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VOLUME II...NUMBER 5 I, MILLBDGEFILLE; published (weeklyJ by DENNIS L. RYAN. TUESDAY, MARCH 20, I 8 t O. t CONGRESS. IN SENATE OF THE U. STATES. Substance of the observations made by Mr. Crawford, in reply to Mr. Giles’s speech, an extrafl of which •was given in the last Argus, upon the passage of the bill for fitting out, (jfc. all the frigates of the U. States. Mr. Crawford, laid, before he entered on the difcuffion of the bill, Ire felt it his duty to declare, that in the obfervations he had made upon the motion for poftpotiement, he had not the mod diftant intention of inti mating that the gentleman from Vir ginia wifhed to involve the nation in a war, that he did not co'nfcLntioaf- !y believe to be necefl’ary for the prefervation of the honor or intered of the country. Mr. C. faid, that he had by his own ^efleftions, been led to conje£lure, that this additional naval force was intended to prote£l our commerce in time of peace, or to prepare the na tion for a declaration of war, which we intend to iffite, or expe£l to be if- fued againft us, by one or both of the great billegerent nations. The ob fervations of the gentleman fromVir. had fatisfied him that his conjectures are well founded. Thefe are the ob jects of this bill. But when a mea- fnre involving a conftderable expence is under consideration, it is neceffary and proper to enquire whether the means to be employed are adequate to the attainment of the objeft. | The inadequacy of the naval force of 1 the United States to the prote&ion of its commerce, is fo glaring as to ftrike the mod fuporficial obferver , at thefird blulh. If every frigate, ! Hoop and bomb-ketch in our navy I was a fird rate fliip of the line, it 1 would even then be wholly incompe- | tent to that obje£L If the United 1 States were to inved 100,000,000 dollars in veflels of war, and expend one fourth of that fum annually by employing it for the prote£lion of our commerce, it would dill be un- protetted, or the nation involved in war. As this additional naval force j is inadequate to the protection of ! our commerce, and has never been employed for that purpofc, it is but 1 reafonable to fuppofe that it is in- > tended to prepare the nation for a 1 declaration of war, which we intend , to iflue againd France or G. Britain. ‘ In the examination of this quedion we can only reafon from analogy. From our pad conduct, we may judge with fome degree of correCt- nefs, what we lhall do under fimilar cii cumdances What was thelitua- tion of the U. States in March lad ? The Britifh orders in council of the 11th November, 1807, were then unmodified, and in full operation ; every port in Europe which was {hut againd Britifh veflels, was de clared to be in a date of blockade ; all neutral veflels attempting to en ter them were fuhjed to capture & condemnation ; the right to trade to thofe ports could not be exercifed, until the neutral veflels had touched at a Britifh port, and paid a tranfit d'Tty, which, in fome cafes, exceed ed the original value of the cargo. Our commercial intercourfe with France was not more aufpicious. Our veflels and cargoes had been placed in a date of fcquedration, with an intimation, that their final difpofition would depend upon the cdurfe which this nation fliould adopt towards G. Britain. To re lieve the nation from the preffiire of thefe accumulated wrongs, the em bargo was inipofed—it was volun tarily fubmitted to for fourteen months and was then abandoned in a panic. When this meafure was repealed, did we declare war ? Did We ifliie letters of nvarque nnd re- prifal; or did the other Ho"fe drike from the non-intercourfe n£L a pvo- vifirn which authoiifed the Prefident to iflue them upon a fpetified con tingency ? Sir, if this nation ever inteded to declare war for any caufe fhoit of the invafion of its territory, or the bombardment of its cities, lad March was the time which ought to have been feized for its commencement. We had caufe, & more than caufe for war, if war would have procured redrefs. Our (hips were then in our own ports— our feamen were at home—the pro perty of the nation had been gathered in from the four winds of Heaven, and we were prepared to drike, where the enemy was vulnerable. We did not however declare War. Mr. C faid he was not convinced but that it is fortunate for the na tion that we did not, Although he thought and fflt differently upon the repeal Of the embargo. He was oppofed to its repeal, but for war, when it was repealed. What, fir, is our fmtation now when compared with March. 1809 ? The embargo, although vilified And abandoned here, proves efficacious. The ar rangement of the IDth of Apri- lad was the offering of the embar go. The abandonment of the em bargo produced the difavowal of that arrangement. The order of the 26rl\ of Anri), 1809, is dill in force, &alihough it fallsvery fliort of the ar rangement made At this place, yet it abandons the two mod important and obnoxious principles cif the or ders of the IIth November, 1807 The tranfit duty is given up, And the blockade of commercial P.urPpe, is rcfti-ained to Holland, Prance and the kingdom of Italy. Bv this mo dification our trade to all the reft of the world is unmolefted bv Britifh orders in council. Tf the compari- fon between our prefent fituation & that of March lad. be fairly drawn, there can be no difficulty in deciding, that as we did not then declare war, we (hall not do it trow. But it will be faid that, to all the injuries which G. Britain has committed agaifift ns, file has added the grofteft infult. Mr. C. faid that ho man was more fenfiblv affe&ed by ilie cCtinuft of the Britifh minifter towards this government than he was. He felt compalfion for thofe who could not. and contempt for thofe who would not, difeover the infult. But, fir, afe we to merge the aggravated and accumulated wrongs of the nation, in the quarrel between the negocia- tors of the two countries! If we are to have war, will any rational man be willing to reft it upon the infult offered by Jackfon to the govern ment, inftead of the long lift of at- trocious injuries, which we have fuffered from the injtiftice and ra pacity of Great Britain ? Certainly not. But, waving all the arguments againd our declaring war. which may he drawn from our pad cotidutt, Mr. C. faid, he would afk this hono rable body, whether the prefent fitUn- tion of the World does not folemnly admonifh this nation to Hand aloof from the dreadful ConvulftOns with which Europe for years part has been agitated to its Centre ? Tcs, fir, the charafler of the war, atitl the principles upon which it is conduct ed, adnVOnifh us in the molt lolemn manner to remain quiet Until its ftorrny billows (hall fubfide into a calm. In the wars which were be gun and carried on anterior to the French revolution, the Conqueft of a town or province was generally the obje£t and end of Iioflilities. Now a battle decides the fate of a king dom ; and the mightiefl empires are overthrown in a fingl<» campaign. The cltnnge in nautical warfare has not been lefs than that upon land. Formerly the capture or definition of a fmall part of tlte adverfc fquad- ron, was efteemed a glorious victory. Te Deum was fung in their chur ches, or the tower guns were fired. Now. if any part of the hollile fleet efcapes, the victorious officer is pun- iftied This conteft, fo fanguinary in its progiefs,and dcftrttClive in its confequences, muft ere long be brouglit to an end. Let it then be the wifdom of this nation to remain I at peace, as long as peace it within ! its option. Having (hewn from -our part; con- dud, that we do not mean to declare war, and alfo that Found policy for bids us to do it, it it neceflary to en quire into the probability of "its be ing declared againft us. Will France declare war againd the U. States ? In what relation do we (land to France ? She captures and condemns all our veflels which have been vifited by a Britifh veftel, or are bound to a a Britifh port. Is this all ? Does not France, under ‘iome pretext or other, fequeftet the molt of our veflels which have the temerity to enter French ports ? How would war affeCt this relation ? It would put and end to fequeftra- tion, and would greatly dimioilh the number of captures, bccaufe our vef- fels in that cafe Would arm in their defence. It is not the intered of France to declare War againd us— fhe will therefore avoid it. But ad mitting that France -fhould declare war—this additional naval force would be Unnccefifiry, as long as England continues the war and pre- ferves her national fuperiority. If this fhould beloft.it is not upor. a fl ?ct of ten fold the efficient force of our whole naval ellablifhmenr, that we mftft rely for defence againft 'the Gallic legions of Napoleon—No, fir, we muft rely upon ofcr own •in ternal drengfh, upon our union and pntriotifm, which wifi atu’wer every demand that cafi be made upon it by the mod trying emergency—the dreams of the timid, a'nd the predic tions of madmen to the contrary not- withftanding. But it is poflible that G. Britain will declare war againft us. Let us examine this fubjedl. Has G. fuch a meflage would be delivered, and dated its contents near one week before it reached the two Houfes of Congrefs. To account for this phenomenon, is neither within my power or province. The gentleman from Virginia has reiterated the oiri maxim, “ That to be prepared frtr war is the bed me thod of prefervtng peace,” and has declared that he fhould vote for this venue greater now than at th.it peri od, or lias the whole of the pub ic veflels then retained, ever been put in fervice, from that year until tin ptefent time ? Let the recordstif the nation decide. At that time the Se cretary of the Navy according to nv information, confeuted to nvauare the naval eflablifhmout with900,u * dollars, and upon that content the ’internal taxes were repealed. If we bill upon that principle. This maxim Are at liberty to conira-d the expen- has the authority of great names I: jilt's of the navy of any two years by may be true to a particular extent, j way of eftnblifbing the charge of in- If thefe preparations are of fuch a cnnfiftency, let us tike the prefent nature as to make the nation iiivul i and lad year Did we call into feY- nerable, it it true. But, fir, when the : vice the whole of the navy lad yem ? preparations amount to the equip- | Is the necefhtv for this mealuie ment of five frigdtes, and the nation j dronger now than at that rime"? No againd whom thefe preparations are man will venture the afiertion. The made, can launch a 1000 veflels of expenditure of the navy was lad war againft us, who can lerioufly year 2,379,267 dollars, and if this urge this maxim as a jullification of bill palfleS, it Will rife this year to 2 the meafures ? It is in vain for us to 1-2 millions. The gentleman from contend upon the ocean with a na- i Maryland, (Mr.-Smith j lias no ap- tion who expends annually, more prehenfion of war, And yet votes for than 300,000,000 of dollars a fum the bill upon principles of economy fix times greater than the whole a- —but he is only for rtpairine the mount of our exports. The charge of inconfiftertcy againft thofe who oppofe the paffage of this bill, has been but feebly fupported. By way of enforcing this charge, we are told that when this government was in the hands of federal gentlemen they fancied it was too weak, and at tempted to legiflate energy into'it, by creating a navy and encreafing the Handing army. The people could not be made to feel or perceive this want of energy, and turned them out of power. The republicans, fays the gentleman, who l’ucceedcd them, like the pendulum of a clock, very naturally vibrated to tire other ex- Britain any intered which can be treeme, and have nearly fucceeded fubferved by war with the U. ; in legiflating energy out of the gov- Stntes ? Is the commerce of this ernment.—That he was opnoled to country beneficial to her ? She en- both extremes- Sir, it is not for me joys all of it which fire wifhes She to decide whether the gentleman veflels, and not employing th :n t while the gentleman from Viren.ia intends to repair and employ th. One gentleman fays, the fu-m appro priated includes not only repairs, but rigging, &c and the other lays, that the fum is more rh.in fufficient Tne report of the Secretary of the Navy proves that this fum is f6r repairs only—and another repb’rt (hews that 150,000 dollars weYe laft year trans ferred from the article of provifi'ons to the article of repairs. It the fame thing does not -happen in the pre fent cafe, it ought to excite fnrpri'ze. \\ e were told the other day by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhoufe) that he hoped this bill would receive a unanimous Vote. The lame gentleman ehjedtx to the expence of the bill for the organising 2O.O()0 volunteer null ia. Th gets by purchase or capture all which fhe wants from us. For the fird flie pays a moderate price, and for the l ift flie pays nothing. But what is of equal importance to her, ! )y incorrect, when he fays we purchafe her manufactures. In the full enjoyment of all the benefits of our commerce, {he refttnins her adverfaVy from all participation with her in thofe benefits. But admitting is < X- from Virginia has alone been con* | ponce Will not exceed 500.000 <U 1- filtcnt, while the reft of his frh lids ' lars while the frigates, the cbjedl of have vibrated from one extreme to his a’ffe&ion, will cud more than the other. The gentleman is certain- double that sum. To ufe his own which was created by a federal ad miniltratton wax by that adminillra- there is danger of war with England, • tion reduced to what they called a of what fervice will thefe few ad- peace eftabliflinidnt. In this fnuntion ditional frigates be againft the 1000 it was found by the late admjnillra- fltips of war which that nation Can tion ; wtiO fo fat from running into put in commilfion ? The honorable • the extreme, dopped fhoTt in the chairman of the committee favsr falutary work of reform. It will be thcyWill anfwer thetwofoldpurpofcs ' recolledVed that at the downfall of of defending our ports and harbors* the federal adminidration, the mod and of annoying the commerce of gloomy predictions were uttered by the enemy. To this it may be an- the advocates of a finking caufe— fwerec, that if they are kept in Our ; every thing faerrd—every thing ven- ports for their delence, they canUot erahle—every thing in fadl which annoy the trade of the enttny. If links and binds fociety together, was they are fent out *0 prey upon the according to federal declamation, to commerce of the enemy, but feW, be trodden Under foot, and torn a- if any of them, will ever return to funder by then- fu'cceflors, whom defend our ports. I they branded with the odious epithet The Prefulent’s melfage of the 3'd I of jacobins. Unfortunately for the inft. has been introduced by the j caufe of reformation, at this precife chairman of the committee in fup- j time, the hopes of the philantjiropift port of this bill. Feeble muft be the aid which this meafure can de rive from that lource. This ntef- fage in point of obfCurity, comes nearer my idea of a Delphic oracle than any date paper which has come under my infpe£Iion. It is fo cau- tioufty exprefled that every man puts what conftru£iion upon it he pleafes. Is he for war ? The meflage breathes nothing but deftrudlion and blood- fhed. Is he for peace ? The mef- fage is mere milk and water, and wholly pacific. Is he for the hill before you ? The meflage calls for its paffitge. Is he a friend to a large Handing army ? Why then the mef- fage means 20,000 regular troops. Is he friendly to the militia ? The meflage does not call for regular troops—it means militia. Thus, fir, this mcffhge means any thing, or nothing, at the will of the commen tator. If this meflage is oracular in its meaning, it was no lefs miraculous In its promulgation. The news-pa pers to the ead of this, dated that the 11a- \ expreflion in relation to the val efUblilhmcnt was reduced and j teers, a high founding meafure might fixed upon its prefent footing by a | receive my vote if it was not an ex- republican adminidration. 'Iffienavy pefinveone, but 1,2tH),tr<)0 or 1,50<.)» 000 is too large a fum to throw away in vaporing in the prefent exhautted Hate of the treatuiy. The gentle man from Connc£licut ft his friend# are afting confiiftentlv in fupoortihg tins bill. They are fuppoiting a fy f» tem which owes its birth to them. They believed,and no doubt honed* ly, that a government which relied for fupport only on the utility ot it# meafures, would be weak and itu f» ficient They endeavoured to ltretigtheh it by creating A fyftcni of patronage and for that purpofc the navy was built, and for tha r pur- pofe, and that alone, is It calculated. Blit the time when this navy was built, and the purpofes for which it was odenfthly deftined, enabled them to reafon more plaufible in it3 favor than we can for the additional expence called for by this bill. They intended, to employ it a- gainft France, where it wouM be effi cient to a particular extent. We intend to employ ours, if it is to be employed at all, againft G. Britain, where it will be holly inefficient, & worfe than inefficient. But, fir, our naval force is not to be employed at all, if the two poffi- tions, attempted to be eftablifhed in my previous obferVations, be cot- re£l. If we do not intend to de clare war, nor expett it to be de clared againd 'US, what apology have we for incurring this enormous ex- pence i What apology have we to embark in war expenses, When we intend, and expedl to be at peace ? Gentlemen who think with me, who believe that we fhall r.ct have war & that fo far, as depends upon our own a£lions, we ought not to have it, will do welt to rcfletl that when out (lets are equipped, and armies raifed, we muft employ them—we mwft go to war to juitify ourfclvrj to ilia nation for tlte exorbitant ex» and patriots were bladed in France The blind fury of th< ir unprincipled demagogues, their jacobinical lead ers under the fpecious pretext of re form, had trampled upon every in- ftitution in that country, which was held dear by the people, and the lad ray of hope, that rational liberty would be eftablifhed in that nation, had periflied forever. Under thefe circumftanccs the new adminiftra- tion, cautioufly guarded againft the charge of innovation, dopped fliort of their duty. They ought to have amputated this fungus of the body politic, and rcltored it to a found and healthy date. This was not done, and the nation has confequently fpent about 12,000,000 of dollars upon it. But We are informed that the navy in 1800-1 was larger than it now is, although our revenue was then inferior to what it is now. If we refufe now to pUt in commifliou and fervice all the veflels which weie not fold in 1800-i, wv* Band cohVl&cd of inconfilUffCy. But, fir, is the IS-