and still am, opposed. By leaving the door open to the foreign rival article, the benefit is secur ed bya salary competition. If it be hermetically clo sed, the danger is ir.cuned of monopoly. “The third mode is-the most equitable and reason able; and it presents an undehateahle ground, on which I had hoped we could all safely tread without difficulty. It exacts no sacrifice of principle from the opponent ofthe American System. It compre hends none on the part of its friends. The measure before you embraces this mode. It is simple, and free from all complexity. If divides the whole sub jecl of import* according to ils nature It settles at once of what ought not to bedisputed; and leaves to be settled hereafter, if necessary, what may be con troverted." Gen. Jackson paid off the public debt, a reduction of duties wus called for, and the Secretary of the Treasury recommended that the duties on unpro tected articles should be gradually reduced. To this Mr. Clay objected, because [we quote his own words ] “The effect of this would be, to destroy the pro tecting system by slow but certain poison. The ob ject beiog to reduce the revenue, svery descending degree in the scale of his plan of gradual reduction, by letting in more of the foreign article to displace tbe domestic rival fabric, would increase the reven ue, and beget a necessity for further and further re duction of duties, until they would be carried so low as to end in the entire subversion of the system of protection.” Is not this this clear and sufficient proof, Mr Clay was in 1831-32 a supporter of those features in the Tariff bill of 1828 which are most obnoxious to the Southern people 1 His votes and his speecnas show, that the high protective features of that bill, “high,” according to hisown acknowledgment, we.e .those which he was most anxious to retain; and that, so far from exerting himself to modify the Ta riff bill of 1828 in our favor, his action was directly against us, and all his energies used to defeat the ef fort* of our friends. 18. May we be excused for alluding to another prediction which we made the day before his speech? We said: “He has been for some days in communion with some of the Whig leaders, such as they are, about Petersburg, ami we know his acuteness well enough to feel assured that at this moment he is better ac quainted with the issoes'calculated to operate on the interests of Messrs. Martin and Boling, than any one of his own friends in Petersburg—he will use them covertly it is true; probably under the guise of an indignant disclaimer of all Intention to that effect, and a terrific denunciation, or a contemptuous sneer at those who dare to suspect him.” This, too, we think, was realized. As to the pros perity of Petersburg depending on her manufacturers, every business man in this place*kno\vs it to be un true. The manufactories constitute, indeed, one branch of the industry if the town, but are neither the only, nor by any means the prinripal, reliance of the citizens. There are, however, a large number of voters engaged in them, and it is rumored, that Clay for President, and Bolling for delegate, are not very popular words with them. Did any body whis per this in Mr. Clay’s ear 1 ID. Upon the subject of Distribution, Mr. Clay has answered himself in the extract from his speech quoted in our 13th note, and if it were nut for the va rious contradictions which occur at almost every mo ment of his past, as welf as his present existence, our readers might think it strange that in one si ntence He should tell os thaat “Virginia ought to have the first cut,” white in the next he plotces himself on his bill for giving 500.000 acres to the new States. We do not believe that when Mr. Clay first used the Harsh language applicable to an Editor, he intended his remark for Mr. Ritchie, but when it was received with some applause by the audiance, he used lan guage which pointed the application. We do not think that Mr. Ritchie was originally aimed at, Ist, because Mr. Clay spoke distinctly as to his journey between New Oi leans and Petersburg, arxl 2d, be cause the terms used are peculiarly unsuited to Mr. Ritchie, and' would not be employed by one who knew him as well as Mr. Clay said he knew his (if he will allow us to correct his English,) former “ju venile friend.” Mr. Clay certainly diJ not mean to say that Mr. Ritchie was a “little Editor”—no one would be silly enough to say that of a man, who, from experience, influence, and the ready acknow ledgment of his contemporaries, stands at the head of his profession. Meanness is a trait which does not belong to his character—we have lived all cor life where he is best known, and some of our best friends are his bitterest political enemies—we never heard him accused of meanness before—“arrogant impu dence” may be charged against him, he may be de nounced as “narrow minded”—these are general terms, about which people may agree or disagree, hut the charge of meanness is one of a more particular kind, ansi one which is as foreign to the nature of Thomas Kitchir r » to that of any man who breathes “Heartless” —again we base reason So think Mr Clay diJ not at first allude to Mr. Ritchie—warat <rf Heart, ofiwpulse, feeling, is surely a charge which ao one who knows him can bring forward—long as some people think the head of the “old Gentleman” (as the Democratic boys call him) his heart is the strongest of the two—the sower fiww» which action jBSMt generally eprinya He had “piled speech on speech, until lie was as hoarse as any candidate,” &c. This we consider a distinct admission of his electioneering purposes. A worthy friend of ours, to whom we made the remark at the time.ghoughl such a construction would be forced. He did not believe Mr. Clay intended it— nor do we believe he “intended’ it—bat no matter, if Mr. Clay's own course, and hisown speech, are not sufficient evidence of his intentions, we are willing, that those who can find other data, on which to ground their opinions, should live in the full enjoy ment of them. —We are so well satisfied with the re sult of Mr. Clay’s visit to Petersburg, that whether he be an Eicctioneerer or not, if party feeling could overcome our disapproval of such procedures, we should wish that Mr. Clay might speak in every county of the State. 20. Mr. Clay’s speech occupied one hour and twenty minutes —of which, more than one half was devoted to'a consideration of the article from the Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday last—an article, which we approve not much more than Mr. Clay himself, but to which it was hardly respectful to his audience, or creditable to himself, to devote so great a portion of his lime. Mr Clay’s prayer for the Dem ocratic Party was put up in tl.e most formal manner —hands upraised, eyes upturned, and the most sol emn tones employed in its delivery. In the Great Book it is said “ The Prayer of the Righteous man availeth much ” —whether that of Mr. Clay be enti tled to such authority, it is not for us to say—but it is to be hoped, that when addressing himself thus publicly to the Almighty, his own heart was actuated by feelengs of piety, rather than of anger. We must apologise for the hasty as well as the fee ble manner in which these comments are presented. We were disapjiointed as to the valuable assistance which we had hoped to receive, and are laboring un der physical debility. This, and the want of time for more extended preparation, must form our ex excuse. The speech was received with but little enthusiasm, the cheers heing generally called forth by order of the Chief Marshal, who stood at the entrance of the rostrum. After it was over, Mr. Robinson announ ced that Mr. Clay’s fatiguing exertions required him to take some refreshments: and that he would rejoin the people at the Barbecue. A most excellent Bar becue was served, w hich was hospitably open to ail rnen of all parties. Mr. Clay did not attend. There was a Ball at night, where we understand a large and elegant assemblage were present, and Mr. Clay did the kissing on a large scale. On Saturday, Mr. Clay received company at the Hotels, and in the af ternoon, left Petersburg for Norfolk. We find that we neglected in adverting to Mr. Clay’s remarks, to observe his total silence on the subject of Texas. Not a word, not an allusions did he make to it. “Texas,” “Texas,” was loudly cal led for from the audience, as he closed his speech ; but no notice was taken of the call. It is said that his opinions have been sent to Washington, and will he promulged in a few days. They are in all probabili ty not such as to suit the feeling of this part of the country —would not work well in the Virginia elec tion*. The Constitution of the United States too we do not believe was once mentioned by Mr. Clay ; we are sure that its bearing upon any of the great questions which he argued, was in no case urged in support of his views; The subjoined extract from General Hamilton’s reply to Mr. Bryan’s letter is so full of tender an ! generous sentiment and deeply interesting remines cences, and exhibit* the General in so attractive a light, both as a writer and a man, we have pleasure in giving it an insertion —did space permit, wesliould hazard a few reflections on the letter: Now, sir, I submit, to a candid pub lic, whether this was not “a flagrant ” insult, in the sense in which I desired to use the term? The next question is, was it provoked or unprovoked. Mr. Bryan may think, from the mere fact of Mr. Clay’s taking office under Mr. Adams, to whom he had once been opposed on a single question, growing out of the ne gotiations of Ghent, that these terms of personal insult were amply justified, or that having voted for Mr. Adams, he could accept no office at his hands. If this is to be considered as a principle of exclusion, what are we to say of that host of lat and well fed patriots who are pastured on the public clover after every Presidential election? With every pro per respect for the memory of Mr. Ran dolph, I cannot but think he pushed the figure too far. And I infer most strong ly that Mr. Randoph in a moment of coolness and reflection was of my way of thinking, from the fact of his declining to take the life of Mr. Clay, which I be lieve was amply in his power, from his self-possession on the ground, and hrs reputed skill in the use of arms. The state of parties, in Congress, was such, at thaftime, that neither Col. Tattnall nor myself dared to hint at apology or ex planation. Indeed, neither was asked. We knew at least, there was no “back out” in our friend, and that we might as well have attempted to have counselled him to commit a felony, as to allow the white feather to be worn as a plume in his bonnet. He preferred the chances of a nobla sacrifice of hitr.relf to bringing discredit on that party of which was so proud an ornament. Better men than myself may not commend the moral sen timent of this choice. But we must take men as we find them, in this world, and when we can get hold of ductile subjects make them as good as we can. Mr. Randolph was not made of this pliable stutf. But to return. Let me seriously ask does any man really btheve that John Randolph,militant as lie was, whom it was almost as difficult to persuade to forgive a foe as to desert a friend, would have allowed Mr. Clay the agreeable af ternoon’s delectation of shooting at him as if he were standing up in a pistol gal lery, if he had not felt some little distrust of his having been entire in the right? Mr. Bryan may think differently, but I cannot consent, {<o one, to deprive my deceased friend, now that he cannot speak for himself of the crowning glory of oc cupying such a position with posterity. If any moment of temporary irritation ari sing from the almost unmitigated nervous ailments, to which Mr. Randolph was a martyr, during the largest portion of his life, he ever did himself the injustice of uttering a sentiment at variance with his belief, and the motives which he averred to me for throwing away his fire—let me entreat Mr. Bryan, as he loves the memo ry of onr common friend, to permit the matter to rest where it does, on the au thority of a fact which speaks volumes of honor to his name. The public may ask, and Mr. Bryan 1 may inquire, on what authority I ventu red to say to Mr. Randolph what few men would have hazarded, that this insult to Mr. Clay had been u flagrant and nnpro- j t joked." I say at once, on the authority ot that “posthumous friendship,” to which Mr. Bryan has made so slighting an al lusion. I hope, sir, I may be pardoned for here relating briefly some circumstances of a private nature connected with my own family. My mothor, during the war of the re volution, left South Carolina, by lend, attended alone by her servants, for Ait nspolis, to watch over the dying moments of my grand-father, Thomas Lynch, sen. who, by reason of his ill-health, had been compelled to resign his seat in the Con gress, and who was succeeded by my uncle, Thomas Lynch, jttn’r, the signer of the Declaration of Independence. She journied on her way admidst the perils of a country which was then the seat of war, until she reached Prince Edward Court House, where she was taken ill. As soon as Mrs. Randolph [then, I believe, Mrs. Tucker, by a sub sequent marriage the wife of the distin guished jurist of that name,] heard that a lady from South Carolina was sick in the village, she at once called and removed her to Bazar, her seat near that place, wherein consequence of the occupation of the James River country by Tarlcton’s Dragoons, she was compelled to remain nearly the whole summer. It was here &on this occasion that a warmand enthu siastic friendship was formed between thesetwoladies, which lasted during their lives, which on my going to Congress in 1822,Mr. Randolph,in theplenitudeof his own kind affections, considered as a sa cred legacy bequeathed to us both. When my mother became an inmate of his, Mr. Randolph was a child of some of some five or six years old, distinguish ed as I have often heard my mother say, by a precocious intelligence and brillian cy of intellect which she had never be fore seen in any human being. Separa ted from her own relations and friends, she attached herself to this boy with an affection truly maternal, which he re quited with a love, as he has often assu red me, only surpassed by the affection which he bore his own mother. How often have I listened with the deepest sensibility to the circumstances attend ing my mother’s residence at the Bazar, and of their final separation occasioned by Tarleton’s descent on Prince Edward, if I was lost in astonishment at the al most miraculous tenacity of a memory which the lapse of almost half a century could not subjugate, I was subdued into a fervent attachment to this gifted man, who, misrepresented and libelled by the world, could cherish feelings of tender ness and affection which are usually de nied to our sex. Yes, when he would speak ofhis mo ther, tears would roll in torrents down his cheeks, the fit companions of those deepnffecting tributes which he was wont to pay to her extraordinary genius and virtues, surpassing in touching eloquence the most finished ofhis public efforts.— I hope I may say, sir, that nty mother, the daughter of the man who wrote in the first continental congress one of the addresses of the colonies to the imperial pari lament and whose brother put his name to the manifesto of our independence, was worthy in her own genius and virtues ot the friendship of such a woman. But I must stop. “My heart grows liquid as I write and I could pour it out like water. Mr. Randolph’s friendship and mine took root therefore in another generation. It is therefore strange that wilh such an origin for our intimacy that he should have tolerated me, and that I should have home and forborne in all the bcca sional waywardness of his temper with him. Everybody who knew Mr. Randolph must know that his temper was peculiar. That with the kindest and most affect ionate disposition it was greatly influen ced by the infirmities of his physical health. I have often heard him say that from the hour of his birth he has scarcely the recollection of one day’s en joyment of this blessing, so essential to all others—no temporary irritation, how ever, ever drove me from him a moment —the occasional sallies of his temper I met by affectionate attentions, which, in the long run were more than a match for his temporary irascibility. The re sult was, that I established myself so en tirely in his confidence, that I appeal to every member of the Virginia Delegation hut more especially to my valued friend, Mr. Stevenson, whether if our party in Congress ever had an impulse to com municate to Mr. Rangotph when onr cohorts came out to give battle, either that he was to do or refrain from doing a particular act, any other intermediary was employed but myself. I had got the key note to his temper through all the varying modulations of his temperament, which from its sublimated sensitiveness at on«e gave melody, harmony and in finite power to his extraordinary genius. But I will appeal to those friends with undoubtiiig confidence on another point far more essential—did I ever desert him in all his difficulties (and they were not few and mifrequent) in Congress ? In sickness and in health, in the bland in fluence of social life in hostile relations towards others; was 1 not his fast, his constant, his abiding friend ? Yes sir, it is now a consoling and balmy reflec tion that our friendship continued unim paired to the day of his death, that during our struggle in South Carolina from 1830 to 1834 when my life and character was at stake, I received the most precious testimonies of his confidence, friendship, and support, in a series of letters never 'exceeded in brilliancy nnd depth by any other ofhis written or moral discourses. To be candid sir, in my attentions to Mr. Randolph, I felt as it were that I was paying a sort of affectionate tribute to the manes of my own mother. How deeply humiliated would 1 be if I could think for a moment I had stigmatized the memory of him whom she had loved with the affection of a parent. I cannot but hope that on a calm re view of all the circumstances of this pain ful controversy that Mr. Bryan will be convinced that he has done me injustice. I am willing to believe unintentionally —I can readily pardon the zeal with which he defends the memory of our friend, for I well know the warmth and of the friendship which Mr. Randolph justly and reciprocally cherished for his father, which he signalized by one ofthe most beautiful and touching obituaries in our language, and of the amount of affection which he transferred to his sons. But be this as it may—one thing I must be permitted to say—l cannot consent any further publicly to occupy a con troversal position towards any man who claims with myself to he the friend of John Rnndnlph—if we cannot go togeth er to his grave and place upon it a min gled chaplet of our affection and respect before the public, I will at least be silent. But Mr. Bryan seems to think (as he is pleased to say) that as I have given in “my adhesion to Mr. Clay,” all I have stated in reference to the duel between Mr. Randolph and this gentleman was a subtle and exclusive laudation ofthe lat ter to help his canvass for the Presidency. I will befrank with Mr. Bryan. Apart from (he wish to relate an anecdote em inently honorable to our friend, Mr. Ran dolph, I embraced with sincere gratifi cation the opportunity when Mr. Clay was the object of the hospitality of the South, to pay him a merited tribute of gratitude to his distinguished and most salutary interposition in our South Car olina difficulty, in which with perfect honor to my own State, a civil war was averted, and a principle engrafted on the compromise which if the South is true to herself, will yet prove to us a fortress of impregnable strength. Ido not there fore abate one jot of what I said in his favor, 1 believe him to be a man of com prehensive genius, of sincere and fervent patriotism, and that according to opinions honestly entertained, he will endeavor in the event of his election so to adminis ter thegovernment with thehighest bene fit to the country. But his opinions are not my opinions of what such a policy should be, and I know no man amomr all those who have been spoken of as candidates for the Pres idency, who does entertain them, saving and excepting my fellow-countryman and friend John C. Calhoun. Without therefore, some new conjuncture should make him a candidate, I can anticipate no conceivable combination of circumstan ces which will induce me to go to the polls, in the autumn, for the choice of Presidential electors. The time is not yet come when I will vote for any man who is in favor of the principle of protection, rendered far more dangerous by the subtile doctrine of dis criminations. The only just principle on which our Revenue System can rest, is, that the whole consumption of the country should pay- alike—that a pack thread and chain cable should have pre cisely the same assessment imposed upon them in referrence to their relative value, But the discriminations in otir Tariff are discriminations in favor of the rich n gainst the poor, for the benefit of one section and at the expense of another. To speak af a moderate tariff, resting on such a principle, is to sanctify robbery by saying that little is stolen. No, Sir, when I returned from Europe in 1842,1 told our old South Carolina Nullifiers that the Legislature ought to be convened and the Tariff of 1812 in stantly nullified, that it was far more odi ous tlian the Tariff of 1828, because it contained within itself the atrocious vio lation of the plighted faith of the Com promise. They replied that they hoped, through the Democracy of the country and the election of Mr. Calhoun, to rem edy the evil, by a less violent cure. The promised panacea has indeed been sig nally efficacious I! But really, Sir on this question is there one pin to choose between all the prom inent candidates who are supposed now to remain in she field ? If Mr. Clay vo ted for the Tariff of 1824 Mr. Van Buren voted for ils Cousin German, with a far blacker face, in 1828—whilst my kind hearted friend of the Great Crossings is quite willing to submit, with a truly amiable facility, his opinions on this, as well as all other subjects, to the voice of a majority of the people. Now 1 know no difference between Mr. Clay, in his recently expressed opinions, and the Catholic doctrines of the Democratic paity at the North, as announced ex Cathedra, from the Syracuse Conven tion, as the opinions of Mr. Van Buren, except it may be the much larger means which Mr. Clay will probably possess with his party, in case of his election, of mitigating, by timely and judicious com promises, the rigors of this detestable sys tem. I make this remark without the slightest nnkindness to Mr. Van Buren, for whom I cherish feelings of the warm est personal regard, who carties, with his eminent ability, into his private and pub lic. relations, one of the most happily bal anced tempers ever given to man. Sir, 1 do not venture to speak for the Democracy, for they are not backward in speaking for themselves ; but it does ap pear to me, that in John C. Calhoun, they had an opportunity of rallying on one susceptible of an augmenting power, tire more his merits are subjected to the test of public opinion—one who, to come to parallels in our own country, unites the genius of Mr. Jefferson, with the practical ability of Alexander Hamilton, and who, with shining talents for action, combines that power which belongs to tlie discoverers of new and original truth—the faculty of profound analysis joined to eminent powers for philosophi cal generalization—one of Plutarch’s men, cast in an antique mould, who like the fine models of Phidias breathes no thing but inspiration around him. For such a man, one might feel some pride in battling. But in a struggle which de cides no great public princple; which is likely to be nothing but a sordid scuffle, which perty shall yield a patronage worth some twenty millions of dollars annually, and enjoy the powerof turning out some ten or fifteen thousand office holders to starve, to make room for the same number of expectants, more hun gry and thin than themselves I desire to have neither part or lot, 1 believe the time is Pot distant when a crisis will arise, when every man South of the Potomac will be called upon to (stand up to his duties. A crisis in which stupidity can furnish no delu sions under the cover of which coward ice cau skulk in sordid security. Now, the tokens of public spirit are certainly at low water mark. About a month since I was lauded to the skies for the letter oil which Mr. Bryan has ani madverted with such severity. The same press, and that too South of the Potomac, has changed its dulcet note in to one of vituperation, because 1 have ventured to raise my voice against an in* suiting discrimination between the slave and the non-siaveholding States un known to the Constitution, put forth by a man of commanding influence in one part of the country without any refer ence to the paramount interests of their own section of the Union, because it might be injurious to the prospects of their favorite candidate for the presi dency. I assure yon sir, that the abuse of these idolaters of the Crocodile which is en shrined in the Union, and which they worship with his own tears, sits as light upon my bosom as the down of the cyg net. They are up to no effort of manly pride whigh can raise them to the level of my unutterable disdain and con tempt. If there is wisdom in the old Roman maxim “in hello pax est lt is equally true that to preserve the union, we must look disunion in the face without falter ing. The union is dear to the South in its blessings, hut not in its abuses. Its value to us is in its recollected glories, in the guarantees which it gives, or ought to give us, of respect abroad, and security and happiness at home. The pecuniary benefits of the bargain belong to others, who are striving, by all the means in their power, to dissolve it by insane vio lence and rapacious injustice. I have lived some time and had some slight experience in public affairs, but as a great moral teacher says : “No man lives too long who lives to do with spirit or suffer with resignation, what Providence pleases to command or in flict.”—Looking for instruction to the past, and doubtingly to the future, I can not take my leave, at least of my old, South Caroliryi friends, without this ex plicit declaration. Although I have thought proper to express my confidence in the patriotism, genius and ability ot Mr. Clay, I stand where I stood in 1832, without the alteration or surrender of one opinion, much less one public princi ple. Whenever they again take position they will find me, however humble my station, by their side, without abating “one jot of hope.” I may then in conclusion, recur to the precepts of t’lat extraordinary man to whose recollections the larger part of this communication has been dedicated, who amidst the eccentricities of his unparal leled genius, was imbued with almost a spirit of prophetic divination which en abled him to look far into the working of our system of governmen, who foresaw many things which have happened since the silence of the grave has closed upon him forever. llovv often has he said to the South “booted and spurred be in the saddle, ready, ready, ready.” Yes gal lant spirit, would to God she had now a cavalier, like yourself, in the saddle with your keen Damascus blade, blazing in the sun. But alas, like you she lies dead, with nothing left but the memory of what she once was. I have done sir—l return to a privacy which harmonize with the duties I owe others and the happiness which belongs to myself. J. HAMILTON. The Washington Spectator makes the following admirable reply to the Globe’s assault on Mr. Calhoun. The Globe Clique Desperate. We said nothing in our yesterday’s pa per of the Globe’s assaults on Mr. Cal houn. We saw that he was bitten, and did not doubt that his madness would soon show itself in such demonstration of foam and fury as would leave no doubt as t> his real state. Because Mr. Van Buren has cut his throat by his inconsis tent and anti-American course, in con junction with Abolitionists and Mr. Clay, in opposing the admission of Texas into the Union, Mr,Calhoun is also to be sa crificed. What has he done to draw down upon him the denunciation and fu ry ofthe Globe? Everyone knew, when he was nominated to the State Depart ment, with the hearty laudations of the Globe that the treaty for the annexation of Texas to the Union was contemplated, and with Great Britain as to the territory of Oregon, were the two great objects which the whole Union looked to as wor thy ol his skill and patriotism, as a states man and negotiator. Well did not the Globe approve of the annexation of Tex as to the Uniou ? Let his lengthy and able art'cle, scarcely a week old, in favor of it, answer. Is the treaty well execu ted ? Even the Globe does not doubt it. Has he maintained the honor of the country in vindicating the Union from British interference ? The Globe does not question it. In the whole correspon dence transmitted with the treaty, he writes but a single letter, so far as it is published. All the rest of the corres pondence, with the issues and points it makes, were on the files of the State De partment before he entered it. To the British Minister’s declaration on the part of Great Britain, of her settled design t 0 carry on a crusade against the institu tions of the South, nnd, in persuance of this policy, to prevent Mexico from ac knowledging the independence of Texas unless slavery was abolished, Mr. Cal’ houn replies. He defends the Union a guinst British interference and control.— He defends the South against the imper tinent censure the Ministei of England casts upon her institutions. He does his duty as an American statesman. The Globe is acquiescing and aiding the an nexation of Texas to the Union. But Mr. Van Buren suddenly comes out a gainst it—in direct conflict with his for mer conduct on this very subject in 1829. He chimes in with Mr. Clay and the Whigs, in the cowardly cry of war with Mexico. He takes the Anti-American ground, that the voice and will of the people of Texas in declaring and enfor cing their independence for eight years continuously, is not sufficient to give them the sovereignty of the country— but there is still a right in her former ru lers the Mexicans, over the people of Texas, which gives them the right to make war with us for treating with her, on annexing her to the Union, Mr. Van Buren thus drops his Republicanism —drops his Americanism—drops his former self—goes over to Mr. Clay and the Whigs—deserts the Democratic par ty and the South. They drop hint like a corpse into his political grave. The Globe rages, and seems now only intent to sacrifice whole hecatombs lohis manes. To kill others—to kill Mr. Calhoun—to destroy the whole Democratic party, ra ther than it shall survive the dominion ofhis clique—is his insane and furious policy. He quotes as his motto, General Jackson’s words, “Our Union, it must be preserved,” whilst moving against his course, as if indirectly to insult him where he dare not openly assail. Is General Jackson, in his urging on the immediate annexation of Texas, en dangering the Union? What is Mr. Calhoun, and the whole body of the De mocratic party in the South, doing more than General Jackson in pressing (he an nexation of Texas to the Union? Who is endangering the Union ? Those who are practically aiding Great Britain and Northern Abolitionists in assailing the South; or those who wish to give securi ty to the South and repose to the Union, by counteracting a mighty scheme for assailing both? Such false issues will not do. Assailing and disparaging Mr. Calhoun will not do. It will only lift him up, whilst it exposes the injustice and wickedness of those who assail him. He will only be dearer to the Borth,and dearer to the Democratic party, for up holding what is, and must be, their tri umphant policy. He will have Texas and he will have Oregon, and will leave it to others, if they dare, to surrender l oth. Let the Globevilifyand denounce —the people will mark and rememlier.— Whenever tbe glorious cause of Texas and annexation prevails—in the North to whose prosperity and wealth it will administer, in the West, to whose migh ty valley it brings protection from British ambition and control—in the South, to whom it holds out peace and safety—let the causesless rancor of the Globe be ex posed, and Mr, Calhoun will need no other exponent or defender. Triifh and .the people will point to the meditated victim, and be his shield. There were exported from Boston,du ring the week ending the 13th of March, 951 bales of domestic goods. Os these, 600 bales were shipped to Africa, 325 to the East Indies, 18 to the West Indies, and 8 to Gibraltar. To the Democratic I’a>ty or the 3d Congress* ion a I District. The undersigned, citizens of Upson county, and members of (he Democratic Party, believing (he lime to have arrived, when some measure should be adop ted, with reference to the selection of a candidate for this Congressional District at the ensuing election, and having delayed a sufficient length: of time, in the hopo that others would take the lead, do moat re spectfully invite our Democratic friends in Ihe sever al counties composing the 3d Congressional District, to send Delegates, in number equal to that which they are respectively entitled, to be represented in the State Legislature to a Convention, which we recom mend to be held in Thomaston, on the 4th Monday in June nex, for the purpose of nominating a candi date to represent this District in the next Congres* The central position of our county site gives it as fair a claim to the distinction of Being the seat ofthe pro posed Convention, as is possessed by any other place within the District; but while we, with all deference to the wishes and views of our friends in other coun ties, have ventured to suggest a time and place for holding a Convention for the purpose named, wedis claim the intention dictating to o'hers, and declare our readiness to yield to any suggestions as to either time or place, which may he more agreeable to a ma jority of the counties in the District; and we hope soon to see in the public prints, the expression of the views of the Democracy in the several counties in re lation to this matter. We would also suggest to our friends, inasmuch as no arrangement has lieen made for the nomination of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United Stales, that the Convention as above propo sed, will afford a very suitable occasion for making the selection of a candidate for Elector for this Du trict. We also recommend to our Democratic friends o this County, to meet in Thomaston on the h r!t Tuesday in June, lor the purpose i»f appointing Del egales to represent them in said Convention. Tho’s Mabry G. P. Swift C. W. Moore D. Reddock Kenan Couch W. P. Perry Wm. Couch N. W. Maddox H. B Mabry D Allen L. W. Paine J B. Kendall D. Kendall S. Smith D. Lawson A- Maddox Ed. Stewart H. H Hunt I. Pearce Wm. McKinney J. A. Wilson W. McMullm- B. Ellis C. Stanford E. Johnson