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The most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses J as! ire to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BENTHAM. • -v. -/ BY JOHNSTON & REYNOLDS. AMERICAN DEMOCRAT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY TANARUS, S. REYNOLDS, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE. COTTON A VENT/ fcL MACON. OA. AT $2 50 P£3R AIMWUWI, Hates of Advertising:, Ac, One square, of 100 words, or lens, in small type, 75 rents n the first insertion, and 50 cents for oach subsequent iuser on. All Advertisements containing morctlian 100 and less than :<\l words, will be char".*! artwo squares. To Yearly Advert tern, «. liberal deduction will \*e made. Jt3r— N B. Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors, GHtardiajß, aie required, by law, to be held zm she first* Tuesday ift the month, between the hours of 10 iu the lore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in tlte Couu. vi» which the properly is sir hated. Notice of these must t>.' given in a, public GoacCte* SIXTY DAYS, previous to the Ale. Sr.los of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must he advertised in Oh .-ame manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Sfi-icr to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub , l:ed FORTY Days. N ticc that application will be made to the Courtof Ordi , v for i#»ave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. s.Ues of NEGROES, mult bo mad* at public auction, on first Tuesday of the numb, between the lrgal hours of , i*. at thp place of public »le-* in the cotiniv where the let , -,q testamentary, of AdminwtratiOfj or Guardianship, shall „,ve been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously v.*n in one of the public gazette* of this Stale, an \ at the door o the Court !!. Mine, wUev;e Ki|ch sales are 4o be held. Nonce for leave to sell NF.GRfIES, tuust b* published for K >PR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made itKreoii by tlu: Conn. Ml business of this nature, wifl receive prompt attention, a the (Mice of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT REMITTANCES'BY MAIL. —“A l’oijtmasur may nr ( .•)« money in a tetter to (lie publisher of a newspaper, to ; iv the Hubscriptibn of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by Amos KtndaU* P. M ti. \1! Letters of bn antes must be addressed to (he Fuslishrr, Post Faid. DENTAL SLKGKiIY, DR. FOOTE, DENTIST. From New- York. \UOFtD announce to tlie T.adies sml Genilrmen * of Macon, tfiat lie has become permanently lo ' orrl in this city, where lie will be in readiness loat iniil to all calls in the line of his profession, He inserts' teeth on Goldplate from one to an entire set, with spiral springs or by atmospheric pressure also )>y pivots. Ho inserts artificial palates, pities teeth with pure gold so as to present farther decay,ex iiaets leoth with the pcrpentUctilar extrieatoi.aml treats diseases of the mouth ami gums that have I cen produced by the use of Calomel or from other ' ruses, atul obviates irregularities inchiMrcn's teeth Dr. —. feels confident from the experience which he lias bad during the last ten yean, that he can give entire satisfaction. Ho pledges himself that all bu iness entrusted to hts cate shall t*c done in a mall n r not to be surpassed by any Dentist in the State, and at such prices as will suit the times. His work will, in all cases, he warranted. He will also keep instantly for sale, fold foil, artificial Teeth, Tooth brushes and Tooth Ifltete of a sup' rinr quality. Office Washington Hall, Room No. 33. N. B. Ladies can he waited on at their dwellings 0 requested. -fjjr. I*'. is permitted to rcler to Rev. J. 1! Kendrick and J. H. Ellis. Jnu. St. 3fl Adittiniitrator's Sole. VGUEEAIiLY to an order from t!ir Honorable Inferior Court of Macon county, when sitting far. Ordinary purpose?, will b" sold before tltc Court fuoti t: door, ri the Town of Linicr, Mircon. county,’ on the first Tu -sdiiv i t JULY next, tho Kortli half of Lot of Lund, number twenty nine, nnd Lot number thirty in the fifteenth D'st. of originally Houston now Macon coiritv. Sohl as the property of Llias Jotirdain, late t f said county deceased. So} 1 for tlte benefit of the heirs and creditors ot said deceased. Terms of S tic made known on the and ty TUOS. ‘l’. JOHNSON. AJrn’r. April 10, 1811. 47 td Hi lib sheriff* Sale* On th& Jivsi in JuilC HHLL be sold Indore the court Itouse door in Macon, between the legal hours of sale, the following propcity : One negro girl named L turn, about lt> years old levied on as Hie property of Vir ginia C. Wilkfason, to satisfy one cost ex. edition isued from the fuStices court of the 716th dist. G. M. vs. Virginia C. Wrl kerson. One negro woman named L'tin a’rout 40 vnars old and her four children, Elizabeth twelve years old, Ted nine, Julia six and an infant one week old, and 315 acres of Land npiining tlte lands ot A. t iiapp ll ami (7. W. Rains, levied on ns tho property of llarmon H. Howard- to satisfy four ti fas issuing from li bb Inferior Court, one in ftvor of Elizabeth Lowtlior vs. Albert 8. Story, principal, and Harmon H. Howard, security, two in ftvor ot F. & E. Isell ior the use of E. T. Beall vs. Hannon 11. Howard, and one in favor of GfcarTes S. Ridley vs. Fredrick Pratt, Albert S. Story and Harmon H. Howard, securities. B. TRAPr, D. Sbff. The Monroe Rnl Ro”' 1 from Macon, | Bibb county, to White Hall, in DeK.aU) county, including a\ the iron, wood work shops, depot huildings, machinery, tools and j materials of every kind and description fie ; ton"ing to said Monroe Railroad and Bank- I ng Company ; also five locomotive engines, tlirce passenger cars and twenty-two freight curs, all levied on ns the property of I tho Monroe Rail Road and Banking Coni ! panv. to satisfy an execution in favor of th« State of Georgia, for taxes: property pointed out by A,' S. Wingfield, Solicitor Gan. One House and Lot, No. 4. in square 01 j n djoining the lot of Doctor Gorman, leviec I * ,n as the property of Asa B. Cook to sat j ntfy a ti fa from Bibb Superior Court it fevor of J. Ac W. Baldwin vs said Asa B Cook—execution transferred to Thoms' Lary. JAMES GATES, Sh’ff. May 1, 1814. D32£03?.A71C BAIWBR—•“ JFrcc erratic, EoUt DutHs, iio Drbt, Scp«ivaHoit front Banks, Ecottontn, Retrenchment, anon strict Stohrrcnce to the Cfonsmatfon.” ITl l*. Woodbury on the Anucxnliou WASHINGTON, May 11, 18M. Gentlemen —Y*ur letter of the 9il» iusL# has just been received, stating that a public meeting has (been held in Prince William county, Virginia, at which a resolution wat* passed to ascertain my ‘'views in regard io Annexation ot' Texts.” As the meeting is to convene again on she ISth itißt.,you request an immediate answer on that subject, for the purpose of laying it before those who may assemble on that occasion. Accordingly, though such an answer must be very imper fect, from want of time, aud though my general impressions, in relation to this subject were communicated to the public in December last, yet, as the state of the question Miay ap pearHo some to bavtjr materially altered since, and you de sire further explanations, I hasten to give a sketch of njy views on the case, as it now stands before tho community. By a careful examination of facts and principles, 1 have formed a conscientious conviction’ that the immediate An negation of Texas to the Drilled States is proper. Th«rem sons which have had most weight in bringing me to this conclusion are as follows: Because (lie territory of Texas lies so near the greatmon arch of tho Western waters, and especially the mouth of the Mississippi on the Gulf of Mexico, and the emporium of Western commerce at New Orleans, as to be very import ant, if not vital to their security, in the evffnt of war. And its possession by us woul<f at all times contribute essentially to protect an exposed frontier from the torch and scalping knife of Indian outrage, enabling us much more effectually to hold in check the aboriginals near, whether within or without our present boundaries, whenever thev may be fitirrfed up under that foreign influence which has too often heretofore stimulated that Wrocious race to drench our bor ders in blood. Because the obligation on us thug to procure security and tranquility to the industry ami trade of the whole Mississippi Vaßey, embracing over a million square miles, and nine millions of people, is national and not sectipual, and deeply involves the interests s* well as the affections and happiness of their kindred in the East, and every other portion of our fraternal Government. Tt is ah obligation stronger and more solemn, if possible, than that was half a century ago to pro cure the freedom of their trade through the free navigation of the Mississippi river-r-anabject which, after our independ ence was achieved, long agitated the anxious councils of the fathers of the Revolution : ami, considering irs momentous importance, not only then, hut iu the growing future, was at last cheaply purchased at the expense of millions by buying Louisiana, and afterwards cheaply defended by the sacrifice of life and treasure on the plains of New Orleans. Because this annexation would secure the West and Southsvest against other disturbing causes i su« h as collis ions in the navigation of some of x>ur rivers, whose sources are now in possession of a foreign power, and the want of a large natural and striking barrier and boundary on (he Southwest, between us and different Governments, as well as different, if not hostile races; and amoying exposure to foreign aggressions on the properry and domestic institutions of the tJoutb and Southwest; which property and institu tions, however different from those in other .sections, are •uoh as they came into the (Juion with, and for half a cen tury have remained under its sacred guaranties, aad till changed by themselves, or the Union dissolved, are entitled to. and especially, iu the authority given by Congress in 1811, for the forcible occupation of t lorida, received the same security as the inauttuionp and property of the North. Because the annexaimg of Texas, in its influence on all the great ot industry, is not merely a Western or CRouthecn question, but one deeply interesting to every quar of oar common couutrv—whether it promotes thatindus try by opening to agriculture more fertile noils and genial climates, or by forming a wider home market for manufac tures, or by furnishing new articles of commerce, and new bays ami rivers for the free navigation of Western steamers, as well as coasting and freighting vessels from the East. And, finally, because by this annexation we should not only restore to the Union :*• Territory thus desirable, but one bought in U*o3 by our own treasure—defended in 1815 by ouf own arms—and thpugh ceded away in 1819, yet its con sent was not asked td the measure, and therefore it seems still entitled, by the express obligation of the original treaty, to be admitted into the Union, and to enjoy *ll its privileges ami rights. A firr i«Ovy which h»* nrv€r umtad with niiy other country, except as a part of an independent Stile in the Confederacy ot Mexico; and when that Confederacy was dissolved by t’ne oppressions ami usurpations of Banta Anna, re asserted its rights as an independent Government, and has since successfully maintained those rights, “with the lives, the fortunes, and the sacre.l honor,” of its people; and, by t lie com nun origin of most of them with ourselves, no less than their common education, religion, form of Gov* eminent, and social institutions, as well as t?axon blood, be- , side their contiguous residence and claims “under former treaties, they are better suited to unite with us than any oth er power. *Fer reasons like these, as they are now desirous of annexation, which delays may endanger*, if not defeat, through disappointment and foreign interference, it ought, in nv opinion, to he sanctioned: and if an pin'd is ever to be made of predatory and uncivilized marauding, or oi isitrigue and entanglement by other foreign power*, it would seem wise, ns well as hunune, to do it forthwith; or, in the lan guage oi’ him who has so long lived in the hearts of our peo ple. at the “present golden moment.” But I am aware that several objections have been urged against tlie Annexation of Texas; uhJ as some ot them coine from gentlemen long and highly appreciated, and with whom a difference of opinion on so interesting a topic is much re gretted, it is due to dwm and the occasion that I should ex plain my views generally on sueli of these objections as seem to be most prominent. 1. The annexation is opposed by some, on the ground that it will make our territory tod large; but experience Ims evinced that a representative repaidiccan, with convenience and efficiency, extend over limits tar wider than from the Hi. Croix to the R»<» d£l Norte. Indeed, by the aid of rail roads and steam, the Union, with Texas included, will be far more accessible iu all its parte, either for business or Government, than it was at the revolution with otilv thirteen States, and those all Situated on the narrow belt of the eas tern declivity of the Alleghanies. And this objection, if tenable, should have been urged, and prevailed, before we purchased either Louisiana or the Fluridas. 2. The Annexation fyas been opposed, as inclining the balance of political power in our system too much iu lavor .of the West and Boufh. But the same course of reasoning would strip us of all our great domain on the Pacific Ocean —a country never to l>e surrendered while an American whaler visits its waters, or an American emigrant chooses to fish, hunt, or plant on the banks of the Columbia. It would also, from like apprehensions ag to tho balance of power in the North, prevent any future peaceable annexe lion of the Canadas, so ardently contemplated by our'fathers from the commencement of the Revolution; end it would heretofore have defeated the purchase of the F Iqrtdas by Mr. Monroe, aud of Louisiana, including Texas, by Mr. Jefferson ; and would not only cast censure on them and tlieir venerable coadjutors, for thas deranging the balance of power then, bet would add reproach on Messrs. Adam# and Clay for attempting to regain Texas in 1895 and 1827; and of Gen. Jackson anil Mr. \ an Buren for a like attempt in 18*20; and, what is still worse, by thi« course of reasoning, foi seeking, as was done in 18JS oy Gen. Jackson aud Mr. Forsyth, to obtain a vast tract of additional conutry still farther South and West, from the forty-second degree of latitude to the thirty-seventh, stretching towards the setting sun over that degree acros# the entire continent. But, in truth, the durable interests of the whole Union, are believed to have been looked to on those occasions as now; and the theoretical balance of power, it adverted to at all, can never endanger the practical working* of our system, which will always be most attractive, strongest, and most flourishing, whete freest—unless liberty and progress are mere pbatt toms of the imagination—and will always produce greatest harmony when less influenced by any sectional jealousies or Mira! prejudices. *«1. The Annexation has been deprecated by some as likely to cause disunion, when its legitimate object is to secure the great interests and compromises of the Union; and when such must be its consequence#, and perpetuate that Union, I i rust, forever, unless thwarted by a disregard ot pbghted faith, and by fanatical violations of those solemn comprom ises. 4. ft is opposed by others on account of the badness of some of the reasons assigned for it; as good measure ought to be rejected because any one may please to urge some weak reasons for it. By others, because a few of its advocates are suspected of being interested in the question, as if that could impair the usefulness of the Annex jtlon it selfi or was not always an incident to almost every question of great magnitude. * And by others sUU, became the aus pices under which the measure is now proposed are dis liked . ns if the necessity or value of a gift or purchase de pended upon the character of the agent* employed. 5. It is resisted by many for the reasons that slavery ex ist* in Texas. That is an'institution, to be sure, winch most people born «l the North, are. like royfielf. averse to. Bat those who respect the Constitution and the Union remember that it is an institution which our parent country, before the Revolution, forced upon both th* North and the South; which, after being more deeply interwoven through the so cial and political systems of the lsflcT. the rest of the btates did not hesitate toconfederaie with her in fighting the bat ties of Independence; nor to counsel with her heroes, patri ots, and statesmen, in forming the present Constitution ; nor to associate writh them tt» carrying out its great destinies ; nor in guaranteeing their property and rights ;n common with the rest, then and during the half century since, m peace ani war, and in weal or wo. However deprecated by many of us, we know that none can legal)y~abolish the institution but those who possess it, and that while this has already been done sioce the lution by nearly half of the okUtotts, it may comma*; to be done hv Texa* hert-’lf, well a* others, sootier or later MACON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 1841, when their sense of duty and safety may permit ft, if test tranquilly to the exercise of their own rights. Wfiat effect tho Annexation of Texas will really have on this measure, seems to bo doubted by some of its opponents, among whom the most distinguished think* it will add more free than slave States. But however that may be, the friends of An nexntronijLeve that, while h rejection of it must leave the tnsutadqWß’ slavery just as it is. without mitigation, the nc ceptance of it cannot add to the whole number of slaves now in Texas and the United States-together; and, if dispersing that number oyer a wider space, will gradually tend to make their freedom less expensive and more easy in any one State; or, if concentrating them further South than now, wiR render voluntary emauciptuirin more Northwardly still speedier ajiU 'safer. Whether such considerstions have before in overc-omiug this-objection with ma ny of our eminent fr rend* ot' liberty and philanthropy. Tknownoi- but certain it ia, that it did netprewU Mr. Jef ferson tudldi Northern Democratic friends from purchasing Louisiana., including Texas herself, 1803 ; nor Florida from beutgb- by '.’it-nme and Ada net in 1519; Dor Texas agauufrom ’ fis* by M^ssns.AJ SOH ttodClay a«d 1827; and by Gen. Jack a ail and Mr. Van Bureu in the summer*!’ 1829— thu decree of Mex ic* for abolishingslavery in her possessions not till September 15,1829. I will only add, in order to avoid misapprehension, that so far from feeling opposed to the termination c*f slavery by all legal, safe, and constitutional means, none could rejoice more heartily than myself to see it thus ended the world over; and among the whites, as well as blacks; among the di.ffrauchiFed, the serfs and paupers of jpurope, and even the dark Hindoo#, as well as the sable sons of Africa; not confining my sympathies to color or name, but. to real suffering and degradation among the wlrole human race, and to their relief, by introducing gradually a superior Mate of nit exigence, religion, and rights, rather than by a rash crusade against law and order, and the public peace. 0. The Annexation is disapproved by otheis. because considered unconstitutional. But as the provision for intro during new States was altered in its progress through the Convention, .-w as tudeave the language broad enough to in elude territory without, <•» wel! as within, our original Imp its; and as the admissi ui of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Mis souri since into the Union, though not embraced within our old boundaries, besidas the purchases of Florida and Loui siann as MErrilories have i:*li.«*n place, this question should be regarded as officially sealed in lever of Annexation in reply to some objections which have been urged a gainst the admission of the whole Territory of any State, rather than 8 psrt, and of its sovereignty, ns well as ustrito rv, the principles involved in the above decisions and tho language of the Coixstitutum and ihe precedent# are all ! broad enough to include the whole—and they thus accord ' with what is the constant usage of other confederacies, both in Europe and South America. -Nor is any sanction to such admission required under our (’.onstitution, «ud the principles of pnblufTaflf, except the consent of those ceded on the one hand ; and on the other, that o! Congress, by proper laws and treaties. And if the people and the inde pendent Republic of Texas are, for this reason, not as com potent to unite with ua entirely, as they are to cede only n part of their territory, then the absurdity w«»uy seem to fol low, that they never can be competent for admission into the Union, though recognized by Mexico, and no Shallow ot war existing, till they become qualified by abandoning their independence, repudiating republicanism, and as u servile dependency or reconquost oi the monarch# ot or Mexico, be*sold merely as a portion of their Territory to the United States. Lastly, this measure is opposed by *oine from tear that such a step will subject us to a wai with Mexico, or some Other foreign power. But the right of Texas to cede, and the right of the United Stater to accept, her territory, and admit it into the Union, j without producing any exposure^to a ju3t war from any ' quurter, is, in my opinion, clear. j In the purchase of Louisiana, we obtained within her lim j its Texas, ns certainly wo obtained 'The Island ot New | Orleans,” according to the opinions of such jurists and dip- j louiatists ffeJefferson, Madison, Monroe, Livingston, ( lay. nnd even Adams, in 1818 ; aud. as since developed, of Don Onis himself, if not of the Spanish Government. But we have ceded it away by a treaty ratified in 1820 f the revolu tion from (hav ye m ut«!D out. and ripening in all the Spanish provinces west of us, each acted and made constitutions for itsedf, like ourselves after 1776, as inde pendent States- Texas and Coahuila making one tor them | selves, joine t the Mexican Confederacy in 1824 as an inde pendent State; remained faifld'ul to it till dissolved ten years after by tlie of Sauta Anna ; refuted as was their right, to uuite in his new eooaolidated Govern ment, built upon the ruin# of the Confederacy ; and has re ! mained and acted since as she began, an independent sove 1 reign?v- What dutv then to Mexico has she violated? Ihe wrong in on the other side. Whtfre is the justice lor Mexi co now to hold, or now to rule her ? And more especially on the principle* »<»w set up by Mexico, when twelve years before the latter was recognized by Bpain as mdependant, Texas had established her own Constitution,-and two years before that event had separated entirely from the Mexican Confederacy. , But if this view of die case should appear in anv respect objectionable, the/e is another which shows the Annexation to be proper anti just. . . T As we purchased Texas :n ISO3> within the limits o! Lou iainna, and tlit'n cngage.l by treaty to li.-r into «ie tbiion "as s>ran ns possible," consistent with ffie pnttctnUs oftbu Constitution, ami to allow to her inhabitant, nil 'bo rights and immunities of dilirens, bow could we rid our selves of that engagement, without first getting the consent of France, With whom the treaty was made, or ot lews, which was tho pariv more immediately to enjoy those bene fits / Yet without asking the consent of either, we unndvis edly.in ldl9. Undertook to cede Texas to Fpatn. ibis ces sion. being w ithout authority, seems in law to have been mi oorfect or Hioporntire, and Texas to remain anil posaeased of a rioht, which she now virtually asks, to enter the 1 won and to have conferred on her people all die privileges which die original treatv promised. In this aspect of the case, if we would not violate good thill) and the sanctity ol treaties, we ought to execute the stipulation first made, by now ad mining her; and if any injury should, result therefrom to Spain o, Mexico, under the provisions of sul'M-qucut. lrea ties not being able lobe loager fulfilled, the a,nonet of Ham age ought to be pnul to tlinac who antler Jut when it is recollected that wo.have' never guarantied the mtegntj: ot the territories of other of them, and the very defective nde, if any. which either retains over Texaß, there fottjd not he •-real difli ullv in estimating this damage. 60 far as regard* war ot. this account. Ihe just cause for rne aecma to be on the pan of France or 'l ex as, if we do noire annex d.e Infer, rather that, on the part of M.-xt.-o if we do. The aoteirftity »nd inviolability "< the treaty ot 1803 rnv.stbc quite as- great as that ot cither 1819, 1828, oi anv other more rfeem. , , , t^,, But finally, supposing iW boll) these views of the -übject oro untenable-, and. for the sake of argument, indulging a moment in the idea that Texas was riot embtaeed withrn the limits of Louisiana, or. if so, wa» legally ceded .0 Spam, and afterwards became ant integtalpdrt of the Mexican em pire-had she not. wiren the terms oT lier Coufeder.fcv with that Government became w.mtpnly violated, ber ctt,7ens imprisoned, amt her privileges ou(vaged--drad Ih, »at , right to assert and maintain her dependence ? \ * ould she not have been false to her American blood, not to bn\e done it on the field of San Jacinto, aa well ax down to the present moment ? ' . . ‘ She has dune it. fo*. itt such a manner ami torm, no le«s than substance, aa in m> apprebension justifies_other nations in treating her as a -rfe jure as well as a At foe e frovern merit, a«d competent,under the princ.nl'sofpoyulnrlilrttty and the soundest law in both hemispheres, to cede her Territory or Unite her Government to another, without giving just cauRC of war to any power. What are the common sense testa on this aubjec! J! sieeofterritorv, she is as big as France, and as large aa any four of our own States. If population, abc lias one ranging hv different estimates, from two to three hundred ffiousan I people, of all kind:,. If a regular constitution »l Govern ment and code of laws, alia baa both I* a uni orm adminis tration of justice andti.e rights of copac.ence aecured to all, rather than the protection of the Catholic religion alone, aa in Mexico, she enjova them. Bite has troops ami ships ... war. Bhe has bid her Independence acknowledged by the nmted States, by Great Britain, France and, indeed all the great powers of Christendom, not under tlte aw ay ol the Holy Alliance mid she has treaties of commerce and inter national agents with most of them. Scarce a hostile foot, even from Mexico, bus profaned her soil tram 1536, when Santa Anna publicly stipulated with herto end the war, to leti. And the predatory iucurslon3 since, in breach . t bis sojeinn compact, and iii a manner violating the ruWs of civilized warfare, have never secored a lodgetpem witlun lifr boun duties for a single month at a time No towers, castles, or counties, have there been held by her old enemy ... douO.fu or divided einpiie. Her revolution is not in embryo, but full grown. Nat distracted by rival constnunot.a, rival eh.et fain., and rival armies, such as long desolated many Span ish provinces, but domestic harmony and pea.* iei|n throughout. Their prison I sre not filled with political vic tims. Order, and law. and the righis of property »tc re spected , and neither taste, nor education, nor aympathies of any kind are lingering around their former Government, and smoothing the way to the remotest thought at reconcilia tion. Under this condition of things, how properly have the United States, for some yean, urged o« Mexico that the in dependence of Texas ought to be recognized by her, and no ■ further hostilities waged! France and England have done the same; aud the latter, sine# 1840. has bound herself by a treaty ofmediatian, to try to procure an abandonment ot th* claims of Mexico. • What fears, then, ought tn he entertained after such ad vice from such nations, of our being .evolved in any justlfia td, war, bv mean, of the Annexation ’ Hut Texas ha. nth er qualities and chars, terhnics of a nation, showing lmr competent to enter into say contract or on aiu-emem with other nations, as fully aatheoldbst power of Europe, lie sides having been lor several years admitted, iu all retsjiecu, into the great family of nations, site is liat.de for her uwm wrongs to them, alnt is Ireld so. and not Mexico, as appeals by her ueaty of indemnity to us in 1633. She is authorized ■ to seek redress for injuries to berseff, and not Mexico fi,r I her; and she has, in tht*way, mid by uealies binding her i commerce, limits, soil, and jut ii Uetiou-been much wiSer .j acknowledged, and longer in tlie mdepenilthit govci itiiiem of ! herself,- than had Baoiiapartc in F ranee, whin he sold I.o'w jiiana to us. Buclt, I admit, was nm the pusition of her ai fairs when annexation was proposed -rid declined in lelt* i I hut their affairs have inadc.£ionl strides since, and one un- ; forluoate uiistal e w Ith sa.roh, iu the con-i I l athui of this to- j pic, appears to be jn not refiectintr enough un tin* change* in ] ner relation* and nut unal lenuurify and stability, made by i die progress ofJUctdand c.vdnts, during the past seven vaars, j It is manifest, that if a People have, bv sound principles, a | right to fieH'Ou**r(«*«iju, y Uen oppressed, can. Ilk 3 the United Bc.ites. propjrly noColt from Kiigluui or Mc.iUo , from Spam, or Texas from Mexico, and having -declared j their Independence, do maintain it tilt they give, as in this > case, all the usual indications among nations of manlniini— | discretion, power, justice, and order, the question of their I de fine sovereignly thus becomes as dchrly stilled, in re- ! spent to all third persons, as their dr. fiirto sovereignty. — j The assent or acktKiw lodgement of tlieit old taaslers, does j not constitute the right, but merely admits it s as the minors j or apprentices, claiming to he adults and free, amkncting as j Such, derive their rights from fbe fisets of the case, whether acknowledged or not by those to whom they were mice in selection. The world must otherwise become divided into mere holy alliances, wi'h all their monopolizing dogmas on the one band, and on tho other, only sue 11 as they consider mere rebels, pirates, and banditti; breaking up in tins way all reform or progress, and yielding to the claim of the di vine right of kings over all the human i ace, till voluntarily ■ relinquished. The wai of opinion on this question west set tied in favor of tlie people, after sixty years of desolation aud* carnage on the plains of Holland ; again at Lexington, Bata toga, Yorktowu ; again in Kumpe. altur deluging France in blood ; aud again and again on both slopes of tlie Andes, ns well as in Mexico herself, on a basis never again to be sha ken in the New World. The American side of this qiic* lion, rather than the British side, or the side of any V the despotisms of the Old World, must be considered :13 adopt ed here forever. “What other conclurtoos couid have influ enced both Mexico'and our G.wet'nmrnt in 13;15, when *f applied to her to sell Texas to us, w ithout asking any assent by Spain, or getting her engagement ftiH t<» make war upon j us? aud ill is, though Mosiro bad fiat then maintained her independence near so long as Texas now ? and though Spain j waft Mill engaged in actual hostilities with her; and occupy- ; ing a so lrea* considered tuc key aniT Gibraltar of Mexico? aud though s*pain never recognized her independence til) , eleven-year* after? On what pcfhciple rould we make, or j MexicJSreceive, the application which wOuld not justify Ptill j ,s i roil get t]m present Annexation ol Texas? On what pria- j ‘cijiie. out’this-, could we apply again to ' 1929, without obtaining the consent nr recognition of t9pain J first ? Hot 1f s'hneconcede that we erred in mukiug our lie , gntiaiions in 1825 and 1829, it bv no follows that we / err nov/. On the contrary, uow, T**xus. na betore expl.iin | e.l, fold been much longer nnd wider acknowledged than Mexico was at that time; has more infernal Mability and | peace,*aud is freer from actual or probable invasion ; and her mdeneiiclent rights have become riper red fully into natikAiul tnahnood. But some inilulge in apprehensions that, as n wartiow ex ists between Texas ami Mexico, or ail armistice exists un expired, w e u*-e in more danger of becoming involved in ac tual hostilities. Yet, in 1825, Hpain ami Mexico were at j war, and the former in ac uni possessiiUi of ihe most imp »r* taut fortrefi of the countiy ; and in 1929 poured her troops . into Mev’co in was even urged by onr Govcrument as an addiiional induce- i lTient to Mexico alone to cede Texas, rather than regarding it. as would seem now, an insuperable obstacle to a proper cession without tho consent of both belligerents. Lnfortu | nately. also, for the force of this objection* no actual war i now exists between Mexico and Texas. ' Inr war, of a civilised character, has nx*»r** A lh «r»e fur tlie j last six ?***• At times tWr have been a paner war and marauding ; and, to put an end to the irregular and ocr* sional incur Sous that have sometimes happened during that period, an arinislice bus been projmsed by Mexico, which , being exceptionable in its terms, is reported never to have ; been ratifietl bv Texas. Bo that the qaertiou (w hether it may be aided'by an armistice which admits a temporary | peace, and in the case between Holland nnd Spain lasted j twelve years, and was sucCeedeo by a durable peace, or j may be embarrassed by it, aa syhip suppose, by its implying j the existence of a previous war,) is probably lice from this , difficulty ; and if Texas is taken by us now. we tuk« w ith ! her neither au existing war. nor'probably any existing ar i mistice. At the same time, I am free to admit, that, ihough actual hostilities (to Hi>t tiow-vixist. anti of course wi\l not now be i usstubed by us if milling with Texas, vet Mexico can obsti , ilately persist in claiming her aUepi.incc torever- may re j fuse to rscogitjite her indcpciufonce and , tb.reufen everlastiiKi war. But before n« tunlK re com men- ; cing hostilities, she wilfbe likely to look a iutlc to jnihhc • ■pinion an.l hov true policy, under nil the foot* ot the '-ase, and will probably come to the that a war, reniw cd after all the c ire mo ts lances jest rcfa;»ilNb.ted* fan hardly be deemed a ju*»t war, or receive nuy toantniaiue from the intelßceiice am! fciviUzaiion of the rest •»! the world. It is certainly preferable not income in collision with ony nation, under any pretensions, however iff b undrd, il they can oe (ivercoind by rewsouahle reinonstrance m friesidly solicita tion. But if all have been exhausted in vain by us and the leading powers trf fturopo, to nerf uade Mexico to recognize the independence ol Texri>j the safety of interna tional iuteiv-ourae, and the claims ot humanity wiU compel the rest of the world © perform their d»UVs »-> others, and sustain their own fiatfowai riglvts. And it war be threaten ed,. -r actually comes, ill be iivg to reflect that it ccme& wrongfully, and ought cojuie cm in <m*> 1 ’ —even .fin the mere of Texiai* inJeju u dence, as wits menaced by Wfm\n m a like case, and by ,**■-mta Anna niniself, for still afebter reasons: n>i. \%l*cn st-oung in HJfi to conquer Tt'Jtas,Jie in said to have threatened that nftei words be would plant bis victorious standard on the dome of our UapitoL But whatever nation, heeding or p\p*»tmre to unjust war. is tempted by the dread ot llifiii to turn aside from’ the path of fluff, humanity, an.l bfipjn, U itself unfit so exercise independent powers, and should be re annexed to her ancient mnateis. T riiall not dwell on the reasons againsluny danger of u ar from other powers than Mexico# if the Airticxfitinn No other hag anv pretence to interfere, if inclined t»r; m.ucn le.Atr can we. without ri \a:uc and degredation, allow such in after the declaration by Mr. Monroe., in 1823, a gainst any new colotrizaiiwi front Europe on this continent, and its renewal under Mr. Adams’ aduainifttration, and after sending a delegation to the Congress of Panama, with a riow, utn.mg other things, to organize united efforts against anv snob foreign intei ferentes. . . hese are itit general views on the topics of your inqui ries. But in relation to the terms of any treaty oi corres pondence supposed to he now before the Senate. I rivo nei ther comment rim opinion , alway s holding my mmd open to conviction on all official questions, till the time f'lr final ac tion. and (hen adopting the conviction* of my judgment on the wlcJe case, unless oilier write Histiucted by tlie State l feel pronff .0 repre.rm. !< ~ tfnlW. Ry To .f. H. Rf.iu. L. D. LirscoMr., J. B. T. ThokSton, D. •lASPtK, Ksqa- Tiir great ga6 microscope.— An ex perimental exhibition of ibis instrument was given by Dr. Lardner to a few private friends at Charleston, (S. C.) on the eve nings of Friday and Saturday, the result of winch fully justified the expectations raised by the promises of the at lists in London who constructed it. It is, in fact, very near ly a counterpart of the celebrated Polytech nic microscope oi which has so long l»ccn the subject of admiration in that city, any difference consisting in a lew additions sug gested to the maker since the construction of the London instrument. The illumina ting and magnifying powers are immense. 'Plie finer dimensions ol a minute object may be without difficulty enlarged about two thousand times, which corresjK)nds to a magnifying power on the bulk oi the ob ject amounting to eight thousand millions. A tiea was exhibited thirty-cut feet in length. A mosquito filled the entire aiea of (he vertical section of the stage. Fine lace seemed like a giant net work farmed of thick ropes, rudefy knotted to gether. Vram the liJadwOniy.n t 20 lit in si. Important Correspondence. The correspondence between the Se cretary of State arid the British Minister, in to-day’s paper, will arrest general at tention. it wilt be seen how easily Mr. Cal houn brushes away the cobwebs of di plomacy, mid astounds John Bull s En voy by cot'fronting him with the true meaning of Jiis words. The most amusing thing about the correspondence, if not in the annals oi diplomacy, is the fait, that subsequent to writing his letter to Mr. Calhoun, Mr, Packet dram has *fmud it necessary to \v#te home to ascertain what construc tion should t»e pm on the fatlet;— and whether or hot his own letter Contains a “denial” oftlie charges rmide by our Gov ernment. The clear eyed Eagle is Watching ttie Lion. . Mr. Packenham to Mr. Calhoun. Washington, April HI, ISJ4. Tlie undersigned, her Britannic Ma jesty’s Envoy FtXlraordinary and Minis ter Plenipotentiary, has had the honor to receive the note which the honorable Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of Stato of tlie United States, was pleased yesterday to address to him, containing 1 observations on a despatch from her Majesty’s Princi - pal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to the undersigned of which the under signed had the honor, at the request of the late Secretary of State, Mr.. Upshur, to furnish a copy, tor the more complete information of the Government ol’ the United States. . Mr. Calhoun at the same time .an nounces to the undersigned, by direction of the President, that a treaty has been concluded lietweeu Ihe United States and Texas for the annexation of Texas to this country as part of its Territory, which treaty will be submitted without delay to the Senate for its approval. Mr. Calhoun further takes occasion to enter into explanations as to the motives which have induced the Government of the United States to adopt their present policy with regard to Texas, and lie con cludes by presenting certain remarks, fijiiuGt-G mi smiisitcal Information) in da fence of the institution of slavery ns now established in a portion of this Republic, and in proof of the necessity of taking measures for its preservation. Il is not the purpose of the undersign ed in the present communication to enter into discussion with Mr. Uullfann re specting tlie project thus formally an nounced on the part ol tlie Government of tlie United Stales fa annex Texas to the American Uuion— that duty will, it thought necessary, be fulfilled by higher authority—still less is the undersigned disposed to trespass on Mr. Calhoun's at tention by offering any remarks upon the subject of slavery, as expounded in Mr. Calhoun's note. That note will be trans mitted to her Majesty’s Government by the earliest opportunity; and with this in timation the utulers'glfad would for the present content himself, were it not for the painful impression created on his mind by observing that the Government of (he United Slates, so far from appre ciating at their just value the explana tions furnished by her Majesty’s GoVfcrn ment in a spirit of frankness and good i faith, Well calculated to allny whatever anxiety this Government might have pre viously felt on the particular points to | which those explanations have reference, jappeai io have found arguments in that i communication in lavor, of the contem plated annexation of Texas -thus as it were, assigning to the British Govern- S merit some share in the responsibility ol'a > transaction which Can hardly fail to be viewed in many quarters with the most serious objection. All such responsibility the undersign ed begs leave, in the name of her Majes ! ty’s Government, at once and most posi ! lively to disclaim. Whatevermay be the j consequences of that transaction, the British Govern ment will look forward without anxiety to the judgment which will thereon be passed by tlie civilized world, in as far as shall apply to any provocation furnished by England for the adoption of such a measure. With the political independence of ; 'Texas not only has Great Britain disa vowed all intention to interfere, but it is 1 a well known fact that her most zealous i exertions have been directed towards the completion of that independence, by ob taining its acknowledgment at the hands of the only Power by which it was ser iously disputed. Great Britain has also formally dis claimed the desire to establish in Texas any dominant infiue»ce;and,with respect to slavery, she is not cnnscionsof having uc»cd m a sense to cause just alarm to the United States. From the avowed desire of Great Bri tain to see slavery abolished in Texas, it is inferred hy the Government of the United States that England endeavoring, through her diplomacy; to make the a bolitiou of slavery a condition to the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas by Mexico. If Mr. Calhoun will have the goodness to refer once more to the copy of Lord Aberdeen’s despatch, which Ires before him, he will find the VOL. TI—NO *2. following exposition ot the intentions ot Great Britain on this point, which the undersigned flattered himself would have been sufficient to forbid any such inter ference : “With regard to Texas, wa avow that we wish to see slavery abolish ed there, as elsewhere; and we should re joice if the recognition ol that country hy tlie Mexican Government should be accomplished by an engagement, on the part ot Texas, to abolish slavery eventfi allv, and under proper conditions, thro’- out the Republic. But, although we earnestly desire and feel it to be our duty to promote such a consummation, we shall not interfere unduly, or with an improper assumption of authority, with either party” (either Mexico or Texas) “in order to insure the adoption of such a course. Wo shall fait sftek to compel or unduly control either party. So far as Great Britain is concerned, provided other States act with equal forbearance,* these governments will be fillip at liber ty to make their own unfettered arrange ments with each other, both in regard to the abolition of slavery and to all other points.” Tho undersigned takes advantage ot this opportunity to renew to the lion Mr. Calhoun the assurance of his high consideration. R. PAGKENILVM Hon. J. C. Calhoun, &c. Mr. Ctilhoun to Mr. Pdckcttham. Department of State, Washington, April 27, 1844. The undersigned, Secretary of State! of the United States, has the honor to ac knowledge the receipt of (lie. answer which the Right Hon. Mr. Packetihani, envoy extraordinary and minister pleni potentiary of Her Britannic Majesty, was pleased to make to his note of the 18th inst., relating to the despatch of Lord Aberdeen, of Which a copy was left with the late Secretary of State, Mr. Upshui, by his request. He regrets that Mr. Packenham, has fallen into an error in supposing that the undersigned intended, by introducing the statistical facts in reference to the comparative condition of the African race i» the States of this l riion where slavery tuts nWittsjhpjJ nnd where it is still retained, with the accompany ing remarks, was “to expound the sub ject of slavery,” and to “defend it as it exists in the United States.” It Mr. Packenham will have the good ness to recur to the note Os the under signed, he will find, on a re-perusal, that his intention in introducing the details instead of being that which he attributes to him, was to correct what the under- . signed believed to be a misconception on the part of Her Majesty’s Government, as set fourth in l-ord Aberdeen’s despatch. His lordship seems to be of the impres sion that tlie objection of the Untied States was not to tlie policy of Great Britain in reference to abolition, as a vovved by him, hut to the’ meads which might be resorted to for its accomplish ment, aud that if slavery eholtld be a bdltshed in the United States, hy the in fluence and exertions of Great Britain) without using what he is pleased to call <f secret” or “undue means,” it would bo an act of humanity to the African race, and in its consequences would neither “disturb the internal tranquility ot the States” where it exists, nor “affect the prosperity of the Union.” The object of the undersigned in introducing the staffs Ijpeal information referred to was to cor rect this erroneous impression, by show ing, from facts drawn from unquestion a ble sources, that the condition oi the Atri can race in the States which had abolish ed slavery was far worse than in those which had not; and that of course Great Britain could not consummate in the United States what she avows to be the object of her polity and constant exer tions to effect throughout the wotlJ, without rendering the condition of the A frican race in the slaveliolding States much worse thati it is, and disturbing their “internal tranquility aud the pros- - perity of the Union.” That such were the intentions of the undersigned he hopes will be evident to Mr. Packenham on a re-perusal of his note; and not,as he supposes, to “expound (he subject ol slavery,” or to “defend it as it exists in the United States.” He is the more solicitous to correct the error into which Mr. Packenham has fallen in this particular, because the intention which he attributes to the undersigned would be incompatible with the princi ple which regulates the United States in their intercourse with she rest of the world; that is, to leave all other coun tries, without interference on their part, to regulate their own internal relations and concerns as to eacli other may seemt best, without permitting any to interfere with theirs. He could not, consistently with this well established principle of their policy, permit any question belong ing exclusively to the internal relations or concerns of any of the States of this Union to be brought into controversy between this and any foreign Govern ment whatever. The undersigned regrets that Mr. Pack enham should entertain the impression that the Government of the United Slates did not appreciate at their full value thn