Georgia Argus. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1808-1816, May 29, 1810, Image 1

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o VOLUME .NUMBER MILL.KDGEVILLE: published (weekly) by DENNIS L. RTAN. TUESDAY, MAY i 8 ro. Dr. Bibb’s Speech. CONGRESS. House of Representatives Monday, ■'January 29 The bill rcfpe£ling the commer cial intercourfe between the United States and Great Britain and France and for other purpofes, under confi deration. b tftion, fliall the bill pafs ? Mr Bibb faid he was fo extremely anxious for a decision of the queftion, that he would not folicit for a mo ment the attention of the houfe, did he not know that other gentlemen intended to exprefs their fentiments upon it In th prefent embarrafled Rate of our foreign relations (faid Mr. B ) a difference of opinion upon the meafures to be adopted was to Have been expected ; but fir I rejoice that on this occafipn the line of par ty has not been drawn—that a fpir- it of liberality highly honorable to this aflbmbly has been manifefted throughout the different fcages of tire pTcfent debate. For myfelf, I have felt a degree of diffidence in my ov.m opinion upon thefubje£t, proportion ate to the difficulties with which we an? furroutided.—I have called into ail ion the refonrees of my ownmind, and lifteneil with attention to the ar guments of others, for the purpofe, if poflible, of affertaining what courfe would beft promote the welfare of the country The rcfult, aided by the circum (tar, cos which have accom panied the progiefs of this hill, has confirmed me ill the opinions 1 ori ginaily formed, not only of the pro priety but th ’ ueccffuy of paffing it. — What are thofe circumftances ? When firfc introduced by the gentle man from North Carolina (Mr. Ma con) whofe recommendation is enti tled to as much refpefl as that of a- ny man in the nation, this bill had fcarcely friends enough to obtain lodgings for it in the houfe ; and if all we read is to be believed, it would have fared badly—very badly indeed ow of the houfe. And now we have til? ftrongeft evidence, (the vote which was taken a few days ago,) that its advocates conliitute a major s'y pi this affembly— every day’s dif- cuflion has added to the number of its fiiends, and if we may judge of the ftTure from the pad, the more it lh.t!l be inveltigated, the fewer will be the number of its enemies.—It I i'ul *ed it be underftood that gentle- I men a>e influenced by the honeft I convictions of their molt deliberate judgments, fuch is the pride of opin ion, that nothing lefs than the om nipotence of tru h itfelf. could have removed the prejudices which were exceed again!! it. in tin? prefent unexampled Rate of the world, Mr Speaker, it ought not to be fuppofed that any courle can be preferibed which fhall be entirely free from ohjeftion. We may de- rermine what is morally right Sc how Ur the two great belligerents of Eu rope departed from the moral and puhiic law, but unlel3 we had the rm*ns of etiforceing that determina tion. it will be perfectly unavailing. Every man who is really an Ameri can in feeling ft in fentiment—who n not infenfibic to the impullc of pa. U tiiotifm, will acknowledge, that Eng. m land and France have disregarded all ■ moral obligations, ft wantonly tramp- H led fen the rights of this unoffending El nation. But fir, the great queftion T® xve are called upon to decide, is, ■ what (hall.be done to remedy the e- 9 vil—to maintain onr rights. In the 9 adoption of meafures ior the attain- ment of tluji? objects, our view muft ttecc-ffnily bo comparative—our ib'ice, a choice of evils. While the fill rpfentnient of ail injured people might lead them to ails of defpera- ti.iii, it li Iioves the guardians of their rights, who have a view of the whole ground, to confult their molt delib- •."•o jud inii'iiti—to afeertaiu before they ail, that their means are ade quate to the attainment of the ob- T’vUf;r which th"-; ire to be em ployed, fc to purfue that practicable courfe which promifes the molt ad vantage?. Such in my humble ap- piehenfion is character of the bill before you. What is the fifuation of this country ? For years paft we have had ample caufe for war with botli England & France- our rights have been invaded, our fovereignty infulted ; but owing to the peculiar ftate of the civilized world and in conformity with the genius of our government, ali honorable exertions have Wen made to avoid the vortex of the prefent war in Europe, into which each of the belligerents has been anxious to engage us ngainft the other. We have thus far fuc- ceoded, and as I contend without re- linquifhing any of theeffential rights of the country. We have forborne it is true to avenge our wrongs.— The nation has been preferved in peace—the people are comparatively I'.appy, while Europe prefents a feene of nailery, carnage and devaftation which has not been furpaffed in the annals of the world. The people have been fuhjected to fome priati- ons and inconveniencies, but if they can compare their prefent fituation with that of the moil favored people on earth, without feeling grateful for their diftinguiflied lot, they muft indeed be unthankful. Sir, they are happy and contented in the enjoy ment of peace and plenty, and I per ceive the ftrotigeft pofiible induce ments to (land aloof for the prefent, from the dreadful conflict which has fhaken the old world to the cen tre. The war is near a clofe—Eng land, the author of moft of our pre fent political evils, is now writhing under the confequences of her own injuftice.—‘The period is fail ap proaching when flie will be compell ed to fue for peace—when The will be conftrained to terminate a conteft which has defolatcd tlie faired por tions of Europe and extended its ef fects throughout the civilized world. It is well known to every man who hears me that out of the prefent war has grown our principle difputes, and that they will neceffarily ceafc with the war. I afk then whether it can be politic for us to aepert from the paths of peace for the attainment of objects which will ceafe to exift fo foon as peace is reftored ? At fuch a moment as the prefent “ big with the fate of empires” it does appear to me fir, that we fhould take warning from the examples be fore us—that we fhould await the approaching crifis.—I do not mean to fay that war is the greatefl of evils, or that our form of government is unfit for the purpofes of war under any circumftances. No fir. But as it is the only government in the world founded in the will of the people, lo it is the only government in the world where that will is all important to the profecution of a iucccfsful war. Convince them that an appeal to arms is iudifpenfible for the prefervation of their rights,& the people and the government are as far Superior to thofe of other countries for the purpofes of war, as they are for the enjoyment of liberty and peace. And why fir ? Becaufe the government is free, and its foldiers are freemen,—In other nations the voice of the people is net heard— they are compelled to fightthe battles of their mafters, for objeCts over whicli they have no eontroul, and in which they feel no intereft ; but it is file peculiar and diflinguifhed at tribute of this people to rule their rulers Are they- at this moment u- nited for war ? I know, fir, that the people whom I have the honour to reprefent, are ready to encounter a- ny difficulties—to br.ivcanv dangers in defence of their rights becaufe the love of country is their ruling paflion. But I afk, is the nation in a ftate of preparation to commence hoflilities with a renfonnhle profpeCt of gaining by the conteft ? In my humble opi nion it is not; and to talk of war in the prefent fituation of party divifi- ons, is out of the queftion. With the knowledge which J have, that a large majority of this Houfe are de termined for the prefent not to take an hoftile attitude I will not confent to conceal from the people the real intentions of their rCprefentativcs, nor will I deceive them by holding out rhe expectation of war when in faCt it is not to be apprehended.— When gentlemen propefe to lay an embargo preparatory to war, they fhould rccolleCt that we have had an embargo, and that to their difgracc it lias been abandoned. That em bargo was laid by an overwhelming majority for the purpofe of compell ing the belligerents to refpcCt our rights by its operation on their in- terefts—of fecuring the property of this nation, and of being prepared for offenfive meafure3 if they be came fieceffary. The firft objeCt was in part, and would have been wholly accomplifhed, of which we have ■ evidence irrefutable, but for : the premature ■abandonment cf the •meafure ; and the latter objeCts were fully attained. Why was it ropeal- I ed ; Becaufe a majority were con vinced of its inefficiency ? No fir, a large majority of both Houfes of Congrefs at the very moment it was repealed, did confider it the moft fiiccefsful mode of warfare that could be waged againft the enemies of our peace •, and vet a large ma jority voted for its repeal. Yes fir, the fame majority who acknowledge their firm conviction that the embar go was doing more to enforce a ref pcCt for our rights than can now be effected by war. Yet under fuch aufpicious circumftances it was a- ■ bandoned—and why ? Becaufe of the clamour of the minority. The people were deceived—they were particularly in one portion of the u- nion, induced to fufpeCi the patriot- ifm of their rulers—to believe that the meafures had been adopted in fubfetvency to the views of Napole on, and that it could never bring Eng land to our terms. The minority was apparently incrcafingin number, and in an evil hour you hullded the fhield of your defence. Why was war not then declared ? The fame caufes which are now urged in favor of fuch a courfe exifted then, and feme of the moft objectionable fea tures of the orders in council which was then in force, have been (nice abandoned by the Britiffi government. We were then in r. much better fitu ation to meet the -conflict than we poffibly can be now. Our floating capital was fafe in port, and much foreign property in the country.— England was threatened with alarm ing commotions for the want of our provifions and raw materials. But the feene is now changed—(he has a fufficiencv of our product—an hundred millions at lead of our pro perty is within her grafp—the party in this country who occafinned an abandonment of the Embargo and who prevented a refort to war, when it might have been waged fuccefs- fully, has cncreafed, Sc fir, notwith- ftanding all thel'e unpropitious cir cumftances fome of thofe very gen tlemen who were driven from the high ground they had honorably ta ken, again propofe to us Embargo and War. For one I will not confent under fuch circumftances to embark in a conteft, in which we have been once defeated, when every confeder ation was favorable to a complete triumph—becaufe I am unwilling to be defeated again. Gentlemen fhould rccolleCt that the effort had been made under cir cumftances much more favorable than the prefent, and they cannot be ignorant of the caufes whicli ren dered it abortive. They are to be found in the mifreprefentations of defigning men in the differences of opinion which prevailed among ho- nefl men, and in the want of firm* nefs in congrefs. The people were told that England Wanted peace with this coun try—that fhe had done us no material injury—that the priva tions we had impofed were the con- fcquencc of a determined holtility towards her, ar.d cf a dsfuc to juo- mote the views of the emperor of France. Well fir, go to war in the prefent ftate of the country and you muft expeCt difafter in the com mencement at lead What will then be f.tiil ? Why that the warwasun- neceffiiry in the beginning would be diftruCtive in its confequences and 'null be ended If you were com pel led to abandon the embargo, when no douot was entertained, that in fix months it would fettle your dif putes ; I afk in the name of com mon fenfc, is it probable the war would be continued until the objects lliouhi be attained for which it was begun t Thefeare unpleafant reflec tions—I wil purfue them no further. But I beg gentlemen to take warn ing from the paft—to occupy no ground which they ate not lure can be maintained with honor to the na tion. In this country, Mr. Speaker, it is proper not only that the people fhould be fatisfied of the indifpenfable ne- cefiity of war before it he retorted to ; but that thofe who adminifter the executive branch of the govern ment—whocouduCt all negotiations with foreign nations, and who con- fequently are better acquainted with our relative fituation than other per- fons poffibly can be, lhould alfo con- cur in the opinion, What evidence have you of a difpofition on the part of the executive to make an appeal to arms ? None fir. On the contra ry the courfe which Ius been purfu ed fince the difmiffil of Jackfoti 'and ] am far from cenfuring it) preclu-l 'S the idea of taking a Warlike attitude. The ‘faith of the nation is pledged as far as it could be by the executive, to receive another minifter from Er.g land, and to renew negociation in the event that Jackfon fliall be recal led. The meff.ige of the prefideat to congrefs & the inftrutlions which have been fent to our mtntfter at London, arc fufficicnt to fatisfy the mind of every mail, that the admin- iftrntion prefer for the prefent, ne- gociation to war. If indeed, as fome gentlemen fuppofe, the prefident is for war, I have no hefitation in fay ing he has failed to perforin a ref- ponfible, conftitutional, and impera tive duty The conllitution declares “ he {bull from time to time give to the congrefs information of the ftate of the union, and recommend to ffieir confideration fuch meafures he fliall judge neceffary and expedient ” I am not difpofed to believe that the prefideni has ihrunk from his duty —he has not judged a refort to war neceffary and expedient, he has pre- i ferred further negociation, and he has given congrefs fo to underftand Under fuch circumftance , therefore I will not confent to incur war ex peaces for a peace eftablifhment. What then, it may be alked, is to be done } Shall the non-imcrccurfe be continued l For one, I hope and truft it will not be continued It cannot be the inferefl of this coun try to continue a meafure which gives England a monopoly of the com merce of the world, which yields the principal objeti it has been her poli cy to attain, and holds out the ftrong- eft inducement for a continuance of her obnoxious orders. What are its effe&s at home i To demoralize your citizens, by prefenting tempta tion for the evafion of your laws— by embargoing the purfuits of the lioneit merchant, & affording a pre mium for the vileft fraud and collu- fion. Sir, if the wifdom of congrels had been exerted to its utmolt ex tent, to divife the ways and means of enriching the moft wortlilefs part of the community at the expence of the honed, they could not have hit upon a project better calculated to attain the objedl than the prefent non-in- tercourle. Compare the high price of cotton abro.ui with the price m this country, or at Amelia Illand, from whence it is carried in liritilii veffels and on Britifh account, where ver it is wanted, and tell me if it be not an a£l of political fuicide. l int it is ruinous to the revenue, there is am^lc teltimonv beloji; the houfe) from the Trealury Department, an,: > eve v man knows that while it dr- prcfTes the ptice of ( ,ur prnducls, i: has e-.'lanced' the- price of lb fifth goods from fifty t o an hundred per cent , _ But, fir, we are told that the non- intercourfe produced the arrange ment with Mr. Erlkitie. The memo ries of tlie gentlemen have certain- ly been unfaithful to them on the , prefent occafiou. 1'ne embargo pro» j duccd the arrangement—-the nnn-in- | tercourfc was tlie caufe of thedifa- vowal If gentlemen will examine dates they will find that it was per- ! fi-’&ly impoflible the non-intercourfe could have had any fhare in the ar rangement ; and that on the contrary they will perceive tlie flrongeft cir- cumfiancia! credence in fupport of rhe embargo, it would have been confirmed by the Britifh govern ment. What were tiie circumftances | under which Mr Oakly was dif- j patched to this country with the in- j ftvudtions authorifing as Mr. £r.1; : ne fuppofed, the arrangement that was made ? When he left London, all the inform ition which had been received from this qu irtcr, was cal culated to infpire the moft perf a flit mice that the embirgo would bs : adhered to, and rigidly enforced ; & ; that non importation would be ad- | ded to noil-exportation The mimf- try h id leen the almoft unauimous j adop ion of Mr. Camph.-Il's rep , r c j tn which it was fole nnly determined [ that therev.-erebut three alternatives, embargo, war nr fulmiiffiuti, & ihar we would not fubmir. A gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) had alfo offered a refolution for con verting tlie embargo into a total non intercourfe, (not to fubflitute the one for the other,) and a determi nation was manifefted by an over whelming majority to petfevere in our^ rcftri£live meafures until the caufes which had given war to therm fhould be removed. Ee it alfo re membered, fir, that it was within a few days after the intelligence -of thefe tranfaftions arrived in England Mr Oakly was ordered to, and failed for the U. S. Such was the ftate o£ things here, and fuch rhe nature of the information in pofleflion of the miniltry, and how is it poffibie that a meafure which was not in tvift- ence nor thought of at that time, could have produced the cffedl which ha been aferibed to it For myfelf I am fatisfied that England, forely affected by the embargo - y feverclv pie fled from another quarter, and a- larmed at the fpiiit of refentment which had been manifefted in the council i of chi; ration, inftiu&ed Mr. E'fkinoto make the beft terms he could—but in ali events to come to fome retms He accordingly made an arrangement (and as it was his duty to do) endeavored as far as po£- fible to conceal the real caufe which, led to it and to make the impreflion that it had rcfulted from the friendly difpofition of his majefty, when iit fad it was the confequence of com- pulfion. Unfortunately for the na tion, the news c* the abandonment of the ground xvc had taken reached England with the arrangement, and ft was rejected. Sir, I fee! no liefi. tation in exprefiing my firm convic tion, th,:t if the embargo had con,i- nued fix months longer the arrange ment wouid have been confirmed— that Mr. fclkine was authorilcd to make it, and that the difavowal was the perfidious a£t of a moft fai:JjId ; ; government. But fay geuilcmcn, the non-inf;”- courfe is a proteft againft the edicts of thi belligerents, and as fuch ou not to be abandoned. How a meal, ure, which, wliile it profeflesrelent, mem for injuries received, thro” ; millions into the poiketa of your ad- vcvlaty, can he cotftidered an honor able proteft, is to my mind potfecti r incomp,ehenfible It may n-d, e l be a pi etc It m name, but t is fubniil- fiou m t.itt. 1 lie b l. before y, n ,s really a pi deft lui . bo 1 U> the li n - tien of ,n -c u try ,i i y cvet.. if/: Call ll.innell, a.n. a^ tai as it ts