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ii The most perfect Government would be that Which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Posts least —Dispenses Justieeto all and confers Privileges on INonc. BEN'IILUL BY T. S. REYNOLDS. AMERICAN DEMOCRAT* PUBLISHED WEEKLY OYER OLD DARIEIf BANK. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GA. AT $2.50 PaJR ANNUM, jKTIu variably Paid in Advauce Kates of Advertising, Ac, One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents for the first insertion, and 50 cents for aafcfi subsequent inser ion. All Advertisements containing more that! 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made •j-j s. B Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors, Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the mouth, between the hours of 10 in the lore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun ,y in which the property is situated. Notice of these must ~.00 m a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the jay of sale. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub ,ished FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi tary, for leave to sell LANtI, must be published FOUR months. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, oh the first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sates in the couiity where the let •J rs testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Notice tor leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made th-reon by the Court. Ml business of ibis nature, will receive prompt attention, a the Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en- Cldse money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” Amos Kendall, P- MO. All Letters of business must be addressed to the PiBUSHBit, Post-Paid. , Letier of the lion. Dixon 11. Lewis, To his constituents of the Thi and Lon gressionul District of Alabama. Senate of the Usited States, ) May 18, IS4I. \ Fellow-Citizens: Having been ap pointed by the Governor of Alabama, to till the vacancy in tile Seriate cff the U. States, occasioned by the resignation of onr distinguished Senator, the Hon. Wil liam R. King, on the 17th instant, I ac cepted the appointment., und transmitted to his excellency the resignation of my seat for the unexpired balance of the 38th Congress. lilthus terminatingtherelation in which 1 have been so highly honored as your immediate and exclusive Representative, a relation which has existed with a large portion of the district in uninterrupted succession for tiie last filteen years, re newed time after time bv fresh demon strations of your confidence, far above my humble merits, 1 feel that it is partic ularly due to yon to know that this last act of mine was dictated by no indiffer ence in your interests, which could in duce me to abandon ydtit service in search of higher honors for myself. In passing from one House to the oth er, the theatre of iny legislative duties is changed, without any change of those du ties; and so tar from abandoning your ser vice, the sphere of those services is en larged, and l am required to represent an important class of your interests in the Senate, which are never acted on by the 1 louse of Representatives. So far, then, felloe-citizens', from abandoning your service, or deserting your interests, if, with a confidence in iny ability to serve you far beyond my humble hopes, it were to seek that thea tre where your rights and interests are at this time most involved, and most at stake, I would go (he Senate of the Uni ted States; I would look after the fate of the treaty lor annexing Texas fb the Uni on, now pending in that body—a ques tion more important to you, so your chil dren, and to your common country, than any which has engaged the attention of Congress since the formation of the Gov ernment. 1 look upon the question of Texan annexation as emphatically the great question of the day —Of the ac.e in which we live; more important in its results to human liberty and free institu tions on this continent than any other since the issue presented to our forefath ers in 76—“ whether these colonies are, and of right ough. to be free and inde pendent States.” By whatever standard the magnitude of this great question may be estimated, it loses none of its importance. Asa ces sion ol lands, whether we regard its qual ity or value, it is the most important known to modern times, its whole area is supposed to be five times as much as the large State of Virginia, much larger than France, and three times larger than England and Wales united. In size, it is the seat of an empire large enough to govern the continent, if not the world. Few portions ot the globe of the same magnitude contain a larger amount of good lands, and perhaps no portion so large an amount of the best kind of land. Considering its fine southern climate, the agricultural productions of r»o part ot the world could probably exceed it in quantity or value. Through much the larger portion of its extent, it is undoubt ed! y the finest cotton region on the globe. 1 state what I have no doubt your own information will confirm, that with hands and negroes at the same price, a planter on the Brassos, Caney, or the Colorado, can afford to make cotton a cent a pound cheaper than it can be made in the best cotton sections of Alabama or Georgia. Asa sugar country, much of it is known to be far superior to Louisiana, and near nomii t'4-tf D3HO3F.ATXC 3 .-.lf HEP.—“ #ree rratie, 2Lo» Duties, iio Debt, Separation from uanfes, Economy, ixctruuhtncnt, ana a Stria Stmcrence to the einsHt. ti n. ’ the Gulf coast its adaptation to sugar is j equal to any lands in the world. Its soil j is everywhere calcareous, and therefore contains within itself the chief element j of restoration, after being partially ex-1 hausted. The country is less covered j Withbayons, lakes and ponds, than Lou isiana—is drier, more healthy, and geti erally requires little or no draining to prepare it for cultivation ; while, with a scarcity of timber, in many places ob jectional, the labor ot Clearing the lands is much less than usual. In view of such advantages, I confess, j fellow-citizens, I ant astonished that a Single objection should be urged to an nexation. Indeed, lam lost in amaze ment, that in the eighteenth century, af ter the natives of the civilized world have traversed every ocean in voyages of ex ploration and discovery, and ptished their search for new lands, from the equator to the ice-covered regions of the poles — when the ingenuity of man is taxed to dis pose of the starving millions who crowd the world—when in the most civilized countries the great‘problem of the age isto ''subsist' 1 ' the largest number of human beings on the smallest spot of ground—l say I ant lost in amazement that a single objection should be made to secure a 1 oon so widely spread with God’s choicest bounties, and sb freely extended to us by the brave hands and generous hearts of those wild have sealed their title to the soil with their blood. One tithe of Texas, in quantity or value, would be a stake for which all Elirope would war. Let me ask fellow-citizens, what would such a country be worth to England? The sun never sets on her dominions, yet the globe cannot furnish her with a country supplying so many of her nctu al necessities. Here would be a home and occupation to the starving millions, who, under the impulse of bettered con dition, might raise cotton enough to | clothe the world. In reference to this staple, upon which so much of her man ufacturing wealth and ascendency is based, Tejfas would be more valuable to ; England than all her China and East In i dia possessions. YVhat is the valhe of this country to I its ? How can We impose a moneyed \ estimate or. the value of this broad ex -1 tent of fertile land, already partially sub^ 1 dued from its forest state by the indus i try of those, who, speaking the same I language, worshipping the same God, reared under the same free institutions, J are the more attached to our common i country, because of a temporary estrange ment from its protection. The only argument fellow-citizens, which has or can be made, to counter- j vail the pecuniary advantages of annex- j ation, is, that so large an accession of cotton aud sugar lands would depress the price of such lands in the Southern States. If, however, it has this alleged j effect, it is only by increasing the. sup-1 ply of this greatest of God’s bounties, be- j yond the temporary demand of our peo ple. A great positive good is cheapened by its abundance ; and in the very pro cess of depreciation toa standard at which all may buy, labor becomes enhanced in value to an amount corresponding to the reduced price of land. If, therefore, the Southern planter complains of the depre ciation of his lands, he will have abun dant reason to rejoice in the enhanced value of his slaves, if he has any ; and if none, in the increased value of his own labor. Nor will the effect of an abundant and cheap public domain be Confined to the labof of she South.— The free labor of the North is not sta tionary, but traverses otif wide extent of country in search of higher reward.— j Whatever diminishes the value, and of j course the rent of lands, in anv quarter, j invites labor to come from all other quar- I ters and to work good lands at lower i rates; and, as a consequence, to secure higher rewards. If I am right in this view, an enlarge ment of the public domain becomes an enlargement of the fund which is to feed labor with cheaper bread, while it em ploys ii at prices which high-priced land cannot afford to give. The value of la bor is profits left on production, after paying capital. Suppose an acre of land, which cost me two bundled dollars, rais es fifteen bushels of wheat, worth fifteen dollars. After deducting six per cent, on the price ot my land, as a fair rent for it, the profits left as the reward of my labor is three dollars. But if the same land had cost me but two per acre, and produced thirty bushels of wheat, worth fifty cents a bushel, my gross receipts would be the same as be fore—fifteen dollars. Suppose 1 deduct twenty-five per cent, on the price of my land as rent, the profits left as the re ward of my labor will be fourteen dollars and fitly cents. Heie I have received higher interest on my land capital as nut—have supplied wheat for one half the price, and have realized almost five times as much from my labor—and all this is effected by being able to buy bet ter lands at two dollars an acre, than 1 could get for two hundred dollars in some other countries. And all this is the effect of a large public domain. Another consequence is, that in buy ing public lands, the money paid is a substitute for otherwise unavoidable tax- MACON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 12, 1844, ation; and it is not, therefore, too much to say that the public domain is the peo-: pie’s wealth—so much garnered capital to lessen the taxation, cheapen the bread, and to increase the wages of labor. Its effect in increasing the price of labor was admitted during the administration of John Quincy Adams, ns a reason against the further reduction and the more rapid sale of the public lands; and the policy was openly advocated of confining the New Englander to his barren hills, that he might the more readily, and of course more cheaply, become an operative in a factory. So far, then, fellow-citizens, from wish ing to see the price of lands increased in the South, as a land holder, having more of my estate in lands than all other pro perty, besides I trust in <»od, I shall ne ver live to see them much higher in price than they now are. With an increase in the price of lands, 1 should expect to witnessthe inva.iableaccompannnents of more rags, wretchedness, and hunger; more jails, gibbets, and poor houses; pobr rates and higher taxation. If it were possible for land on account of its abundance, to be worth nothing, which I know cannot long bs the case with ci vilized nmn, this very abundance Would completely release labor from the tribute ! which it necessarily pays to capital. But fellow-citizens, while I am willing ! to see land cheapened by its abundance, I should greatly regret to see it lessened in value by a calamity which would les sen the returns which it would give to labor. That this species of depreciation can result from the annexation of Texas to the United States, no one can suppose. That it must result from the failure of annexation necessarily terminating in the acquisition of the country tv Gjeat Brit ain, I think a close attention to facts will sufficiently prove. 1 take for granted, what the Texans assert, that they feel as a people too much weakness and insecurity to remain longer in their present position; that while they are able to maintain them selves with increasing confidence against Mexico, their immensely valuable terri torial possessions, and their necessarily large and growing foreign trade, require an alliance with some other government sufficiently strong to insure them peace at home and security abroad. In what ever manner this may be effected, it must result in the loss of her independ ence, and in the permanent substitution of some other sovereignty than her own. It is needless to look around for the gov ernment with which next to our own she is mpst likely to ally herself, England, iu this as in most other cases, is our for midable rival. With the strongest ma rine on earth, quickened by the power of steam, and sheltered by naval stations encircling our coast, and extending on the east and west far beyond it she can concentrate at will a military and naval force on Texas, which will bring the weakest section of the Union more in contact with British power than France itself-sheltercdby the fortifications which guard the British channel. Bounded al ready by her several extended frontiers of Oregon, the two Canadas, Nova Sco tia, aud New Brunswick, with the nar row channel of the Gulf of Mexico, the outlet for two thirds of our foreign com merce, commanded by the guns which reach from her heavy armaments in the West Indies to the Keys of Florida—it requires nothing but the acquisition of TeXas by Great Britr in to close the cir cle of contact with which she has artful ly environed us. And the power into whose coil and I embrace we shall thus surrender our selves, in England; not commercial I England—seeking onr trade, and de pendent on its for the cotton on which she enriches herself & clothes the world —but England, insolent with the design of re-enacting, on the continent of North i America, that partition of territory, and that establishment of military and com mercial power, which she has so success fully imposed on the East Indies and China. Suppose the first object of her wishes attained in the acquisition of Tex ; as, and upon this firm fulcrum she has planted the lever which is strong enough to move the world, we have only to com pare onr means of competing with the production of cotton in British Texas, to the means of competition of both coun tries with our own, to judge of the effect which the two results would have on the price of our land and the value of labor. 1 n any event, Texas, with the great na tural advantages I have attributed o her as a cotton growing country, must be our competitor tti the production of that sta ple. I take no note of her in her present j condition as it is one in which she can ! not loug remain. She must cither be annexed to this country, or substantially belong to Great Britain. If she were an nexed to the United States, I have before shown that the effect would be to dimin ish the price of lands, but to raise the price of labor. Slaves at high prices, would be exchanged most advantageous ly with the cheap and fertile lauds of Texas ; white cheapened lands in the South wouldbe converted intosiiil cheap er lands in Texas ; and the proceeds of a year’s labor would buy a better home stead for a family, than if annexation had never taken place. Alabama, Mississip pi, and Louisiana, would occupy the same reletion to Texas as a cotton coun try, that Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina now occupy to the three first named States. The cultivation of cotton in many parts of the South would give way to other pursuits; while the price of land in all, including Texas, would be adjusted on a low level vary ing according to local advantages. In this process, it is difficult to sav that any portion is really injured; while, in the general effect,, as a whole, the people are benefitted by increasing the extent, and improving the quality oftheir lands. But, suppose England acquires the country. To anrtex it to, and make it a part of England, as we would make it a part of the United States, is impossible. It therefore can never be on any other footing than a Government tributary to another; and, in this instance, a distant Government. That, in this situation, it may receive many favors and kindnesses from from the mother country, it is true; but, in the main, that these favors are to be more than reciprocated by substantial benefits to the mother country, is alsd true, or the colony would be a losing concern to the Crown. It will be ov eined as two-thirds of the tributary world is now governed—in reference to the in terests of England. This consideration would keep back emigrants from the United States, and cause them to prefer competing with England in the produc tion of cotton, to entrusting nil they hold dear to a foreign Government. Under any circumstances, wc phould find this competition in the production of cotton a difficult matter; but if Eng land should discriminate in favor of Tex as cotton, by taking off the duty which our cotton now pays in her ports; and ii she should, in a still more important matter, discriminate in favor of the i ex ari planter, by taking the duties from goods imported to Texas—l ask how long should we pretend to compete with Texas in raising cotton? We should raise it, subject to a deduction of about 1 eight cents upon the export, in the shape of a duty, when it lands ill England, and an average of 40 per cent, in duties when it returns m the form of imports. This would be a permanent bounty of | forty-eight per cent, in favor of Texas ovrr American cotton —and one which | would stop the growth of cotton in the I United States, as soon as this high boun ; ty could call together the labor necessary ;to make cotton enough in Texas to clothe the world. The effect of this would be, not to diminish, hut to destroy the value of land in the South. It would at once bring the South to that condition i of degraded poverty described by John Randolph, when the slave would not run from his master, but the master would be compelled to rim away from the slave. England would thus effect her abolition purposes in the natural way, by reducing | the value of slave labor to such an extent, that the pressure falls heavier on the I master than on the slave. But fellow-citizens, Texas, in the hands of England, would be just as po tent in impoverishing the North as the South. Give England the cheapest and best cotton lands, she will not only have the cheapest cotton, but the cheapest Cotton goods, in the world. Let her im poverish the South, and by taking from her the monopoly she has so long enjoy ed. of furnishing the world with cotton, and what becomes of the market for New England manufactures? How will the bounty fed products of Northern labor encounter English goods, smuggling across the Texan linC, and meeting them m every market of the South and West? Who does not see, that in spite ot cus tom-house contrivance, England, through Texas can force her goods into many of the markets of the West and South, throughout the whole of our Indian tribes, and throughout the larger portion of Mexico, yith as much facility as she is now forcing them on the people of In dia and China. This, in fac', is the pro cess, as it is the essence of British slave ry. She enslaves, not by races nor by but through her territorial acqui sitions she establishes commercial despo tisms, which render empires aud conti nents tributary to her exactions and her power. But, fellow-citizens, this war on onr industry aud commerce which Great Britain by an alliance with Texas, will be enabled to make at .such odds against us, is not the only contest which we must be prepared to meet. We must look lor an indiscriminate war on all our institu tions. On tbe ruins of the only Repub lican Constitution hi the world, except | our own, capable of limiting power, and ; in the hands ot a people capable of sus tainmgsucli limitations. England plants in Texas the standard of the authority with which she expects to control this continent. She comes not in the meek and quiet spirit of her Christian laith “to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s,” but in advance, she avows her self a great political relormer, who has already intertered, aud intends still fur ther to iuterfere, in procuring the aboli tion of slavery m Texas, and declares : her determination to persist until she has expelled slavery from the civilized world. Already allied to the treasonable design of our Tappans, Birneys and Garrisons, she takes the lead in the work ot propa gandisin, bv possessing-herself of a slave holdmg republic in the vicinity of our strongest .slaveholding section, where she can give practical illustrations in the work of abolition. In the mean time, she is to rally to this point the fanaticism of all Christendom, that she may send forth her hellish agents, preaching liber ty to the slave and death to his master. \\ hen this is proposed to be resisted, she is doubtless to make manifestations of iter military power by black regiments quar tered on our frontier, and mustered in sight of our cotton plantations, ready, with her emancipated and our runaway blacks, at the first tap of a British dritm to march on our sleeping wives and chil dren. But fellow-citizens, suppose slavery is abolished, will England be satisfied?— After successfully practising an interfer ence with one class of our institutions, will she desist till she has remodelled the whole to her fancy? Certainly not—and to think so betrays ah ignorance of the history' and designs of a people whose policy is always controlled by theif far seeing sagacity, and never by their fanat icism. When the slavery of man to man, race to race, and color to chlor, which 1 have before alluded to, shall end, the more Comprehensive progress of Brit ish slavery in subjecting empires and continents to the dominion of England, has just begun. If every Englishman were born with the single passion of universal dominion over the human race, the English Government could not have devoted its whole energies more system atically and vigorously to the work of subjugating tbe globe. And are we the only people she does not wish again to subjugate to her power, and, by a process of recolonization, to adapt onr institutions once more to the interests of Great Brit ain, rather than onr own? We who have alone succeeded in twice humbling her pride, and who, in the estimation ol mankind, have exceeded her in the wis dom of our institutions? The English people can forgive any thing sooner than acknowledged superiority in another country, and if but one English yoke was to be made, further to enslave man kind, British pride would prepare that yoke for our American neck. They hope still further to divide us on slavery, to put themselves at the head of one di vision, and to build up an essentially English party, with English principles and feelings, who will betray tbe coun try and its free institutions once more n to their hands. But, I may be asked, what evidence have 1 that England seeks an alliance with Texas. 1 am at liberty to refer to ho evidence sent to the Senate confiden tially, which has not been published; but it would seem to me that the more natural enquiry would be, what evidence is there that England will not, in obedi ence to her invariable policy, seek such an alliance? Why should she make Texas an exception, worth more to her, as I have before remarked, than her East India and China possessions ? Is it out of courtesy to us, as her only rival on this contine t? or is there any force in the intimation which has been made, that she dare not accept a proposition which has been made to us, and which we have refused ? What rightful cause of quarrel would WC have of her for thus accepting? I claim nothing more than ordinary sagacity in adopting the univer sal opinion in Texas, that Great Britain has anxiously endeavored to treat for that country; that the negotiations have been broken off by the strong popular sentiment in favor of annexation with this country; and that, if we reject the proposals made through her minister, Texas will probably in sixty days, form a treaty with Great Britain, which Brit ish interests will not fail to ratify. To reject this second proposition made to us in a spirit of brotherly kindness, by a people who feel that they are bone ol our bone, and flesh of otir flesh, will be noth ing short of contemptuously banishing them from our protection, to seek the aid of a toreign rival. To many kin dred portions of a common country, it will tie felt like tearing a limb from the living body; while to Texas it will bean indignity the more keenly lelt, because inflicted by their owu brethren. That it will produce an exasperation of the public mind, which, in addition to the preferences doubtlessly felt bya few ambi tious individuals for British annexation, will drive the country at once into the anxious embrace ot Great Britain, it ap pears to me tolly to doubt; and therefore 1 propose open and direct opposition, to a promise to lavor annexation at a future day. It is not to be disguised, fellowncitizens, that most of the opposition which is lelt or leigued against re-annexation grows out of the strong anti-slavery feeling which prevails in many parts of the coun try. Many, no doubt, in good faith, make conscientious objections, not found ed in this sentiment; but a large number make other objections, when opposition to slavery, either in themselves, or in the community, is the governing motive.— \‘l jjen we see the importance of aajjexa- VOL. II—NO 4. tion to all sections of the country, and the variety of interest beneficially affec ted by it, we may form some idea ol the strength of that objection, which, alone and unaided, makes annexation doubt ful. If Texas were not a slaveholding country, does any one imagine there would beany serious opposition to its annexation. And yet, fellow-citizens, it is difficult to account for the fact that a sent:met*, which is con fined almost exclusively to one section of the Union, and from ati past indications is far from being in the ascendant there, should so far have out weighed all considerations of interest and feeling in favor of this measure, as to have rendered re-annexation doubtful. It can only la? accounted for by the iact that the country is divided into two great rival parties, whose organization, i am sorry to believe, is rapidly becoming paramount to all considerations of policy and piin ciple. To what other cause can we as sign the sudden changes of men and communities on this subject ? Mr. Ciay comes out in opposition to annexation, and forthwith a large majority of his par ty—many up to that time professmsr strong devotion to the measure—hand themselves in united opposition to it.— On the other hand, Mr. Van Buren’s friends, expecting him to declare in fa vor of the measure, make known their feelings in advance. He unexpectedly takes position against the measure, and though fewer of his friends than those of Mr. Clay have accommodated then opinions to his, it is even now. ten days before the Baltimore Convention, doubt ful whether helms forfeited the nomina tion of his party, by the expression cf opinions on the most important question of the day, which not one out of ten of his friends can approve. I ask, then, is it strange that the Abo litionists, though relatively weak as a party, should have so much influence on this question, when they place it above all Considerations of party or the Presi dency, and go only for the man who is opposed to annexation ; when, on the other hand, so large a portion of those who are in favor of annexation, are w il ling to place the Presidency' so much above the question as to vote for the can didate of their own party, even if oppo sed to it. Though Mr. Clay will lose in all sections of the country many patriot ic friends by his opposition to annexation, yet it is doubtful if he is not ultimately more than compensated bv the united votes of the Abolitionists. The effi ct of the question, as to Mr. Van Bitten, is yet to be seen in the action of the Balti more Convention. In any event, the Abolitionists have shown their power; and have incontestably proved that by h ilding themselves aloof from party or ganization, and free to support any can didate supporting their wicked princi ples, they are stronger than all the slave holding States, bound by party ties to the support of a particular candidmc, and with no power to confer their votes, ex cept on the nominee of the party. in fact, the cause of immediate annex ation depends on its being strong enough to ride over tbe politicians of both ;ar ties. Mr. Clay’s friends are just as much interested in sinking the question of'l ex as, in order that, by Mr. Van Buren’s nomination, there may be no Texan candida'e, as are Mr. Van Btnen’s friends themselves. All of one parly, and many of the other, are thus united in the com mon object of keeping the issue out of the Presidential election ; while the great popular party, on whose broad shouidem the question can be safely and triumph antly carried, ask but a Texan standard to be raised, to conduct them to victory. Concluded in our next. The title of Itfexico to Texas. Facts are. stubborn things. History presents the following singular array of titles to Texas: In 1819 the country, including Texas, was ceded to Spa in by the United States, and of course Spain became its rightful owner. In 1321 Mexico, then a part of the Spanish dominions, revolted, and com menced her war of independence; Tex as then was a part of the country known as Mexico. The contest continued for years l»etween Spain and Mexico. It was during this contest that President Adams and Henry Clay, in 1825 and 1827, and lieu. Jackson and Martiu Van Buren, iu 1529, endeavored to purchase Texas of Mexico ; while, according to some, the latter had no right to seil if,* because Spam had not then acknowledg ed the right of Mexico to hold it; hut, on the contrary, hid formally protested against our government treating with tier as an independent nation. But be fore Spain did this—that is, in 1835 Texas revolted from Mexico, defeated Gen. Cos and one Mexican ar my in December, 1835, aud Santa Anna and another Mexican army in April, 183d, and to all intents and purposes be came a nation as much independent of Mexico as Mexico wgs independent cf Spain ; for Mexico exercised no more ju risdiction over Texas than Texas exerci se over Mexico; or than Spain exerci sed over Texas. Hot after the victories of San Anton i.5 and San Lp >to, and af ter the acknowledgment of her ladepeu-